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Transformative Effects of Immigration Law: Immigrants’ Personal and Social Metamorphoses Through Regularization1
Transformative Effects of Immigration Law: Immigrants’ Personal and Social Metamorphoses through Regularization1 Cecilia Menjívar Sarah M. Lakhani University of Kansas University of California, Berkeley This article examines the enduring alterations in behaviors, practices, and self-image that immigrants’ evolving knowledge of and partici- pation in the legalization process facilitate. Relying on close to 200 interviews with immigrants from several national origin groups in Los Angeles and Phoenix, the authors identify transformations that indi- viduals enact in their intimate and in their civic lives as they come in contact with U.S. immigration law en route to and as a result of reg- ularization. Findings illustrate the power of the state to control indi- viduals’ activities and mind-sets in ways that are not explicitly formal or bureaucratic. The barriers the state creates, which push immigrants to the legal margins, together with anti-immigrant hostility, create con- ditions under which immigrants are likely to undertake transformative, lasting changes in their lives. These transformations reify notions of the deserving immigrant vis-à-vis the law, alter the legalization pro- cess for the immigrant population at large, and, ultimately, shape in- tegration dynamics. INTRODUCTION Recent scholarship has highlighted the effects of immigration law, through the legal statuses it creates, on various aspects of immigrants’ lives. Researchers 1 We would like to thank Sebástien Chauvin, Jaeeun Kim, Walter Nicholls, and Michele Waslin, as well as the AJS reviewers, for their insightful comments. We would also like to thank the audience members who commented during presentations to the Gould School of Law at the University of Southern California, the Department of Sociology at UCLA, the © 2016 by The University of Chicago. -
Emerging Paradigms in Critical Mixed Race Studies G
Emerging Paradigms in Critical Mixed Race Studies G. Reginald Daniel, Laura Kina, Wei Ming Dariotis, and Camilla Fojas Mixed Race Studies1 In the early 1980s, several important unpublished doctoral dissertations were written on the topic of multiraciality and mixed-race experiences in the United States. Numerous scholarly works were published in the late 1980s and early 1990s. By 2004, master’s theses, doctoral dissertations, books, book chapters, and journal articles on the subject reached a critical mass. They composed part of the emerging field of mixed race studies although that scholarship did not yet encompass a formally defined area of inquiry. What has changed is that there is now recognition of an entire field devoted to the study of multiracial identities and mixed-race experiences. Rather than indicating an abrupt shift or change in the study of these topics, mixed race studies is now being formally defined at a time that beckons scholars to be more critical. That is, the current moment calls upon scholars to assess the merit of arguments made over the last twenty years and their relevance for future research. This essay seeks to map out the critical turn in mixed race studies. It discusses whether and to what extent the field that is now being called critical mixed race studies (CMRS) diverges from previous explorations of the topic, thereby leading to formations of new intellectual terrain. In the United States, the public interest in the topic of mixed race intensified during the 2008 presidential campaign of Barack Obama, an African American whose biracial background and global experience figured prominently in his campaign for and election to the nation’s highest office. -
PEMD-94-15 Vietnamese Amerasian Resettlement I I B-247548
United States General Accounting Office GAO Report to Congressional Requesters t* March 1994 VIETNAMESE AMERASIAN RESETTLEMENT Education, Employment, and Family Outcomes in the United St&es United States General Accounting Office GAO Washington, D-C. 20548 Program Evaluation and Methodology Division B-247548 March 31,1994 The Honorable Roman0 L. Mazzoli Chairman, Subcommittee on International Law, Immigration, and Refugees Committee on the Judiciary House of Representatives The Honorable Thomas J. Ridge House of Representatives About 75,000 Amerasians and members of their families have left Vietnam to resettle in the United States under the provisions of what is commonly called the “Arnerasian Homecoming Act,” enacted December 1987.’ These Amerasians have special ties to the United States because their fathers were American citizens serving in Vietnam prior to 1976, and because these very ties caused them to suffer hardships and discrimination in Vietnam. You asked us to assess both the process and outcomes of resettling Vietnamese Amerasians in the United States. We reported earlier (GAO/PEMD-93-1OR) the findings from our evaluation of the process whereby eligible Amerasians and their families become participants in the resettlement program in Vietnam, receive language training and cultural orientation in the Philippines, and finally are resettled in the United States. In the present report, we focus on the outcomes for Amerasians and their families after resettlement has taken place, particularly with regard to education, employment, -
The Amerasian Paradox
Online Conference on Multidisciplinary Social Sciences – 29-31 March 2012 Australian International Cultural & Educational Institute NOTE TO CONFERENCE ORGANIZERS: Paper Submitted 27 Feb 2012 along with Power Point Presentation and Biographies with Photographs of Dr. P.C. Kutschera and Professor Jose Maria G. Pelayo III The Amerasian Paradox P.C. Kutschera, Ph.D. 1 and Jose Maria G. Pelayo III, MASD 2 ABSTRACT Multiple anecdotal accounts and a thin body of extant empirical research on an estimated 250,000 multiple generation, mixed-heritage military Amerasians in the Philippines, and Pan Amerasians residing in other East and Southeast Asian societies, indicates substantial past and present stigmatization and discrimination – particularly Amerasians of African descent. However, a certain segment of Filipino Amerasians, females with pronounced Caucasian features, comprise a paradoxical exception. The abandoned progeny of U.S. servicemen, corporate military contractor and government male workers who occupied permanent bases for nearly a century, Africans and to a lesser extent, Anglo Amerasians, are targets of intense name-calling, verbal harassment and occasional physical violence beginning at an early age. This often transforms into a lifetime of socioeconomic marginalization and cultural isolation. Typically, Amerasians are ridiculed because of differential skin color, facial features and the stereotypical assumption that the majority were children of sex laborers and transient soldier fathers who had forsaken them. However, there is incipient research and anecdotal accounts bolstered by this five participant, purposive sample, multiple-case “pilot” study that young adult female Anglos may have not only eluded the stigmatized fate of the majority of Filipino Amerasians, African or Anglo, but in some cases actually benefitted socioeconomically and psychologically. -
Am I Enough? a Multi-Race Teacher’S Experience In-Between Contested Race, Gender, Class, and Power
FEATURE ARTICLE Am I Enough? A Multi-Race Teacher’s Experience In-Between Contested Race, Gender, Class, and Power SONIA JANIS University of Georgia AM NOT WHITE. I am not Black. I am mixed. I am one half Polish, one quarter Russian, and one-quarter Japanese. I was born, raised, and educated in public schools in the suburbs of Chicago, and then abruptly transitioned to public schools located in north Alabama when I was an adolescent. My inquiry explores my mixed race experience of childhood, adolescence, college years, teaching and administration positions, pursuing curriculum studies, and working as a pre-service teacher educator in a predominantly White institution. My inquiry explores the spaces in-between race and place from my perspective as an educator who is multiracial and/or hapa according to the latest race-based verbiage. I search for language to portray the experience of people of mixed race such as myself and come across a long list of such words as: Afroasian, Ainoko, Ameriasian, biracial, Eurasian, Haafu, half-breed, hapa haole or hapa, griffe, melange, mestizo(a), miscegenation, mixie, mono-racial, mulatto(a), multiracial, octoroon, quadroon, spurious issue, trans-racial, and zebra (Broyard, 2007; Murphy-Shigematsu, 2001; Root, 1996a; Spencer, 1999). I find that most of these words, whether they are verbs, nouns, or adjectives, have negative connotations. I use “multiracial,” “biracial,” and “mixed race” interchangeably throughout my writing. As I reflect on my experience as a seventh grade student, a public school administrator, and now as a pre-service teacher educator in a predominantly White institution, I explore my rememory (Morrison, 1990) of lives in two distinct regions of the United States: the Midwest and the South. -
UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Pluralistic Realities and Tenuous Paradigms: Critical Examinations of Race and "Normativity" in Japanese/American Multiethnic and Multiracial History Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4j3997h8 Author Ong, James Man Publication Date 2014 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Pluralistic Realities and Tenuous Paradigms: Critical Examinations of Race and “Normativity” in Japanese/American Multiethnic and Multiracial History A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Asian American Studies by James Man Ong 2014 © Copyright by James Man Ong 2014 ABSTRACT OF THIS THESIS Pluralistic Realities and Tenuous Paradigms: Critical Examinations of Race and “Normativity” in Japanese/American Multiethnic and Multiracial History By James Man Ong Master of Arts in Asian American Studies University of California, Los Angeles, 2014 Professor Lane Ryo Hirabayashi, Chair In both the US and Japan in recent decades, multiethnicity has become an increasingly significant phenomenon for Japanese/Americans. Though relative minorities in the past, mixed individuals have become an emerging demographic as successive generations of individuals of Japanese and non-Japanese ancestry have transgressed social barriers, ethnic racial boundaries and national divides, blending diverse ancestries and cultures into unique syntheses. While individuals -
Reconsidering the Relationship Between New Mestizaje and New Multiraciality As Mixed-Race Identity Models1
Reconsidering the Relationship Between New Mestizaje and New Multiraciality as Mixed-Race Identity Models1 Jessie D. Turner Introduction Approximately one quarter of Mexican Americans marry someone of a different race or ethnicity— which was true even in 1963 in Los Angeles County—with one study finding that 38 percent of fourth- generation and higher respondents were intermarried.1 It becomes crucial, therefore, to consider where the children of these unions, a significant portion of the United States Mexican-descent population,2 fit within current ethnoracial paradigms. As such, both Chicana/o studies and multiracial studies theorize mixed identities, yet the literatures as a whole remain, for the most part, non-conversant with each other. Chicana/o studies addresses racial and cultural mixture through discourses of (new) mestizaje, while multiracial studies employs the language of (new) multiraciality.3 Research on the multiracially identified population focuses primarily on people of African American and Asian American, rather than Mexican American, backgrounds, whereas theories of mestizaje do not specifically address (first- and second- generation) multiracial experiences. In fact, when I discuss having parents and grandparents of different races, I am often asked by Chicana/o studies scholars, “Why are you talking about being multiracial as if it were different from being mestiza/o? Both are mixed-race experiences.” With the limitations of both fields in mind, I argue that entering these new mixed-identity discourses into conversation through an examination of both their significant parallels and divergences accomplishes two goals. First, it allows for a more complete acknowledgement and understanding of the unique nature of multiracial Mexican-descent experiences. -
Popular Culture Imaginings of the Mulatta: Constructing Race, Gender
Popular Culture Imaginings of the Mulatta: Constructing Race, Gender, Sexuality, and Nation in the United States and Brazil A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Jasmine Mitchell IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Bianet Castellanos, Co-adviser Erika Lee, Co-adviser AUGUST 2013 © Jasmine Mitchell 2013 Acknowledgements This dissertation would have been impossible without a community of support. There are many numerous colleagues, family, friends, and mentors that have guided ths intellectual and personal process. I would first like to acknowledge my dissertation committee for their patience, enthusiasm, and encouragement while I was in Minneapolis, New York, São Paulo, and everywhere in between. I am thankful for the research and methodological expertise they contributed as I wrote on race, gender, sexuality, and popular culture through an interdisciplinary and hemispheric approach. Special gratitude is owed to my co-advisors, Dr. Bianet Castellanos and Dr. Erika Lee for their guidance, commitment, and willingness to read and provide feedback on multiple drafts of dissertation chapters and applications for various grants and fellowships to support this research. Their wisdom, encouragement, and advice for not only this dissertation, but also publications, job searches, and personal affairs were essential to my success. Bianet and Erika pushed me to rethink the concepts used within the dissertation, and make more persuasive and clearer arguments. I am also grateful to my other committee members, Dr. Fernando Arenas, Dr. Jigna Desai, and Dr. Roderick Ferguson, whose advice and intellectual challenges have been invaluable to me. -
2020 Census National Redistricting Data Summary File 2020 Census of Population and Housing
2020 Census National Redistricting Data Summary File 2020 Census of Population and Housing Technical Documentation Issued February 2021 SFNRD/20-02 Additional For additional information concerning the Census Redistricting Data Information Program and the Public Law 94-171 Redistricting Data, contact the Census Redistricting and Voting Rights Data Office, U.S. Census Bureau, Washington, DC, 20233 or phone 1-301-763-4039. For additional information concerning data disc software issues, contact the COTS Integration Branch, Applications Development and Services Division, Census Bureau, Washington, DC, 20233 or phone 1-301-763-8004. For additional information concerning data downloads, contact the Dissemination Outreach Branch of the Census Bureau at <[email protected]> or the Call Center at 1-800-823-8282. 2020 Census National Redistricting Data Summary File Issued February 2021 2020 Census of Population and Housing SFNRD/20-01 U.S. Department of Commerce Wynn Coggins, Acting Agency Head U.S. CENSUS BUREAU Dr. Ron Jarmin, Acting Director Suggested Citation FILE: 2020 Census National Redistricting Data Summary File Prepared by the U.S. Census Bureau, 2021 TECHNICAL DOCUMENTATION: 2020 Census National Redistricting Data (Public Law 94-171) Technical Documentation Prepared by the U.S. Census Bureau, 2021 U.S. CENSUS BUREAU Dr. Ron Jarmin, Acting Director Dr. Ron Jarmin, Deputy Director and Chief Operating Officer Albert E. Fontenot, Jr., Associate Director for Decennial Census Programs Deborah M. Stempowski, Assistant Director for Decennial Census Programs Operations and Schedule Management Michael T. Thieme, Assistant Director for Decennial Census Programs Systems and Contracts Jennifer W. Reichert, Chief, Decennial Census Management Division Chapter 1. -
Vietnamese Americans LESSONS in AMERICAN HISTORY
Vietnamese Americans LESSONS IN AMERICAN HISTORY STRADLING TWO SOCIAL WORLDS V The Experience of Vietnamese Refugee Children in the United States Min Zhou Professor of Sociology, University of California, Los Angeles Carl L. Bankston, III Assistant Professor of Sociology, Tulane University INTRODUCTION Educators, counselors, school administrators, juvenile authorities, and others who work with young people today routinely come into contact with the children of Vietnamese refugees. e story of Vietnamese Americans is one of very rapid growth. In the early 1970s, there were fewer than 15,000 Vietnamese in the United States. According to the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Services (U.S. INS), the United States admitted only 4,561 Vietnam-born persons between 1961 and 1970; most were exchange students, trainees, or diplomats on nonimmigrant visas, along with a small number of wives of U.S. servicemen, while almost none were children (Skinner, 1980; Zhou & Bankston, 1998). After the fall of Saigon in 1975, Vietnamese Americans became members of one of America’s largest refugee groups, and, thus, increasingly visible in the American ethnic mosaic. By 1990, the group numbered over 615,000, a 40-fold increase in just 15 years; and even this figure understates the true size of the Vietnamese-origin population, since it excludes no fewer than 200,000 Sino-Vietnamese (ethnic Chinese), who fled Vietnam and arrived in the United States as part of the larger refugee outflow from Southeast Asia (Rumbaut, 1995a). At the turn of the new millennium, this refugee group is on the verge of becoming the third largest Asian American group, following the Chinese and Filipinos.1 ere were virtually no Vietnamese students in American elementary or secondary schools before 1975. -
I Am Vietnamese): the Construction of Third- Wave Vietnamese Identity in the United States
University of Washington Tacoma UW Tacoma Digital Commons History Undergraduate Theses History Winter 3-13-2020 Tổi Là Người Viet (I am Vietnamese): The Construction of Third- Wave Vietnamese Identity in the United States Eric Pham [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.tacoma.uw.edu/history_theses Part of the Asian History Commons, Cultural History Commons, Oral History Commons, Social History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Pham, Eric, "Tổi Là Người Viet (I am Vietnamese): The Construction of Third-Wave Vietnamese Identity in the United States" (2020). History Undergraduate Theses. 42. https://digitalcommons.tacoma.uw.edu/history_theses/42 This Undergraduate Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the History at UW Tacoma Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in History Undergraduate Theses by an authorized administrator of UW Tacoma Digital Commons. Tổi Là Người Viet (I am Vietnamese): The Construction of Third-Wave Vietnamese Identity in the United States A Senior Paper Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for Graduation Undergraduate History Program of University of Washington Tacoma By Eric Pham University of Washington Tacoma Winter Quarter 2020 Advisor: Dr. Julie Nicoletta Abstract This paper focuses on the third wave of Vietnamese migration to the United States, which occurred from the 1980s to the 1990s, and how this group of immigrants constructed their identity in a new country. From a Western perspective, particularly an American one, it is easy to categorize all Vietnamese immigrants under the same umbrella. Although there are similarities among all three waves, one significant element that differentiates the third wave from the other two is the United States’ enactment of the Amerasian Homecoming Act of 1987, which facilitated an influx of Vietnamese Americans to the U.S. -
Asian-American & Pacific Islander Heritage Month
MEETING IN A BOX Asian-American & Pacific Islander Heritage Month For All Employees Jono Erasmus/Shutterstock.com sian American and Pacific Islander Heritage Month takes place in May to celebrate the diverse cultures and accomplishments of those who trace their roots to Asia Aand the Pacific Islands. During this time, we acknowledge and pay homage to the contributions Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders have made to American society and culture. In this Meeting in a Box, we provide information on the breadth of these regions both geographically and culturally, a historic timeline that outlines Asian American and Pacific Islander accomplishments and boundary-breaking moments, and facts and figures that offer demographic and workplace information. We also include an outline that highlights various Asian American and Pacific Islander resource groups at our partner companies. Share this document with your staff to further your team’s cultural competence education. © 2020 DiversityInc PAGE 1 Asian American and Pacific Islander Heritage Month For All Employees MEETING IN A BOX 1 DEFINING ASIA AND THE PACIFIC ISLANDS The terms Asian and Pacific Islander refer to a vast geographical region, but have also been racialized. According to the National Resource Conservation Service, Asian American did not become a widely used term until the late 1960s and early ‘70s. The term refers largely to race because native Australians and New Zealanders are not considered Pacific Islanders, and white people born in the Asian region of the former Soviet Union