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Significance of Touch and Eye Contact in the Polish Deaf Community During Conversations in Polish Sign Language: Ethnographic Observations

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Significance of Touch and Eye Contact in the Polish Deaf Community During Conversations in Polish Sign Language: Ethnographic Observations Hrvatska revija za rehabilitacijska istraživanja 2017, Vol 53, Supplement, str. 175-185 SIGNIFICANCE OF TOUCH AND EYE CONTACT IN THE POLISH DEAF COMMUNITY DURING CONVERSATIONS IN POLISH SIGN LANGUAGE: ETHNOGRAPHIC OBSERVATIONS URSZULA BARTNIKOWSKA University of Warmia and Mazury, Olsztyn, Poland, contact: [email protected] Received: 30.5.2017. Original scientific paper Accepted: 13.9.2017. UDK: 376.1-056.263 (438) Abstract: Some people with hearing impairments belong to a special community: the Deaf Community. They use natural sign language (in Poland it is Polish Sign Language – Polski Język Migowy, PJM) to communicate and they appreciate this form of communication. Using sign language includes specific behaviours such as eye-contact and touch. Sometimes these behaviours are typical of the Deaf Community but atypical of hearing people. Thus, the aim of this research was to show the specificity of touch and eye contact among Deaf people. Ethnographic observation was used as the research method. The Deaf Community was filmed in their natural meeting places (e.g. community meetings, celebrations, family homes). More than 4 hours of recordings were transcribed and analysed. Film analysis showed certain characteristics of eye contact (frequency, making and interrupting eye contact) and characteristics of touch contact (parts of the body touched, frequency of touching, use of touch to make contact with another person). This study provides insights into the differences between Deaf and hearing people, which may help to reduce the mutual distance between the two groups. Key words: sign language, Polish Sign Language, touch, eye contact INTRODUCTION that results from a different system of communica- tion contribute to the development of new cultural Disability can be analysed simultaneously in the standards in this community. Sign language further medical and cultural context. The cultural model accentuates and strengthens the distinctive identity indicates that disability can be perceived not only of the Deaf community. as departure from the norm, but also as a source of social diversity. The social and cultural aspects of The beginnings of Deaf culture date back to the disability can raise doubt because disabled people 18th century when the first schools for Deaf stu- live among members of the able-bodied majority, dents were opened. The schools were the main, but who exert a significant influence on people’s lives – as noted by Monaghan (2003) – not the only cen- and set general standards of conduct. However, the tres of activity where sign languages were devel- Deaf1 community is characterised by unique fea- oped, communication between Deaf individuals tures that make it distinct from the hearing major- was established and a community of like-minded ity. For this reason, the social and cultural identity people was created. of the Deaf community is rarely questioned (Barnes These and other advances encouraged people et al. 2008, Bartnikowska et al. 2016). The diffi- with hearing impairments to identify with the Deaf culties experienced by Deaf people in the hearing community. The research on sign language con- world or, in extreme cases, the social exclusion ducted in the 1960s by William Stokoe revolution- 1 The word "Deaf" is capitalised to denote a member of the deaf community who uses a natural sign language and identifies with this linguistic and cultural minority (Padden et al.1988, 2006, Sacks 1998, Durity et al. 2006). 175 Urszula Bartnikowska: Significance of touch and eye contact in the Polish Deaf community during conversations in Polish Sign Language:... ised the understanding of sign languages and had (3) relevance: "Be relevant" (p. 46); and (4) direct- a profound impact on Deaf culture (Stokoe 1975, ness not in what is said but in "HOW what is said 2005, Padden et. al. 1988, Lane 1996, MacDougall is to be said": "Be perspicuous" (p. 46). The fourth 1991). Stokoe’s work led to the widespread recog- concept means to avoid ambiguity or obscurity, nition that sign languages are genuine languages i.e. to try to be direct and straightforward. Gricean and highly effective means of communication, and maxims are universal (Grice 1975) so they can be are not merely primitive systems of gesture. The used for every language, including sign language. 1960s also witnessed the struggle for equal rights Sociolinguistics develops our knowledge about of various minorities in the USA and, subsequently, sign language and sign language discourse. Various in other countries. These movements encouraged research lines have provided insights into turn-tak- the Deaf to fight for their rights as a linguistic and ing (Baker 1977, Coates, Sutton-Spence 2001), cultural minority. Their efforts significantly con- regulators in American Sign Language (ASL) tributed to Deaf awareness and pride in Deaf iden- (Baker 1977), topic flow in ASL (Witbur, Petitto tity and cultural heritage (Padden et. al. 1988, Lane 1983), pauses in ASL discourse (Winston 1991, 1996, Monaghan 2003, Holcomb 2013). Rieger 2001), function of space in sign language Research into Deaf culture conducted in var- discourse (Liddel 1996), facial expressions as a ious countries indicates that the development of component of grammatical signals in sign language the Deaf community can be stimulated or inhibit- (Grossman, Kegl 2006, McCullough, Emmorey ed by different attitudes and values, including the 2009), as well as the role of finger-spelling and preference for collectivism over individualism; non-manual signals, which are distinct from spoken appreciation for spouses with hearing impair- language and play an equally important role in the ments; acceptance of children born with a hearing pragmatics of discourse in sign language (Schiffrin impairment (30% of Deaf people would prefer 1994, Roush 1999, Mikulska 2003). to have a Deaf child – Middleton 1998); limited Some research shows similarities and differ- enthusiasm for technical innovations, in partic- ences between sign and spoken language. Coates ular invasive devices such as cochlear implants; and Sutton-Spence (2001) show similarities in con- a sense of pride in Deaf identity; creative efforts versational organisation and turn-taking between that involve visual art as a manifestation of pos- hearing and Deaf groups. The authors indicate that itive attitudes towards the Deaf community and Deaf signers (hearing speakers alike) have access sign language; specific humour; and knowledge of to two models of organisation: the single floor and Deaf history (Bartnikowska 2009, 2010a, 2010b, the collaborative floor. In the first model, speech is 2013, Bartnikowska et al. 2016, Dolnick 1993, conducted by one speaker/signer at a time. In the MacDougall 1991, Mindes et al. 2006, Holcomb second model, the floor is shared by all participants 2013, Paales 2004, Padden et al. 1988, 2006, and speech overlaps (Coates, Sutton-Spence 2001). Peters 2001, Plutecka 2008, Podgórska-Jachnik 2013, Singleton et al. 2000, Szczepankowski 1999, In contrast to spoken language, eye contact Senghas et. al. 2004). These factors promote the is crucial in sign language to regulate turns. In awareness that the Deaf community has a separate spoken language, signals to take turns include: linguistic and cultural identity. (1) turn-yielding cues from the speaker, such as intonation, paralanguage (e.g. drawl on the final This point of view leads to sociolinguistic syllable), body motion (e.g. hand gesticulation), research that compares sign language to spoken sociocentric sequences (e.g. "you know"), pitch/ language. At the beginning, it is worth mentioning loudness in conjunction with one of the sociocen- Grice’s Cooperative Principle in the theory of prag- tric sequences, and syntax (e.g. completion of a matics in communication (Grice 1975). The author grammatical clause); (2) an attempt-suppressing enunciated four conversation maxims under cate- signal from the speaker, e.g. hands being engaged gories of: (1) quantity: "Make your contribution as in gesticulation; and (3) back-channel communi- informative as required" (p. 45); (2) quality: "Try cation such as "yeah", "mmm" and head nods from to make your contribution one that is true" (p. 46); the receiver (Duncan 1972). 176 Hrvatska revija za rehabilitacijska istraživanja 2017, Vol 53, Supplement, str. 175-185 Four conversational regulator sets have been their unique behaviours, and attempt to identify the identified in sign language: initiation, continuation, sources of these behaviours. shifting turns, and termination. Sender and receiver In this study, observations were recorded with may use different devices during communication a video camera in "natural settings" (Angrosino (Willbur and Pettino 1983, Tomaszewski 2006). 2009). Some video recordings were made during Visual regulators can be used when the signer is Deaf meetings (30-40 people during the tradition- in the receiver’s line of sight or when the signer al Polish holidays, (e.g. Christmas Eve meeting) can move his or her hands into someone’s field with the involvement of an "Informer" (Małgorzata of vision. Tactile regulators can be used when Mickiewicz) who is a Deaf person and a member the signer is out of the receiver’s field of view. of the Deaf community. The subjects also donated This depends on distance between signers (Baker, private video recordings depicting family or friend Cokely-Shenk 1980, Moroń 2008, Smith, Sutton- gatherings (3-5 persons, meetings of friends at Spence 2005). Other strategies are used during home) and important
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