Factored Neural Machine Translation on Low Resource Languages in the COVID-19 Crisis
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Lunyole Phonology Statement App 1.Doc
Date: 4 th September, 2006 Issue: 1 Status: Approved SIL Uganda-Tanzania Branch Lunyole Project Lunyole Phonology Statement Author: Rev. Enoch Wandera Namulemu Approvers: Steve Nicolle – Linguistics Consultant © SIL International 2006 Document Title: Lunyole Date:4 th September, 2006 Phonology Statement Issue: 1 Status: Approved Table of Contents 1 Distribution List ............................................................................................................................ 5 2 Document Storage: ........................................................................................................................ 6 3 Document History Log .................................................................................................................. 6 4 Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................................... 7 5 INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................................... 8 5.1 Name of the Language and its speakers ................................................................................ 8 5.2 Geography ............................................................................................................................. 8 5.3 Demography .......................................................................................................................... 8 5.4 Language family ................................................................................................................... -
Marie-Neige Umurerwa
“For me, switching from one language to another is like switching from one music or rhythm to another, from one tone to another” Hello! My name is Marie-Neige Umurerwa. My family and I live in Lier (a city in the province of Antwerp). I am a Belgian-Rwandan French-speaking. I speak six languages: Kinyarwanda, French, Lingala, Kiswahili, English and Dutch. Thanks to my mother, I have had the opportunity to travel a lot and I lived in different countries. I came to Belgium at the age of 9. That is how I acquired my multilingualism. I have always loved learning languages. For me, switching from one language to another is like switching from one music or rhythm to another, from one tone to another. Depending on what you feel, depending on how you experience things at the moment. For me, language is a translation of emotions. The more languages we speak, the more opportunities we have to access the hearts and emotions of people. Learning one or more languages should be done spontaneously and with pleasure, like a game. The sooner we start learning languages as a child, the more effective it will be. Rwanda has four official languages, and everyone is able to speak more than one language. In a discussion, people easily switch from one language to another. We switch from English to French or from Kinyarwanda to Swahili. After a visit to my home country, I went to a restaurant with my family. The waiter came to take our order. When it was my turn, my eyes were fixed on the menu and without even realizing it I place my order in Kinyarwanda! Of course, my family laughed and when I looked up, I saw the waiter - in shock - asked me; "Excuseer Mevrouw, ik heb niks begrepen, wat zei u?” This situation happens to me often. -
Prioritizing African Languages: Challenges to Macro-Level Planning for Resourcing and Capacity Building
Prioritizing African Languages: Challenges to macro-level planning for resourcing and capacity building Tristan M. Purvis Christopher R. Green Gregory K. Iverson University of Maryland Center for Advanced Study of Language Abstract This paper addresses key considerations and challenges involved in the process of prioritizing languages in an area of high linguistic di- versity like Africa alongside other world regions. The paper identifies general considerations that must be taken into account in this process and reviews the placement of African languages on priority lists over the years and across different agencies and organizations. An outline of factors is presented that is used when organizing resources and planning research on African languages that categorizes major or crit- ical languages within a framework that allows for broad coverage of the full linguistic diversity of the continent. Keywords: language prioritization, African languages, capacity building, language diversity, language documentation When building language capacity on an individual or localized level, the question of which languages matter most is relatively less complicated than it is for those planning and providing for language capabilities at the macro level. An American anthropology student working with Sierra Leonean refugees in Forecariah, Guinea, for ex- ample, will likely know how to address and balance needs for lan- guage skills in French, Susu, Krio, and a set of other languages such as Temne and Mandinka. An education official or activist in Mwanza, Tanzania, will be concerned primarily with English, Swahili, and Su- kuma. An administrator of a grant program for Less Commonly Taught Languages, or LCTLs, or a newly appointed language authori- ty for the United States Department of Education, Department of Commerce, or U.S. -
Chapter 16 the Locative Applicative and the Semantics of Verb Class in Kinyarwanda Kyle Jerro University of Texas at Austin
Chapter 16 The locative applicative and the semantics of verb class in Kinyarwanda Kyle Jerro University of Texas at Austin This paper investigates the interaction of verb class and the locative applicative inKin- yarwanda (Bantu; Rwanda). Previous analyses of applicative morphology have focused al- most exclusively on the syntax of the applied object, assuming that applicativization adds a new object with a transparent thematic role (e.g. Kisseberth & Abasheikh 1977; Baker 1988; Bresnan & Moshi 1990; Alsina & Mchombo 1993; McGinnis 2001; Jeong 2007; Jerro 2015, in- ter alia). I show instead that the interpretation of the applied object is contingent upon the meaning of the verb, with the applied object having a path, source, or goal semantic role with motion verbs from different classes. The general locative role discussed in previous work appears with non-motion verbs. I outline a typology of the interaction of the locative applicative with four different verb types and provide a semantic analysis of applicativiza- tion as a paradigmatic constraint on the lexical entailments of the applicativized variant of a particular verb. 1 Introduction The applicative has been traditionally analyzed as a valency-increasing morpheme which adds a new object and an associated thematic role to the argument structure of a given verb (see Dixon & Aikhenvald 1997 and Peterson 2007 for a typological overview of va- lency-changing morphology cross-linguistically). An example from Kinyarwanda (Ban- tu; Rwanda) is given in (1b), with the applicative morpheme -ir:1 (1) a. Umu-gabo a-ra-ndik-a in-kuru. 1-man 1S-pres-write-imp 9-story ‘The man is writing the story.’ b. -
1 Parameters of Morpho-Syntactic Variation
This paper appeared in: Transactions of the Philological Society Volume 105:3 (2007) 253–338. Please always use the published version for citation. PARAMETERS OF MORPHO-SYNTACTIC VARIATION IN BANTU* a b c By LUTZ MARTEN , NANCY C. KULA AND NHLANHLA THWALA a School of Oriental and African Studies, b University of Leiden and School of Oriental and African Studies, c University of the Witwatersrand and School of Oriental and African Studies ABSTRACT Bantu languages are fairly uniform in terms of broad typological parameters. However, they have been noted to display a high degree or more fine-grained morpho-syntactic micro-variation. In this paper we develop a systematic approach to the study of morpho-syntactic variation in Bantu by developing 19 parameters which serve as the basis for cross-linguistic comparison and which we use for comparing ten south-eastern Bantu languages. We address conceptual issues involved in studying morpho-syntax along parametric lines and show how the data we have can be used for the quantitative study of language comparison. Although the work reported is a case study in need of expansion, we will show that it nevertheless produces relevant results. 1. INTRODUCTION Early studies of morphological and syntactic linguistic variation were mostly aimed at providing broad parameters according to which the languages of the world differ. The classification of languages into ‘inflectional’, ‘agglutinating’, and ‘isolating’ morphological types, originating from the work of Humboldt (1836), is a well-known example of this approach. Subsequent studies in linguistic typology, e.g. work following Greenberg (1963), similarly tried to formulate variables which could be applied to any language and which would classify languages into a number of different types. -
The Use of the Augment in Nguni Languages with Special Reference to the Referentiality of the Noun Eva-Marie Bloom Ström & Matti Miestamo
[Draft, August 2020; to appear in Lutz Marten, Rozenn Guérois, Hannah Gibson & Eva-Marie Bloom-Ström (eds), Morphosyntactic Variation in Bantu. Oxford: Oxford University Press.] The use of the augment in Nguni languages with special reference to the referentiality of the noun Eva-Marie Bloom Ström & Matti Miestamo Abstract This chapter examines the use of the augment, a prefix preceding the noun class prefix, in a number of language varieties in the Nguni subgroup of Bantu languages. The study of these closely related varieties, which show striking similarities as well as differences in the use of the augment, gives new insights into developmental tendencies of the augment. All contexts in which the augment can be omitted are non-fact contexts. Contrary to what has previously been argued for some varieties, however, we find that the presence vs. absence of the augment does not mark a referentiality distinction. It is argued that referentiality constitutes a semantic and pragmatic explanation to the absence and presence of the augment in different contexts in a diachronic perspective, but that this function is eroded in present-day Nguni. What remains is a limited referentiality distinction for some speakers in some varieties. The loss of function explains why the augment is included in the noun in nearly all contexts in some varieties, and omitted everywhere in others. Due to its loss of function, the augment has become free to participate in sociolinguistic and stylistic variation in some Bantu languages. Key-words: negation, non-fact, referentiality, augment, morphosyntax, Nguni 1. Introduction The aim of this paper is to explore the connection between the use of a nominal prefix in Bantu referred to as the augment1 and (non-)referentiality, such as has been claimed to exist in Swati: 2 (1) a. -
Name Language E-Mail Phone City French Swahili Lingala Hemba Kiluba Kirundi Kinyarwanda Swahili French French Swahili Lingala 4
Name Language E-mail Phone City French Swahili 1 Beatrice Mbayo Lingala [email protected] 859 -457 -7205 Lexington Hemba Kiluba Kirundi Kinyarwanda 2 Brigitte Nduwimana [email protected] 859-913-1419 Lexington Swahili French French 3 Christine Yohali Swahili [email protected] 859-368-2276 Lexington Lingala 4 Durar Shakir Arabic [email protected] 618-924-0629 Lexington Kinyarwanda 5 Lodrigue Mutabazi [email protected] 615-568-1689 Lexington Swahili Swahili 6 Modest M Bittock Kinyarwanda [email protected] (859)285-3740 Lexington Kirundi 7 Ranuka Chettri Nepali [email protected] 859-312-8216 Lexington 8 Shaza Awad Arabic [email protected] 606-215-9571 Lexington Kirundi Kinyarwanda 9 Tite Niyonizigiye [email protected] 859-368-3167 Lexington Swahili French Somali 10 Abdirizak Mohamed [email protected] 502-450-1346 Louisville Mai-Mai Dari Farsi Urdu Persian 11 Abdul Hasib Abdul Rasool [email protected] 502-337-4550 Louisville Hindi Russian Ukrainian Pashto Somali Swahili 12 Amina Mahamud [email protected] 207-415-5118 Louisville Mai Mai Hindi Dari Persian 13 Aneela Abdul Rasool Farsi [email protected] 502-337-5587 Louisville Urdu Hindi Nepali 14 Buddha Subedi [email protected] 502-294-1246 Louisville Hindi 15 Chandra Regmi Nepali [email protected] 502-337-5524 Louisville Kinyarwanda Swahili 16 Chantal Nyirinkwaya French [email protected] 502-299-4169 Louisville Kirundi Lingala Burmese 17 Hnem Kim [email protected] 502-298-4321 Louisville Chin Kinyarwanda 18 Jean de Dieu Nzeyimana Kirundi -
Hyman Paris Bantu PLAR
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley PhonLab Annual Report Title Disentangling Conjoint, Disjoint, Metatony, Tone Cases, Augments, Prosody, and Focus in Bantu Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/37p3m2gg Journal UC Berkeley PhonLab Annual Report, 9(9) ISSN 2768-5047 Author Hyman, Larry M Publication Date 2013 DOI 10.5070/P737p3m2gg eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UC Berkeley Phonology Lab Annual Report (2013) Disentangling Conjoint, Disjoint, Metatony, Tone Cases, Augments, Prosody, and Focus in Bantu Larry M. Hyman University of California, Berkeley Presented at the Workshop on Prosodic Constituents in Bantu languages: Metatony and Dislocations Université de Paris 3, June 28-29, 2012 1. Introduction The purpose of this paper is to disentangle a number of overlapping concepts that have been invoked in Bantu studies to characterize the relation between a verb and what follows it. Starting with the conjoint/disjoint distinction, I will then consider its potential relation to “metatony”, “tone cases”, “augments”, prosody, and focus in Bantu. 2. Conjoint/disjoint (CJ/DJ)1 In many Bantu languages TAM and negative paradigms have been shown to exhibit suppletive allomorphy, as in the following oft-cited Chibemba sentences, which illustrate a prefixal difference in marking present tense, corresponding with differences in focus (Sharman 1956: 30): (1) a. disjoint -la- : bus&é mu-la-peep-a ‘do you (pl.) smoke’? b. conjoint -Ø- : ee tu-peep-a sekelééti ‘yes, we smoke cigarettes’ c. disjoint -la- : bámó bá-la-ly-á ínsoka ‘some people actually eat snakes’ In (1a) the verb is final in its main clause and must therefore occur in the disjoint form, marked by the prefix -la-. -
A Discourse Analysis of Code-Switching Practices Among Angolan Migrants in Cape Town, South Africa
A Discourse Analysis of Code-Switching Practices among Angolan Migrants in Cape Town, South Africa Dinis Fernando da Costa (2865747) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Department of Linguistics, University of the Western Cape SUPERVISOR: PROF. Charlyn Dyers June 2010 i Abstract A Discourse Analysis of Code-Switching Practices among Angolan Migrants in Cape Town, South Africa Dinis Fernando da Costa This thesis is an extension of my BA (Honours) research essay, completed in 2008. This thesis is a more in-depth study of the issues involved in code switching among Angolan migrants living in Cape Town by increasing the scope of the research. The significance of this study lies in the fact that code-switching practices of Angolans in the Diaspora has not yet been investigated, and I hope that this potentially rich vein of research will be taken up by future studies. In this thesis, I explore the code-switching practices of long-term Angolans migrants in Cape Town when they interact with those who have been here for a much shorter period. In my Honours research essay, I revealed a tendency among those who have lived in Cape Town for some time to code-switch from Portuguese to English even in the presence of more recent migrants from Angola, who have little or no mastery of English. This thesis thus considers the effects of space, discourses of power, language ideologies and attitudes on the patterns of inter- and intra-sentential code-switching by these long-term migrants in interaction with each other as well as with the more recent “Angolan arrivals” in Cape Town. -
'Official Language': the Case of Lingala by WILLIAM J
'Official Language': the Case of Lingala by WILLIAM J. SAMARIN, Toronto (Canada) 1. Introduction 2. Origins 3. Vernaculars 4. Protestant Councils 5. Governmental Impetus 6. Linguistic Work 7. Linguistic Divergence 8. Other Factors 9. References Cited 1. Introduction The history of Lingala, one of the dominant lingua francas of Zaire, illustrates the way a number of different forces interact in the life of a language in a modern political state. Although its history parallels in some ways that of other national languages of the world, it stands apart in one important respect. This is best stated in the negative: It does not owe its existence to a particular natural speech community whose language was adopted by others as a second language. If this had been the case, its history would parallel in at least one respect, for example, that of Hindi. What assigns Lingala to a different type of language is that its speakers came into existence at the same time that it became a linguistic reality. The language and the speech community evolved together. In this respect Lingala's history is similar to that of some other new languages in the era of colonialism — those that emerged as pidgins, e. g. Sango in the Central African Republic and Tok Pisin in Papua New Guinea. The fact that Lingala arose in a colonial context is of capital importance, and no full account of its history is adequate unless it looks at all the facets of colonization. Such a history will describe what whites, along with their African auxiliaries, were doing and also how the indigenous peoples responded to the presence and activities of these foreigners. -
Southern Africa As a Phonological Area
Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology/Linguistics "Speaking (of) Khoisan" A symposium reviewing African prehistory 16/05/2015 Southern Africa as a phonological area Christfried Naumann & Hans-Jörg Bibiko [email protected] Quelle: Clements & Rialland ( 2008 : 37 ) Contents 1. Introduction 3-15 2. Procedure 16-19 3. Results: Kalahari Basin 20-28 4. Results: Southeastern Bantu 29-42 5. Results: Southern Africa 43-54 (6. Local and dependent features - excluded) 55-61 7. MDS and k-means 62-68 8. Summary 69 (9. Contact scenarios) 70-74 Acknowledgements 75 References 76-77 2 "Speaking (of) Khoisan", 16/05/2015 Southern Africa as a phonological area 1. Introduction Phonological similarities • large consonantal inventory (45 c.) • clicks • aspirated and ejective stops • dorsal affricate 3 "Speaking (of) Khoisan", 16/05/2015 Southern Africa as a phonological area 1. Introduction Phonological similarities • large consonantal inventory (50 c.) • clicks • aspirated, slack voiced, ejective and imploisve stops •(dorsal affricate) lateral obstruents • 4 "Speaking (of) Khoisan", 16/05/2015 Southern Africa as a phonological area 1. Introduction Phonological similarities • large consonantal inventory (68 c.) • (clicks) • aspirated, breathy and implosive stops • lateral obstruents 5 "Speaking (of) Khoisan", 16/05/2015 Southern Africa as a phonological area 1. Introduction Example: Distribution of ejectives/glottalized consonants Clements & Rialland (2008: 62) Maddieson (2013) 6 "Speaking (of) Khoisan", 16/05/2015 Southern Africa -
Syntactic and Phonological Phrasing in Bemba Relatives
Syntactic and phonological phrasing in Bemba Relatives Lisa Cheng Leiden University Nancy C. Kula Leiden University (LUCL) Tone as a distinctive feature used to differentiate not only words but also clause types, is a characteristic feature of Bantu languages. In this paper we show that Bemba relatives can be marked with a low tone in place of a segmental relative marker. This low tone strategy of relativization, which imposes a restrictive reading of relatives, manifests a specific phonological phrasing that can be differentiated from that of non-restrictives. The paper shows that the resultant phonological phrasing favours a head-raising analysis of relativization. In this sense, phonology can be shown to inform syntactic analyses. 1 Introduction Relative clauses in Bantu have been a part of continued research dating back to Meeussen (1971). Various typologies and analyses that aim to capture the dependencies expressed in this clause type have been proposed (Givón 1972, Nsuka 1982, Walusimbi 1996). Despite the fact that there is overwhelming evidence of relative clauses formed by tone in various Bantu languages (Luganda, Kinyarwanda, Nsenga, Chichewa, Umbundu, Luba) hardly any analyses try to associate this fact to the syntactic analyses and generalisations proposed, but see Kamwangamalu (1988) for Luba. This paper investigates (syntactic) analyses of relative clauses in Bantu, with particular reference to Bemba, that take recourse to phonological phrasing. We begin by outlining the strategies for relative clause formation in Bemba in section 2 for both subject and object relatives. In section 3 we look at the limitations of the tonal marking strategy as opposed to relatives marked with segmental relative markers.