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OCP Effects in Dagaare* OCP effects in Dagaare* Abstract In tone languages, adjacent high tones are often avoided. Different languages resolve the problem in different ways, but different resolutions can be found even in one and the same language. Dagaare (Gur, Niger-Congo) exhibits four different responses to a sequence of high tones: the second tone dissimilates, the second tone is downstepped, the two tones merge, or adjacent high tones are simply tolerated. The choice is morphologically and lexically conditioned. We present evidence that adjacent high tones are resolved only if they belong to the same tonal foot. We account for the different resolution patterns by assuming that morphemes may specify partial rankings: the tone of the complex word is the concatenation of the tones of its constituent morphemes, evaluated by the union of their partial rankings. * [Acknowledgements suppressed.] The following abbreviations are used: 3.SG ‘third person singular’, A ‘adjective’, COMP ‘complementiser’, DEF ‘definite article’, DEM ‘demonstrative’, FACT ‘factitive marker’, IMPF ‘imperfective aspect’, N ‘noun’, NOM ‘nominalization’, PERF ‘perfective aspect’, PL ‘plural’, SG ‘singular’. 1 1 Introduction In tone languages, adjacent high tones are often avoided. For example, Myers (1997) notes that different Bantu languages resolve HH sequences in different ways and different resolutions can be found even in one and the same language. One of the tones can be deleted or retracted from the other (Shona, Rimi, Chichewa); the tones can merge into a single high tone (Shona, Kishambaa); processes that would create such sequences are blocked (Shona); and sometimes adjacent high tones are simply tolerated (Kishambaa). Myers shows how all these outcomes can be derived from the OBLIGATORY CONTOUR PRINCIPLE (OCP, Goldsmith 1976, Leben 1973) which prohibits adjacent identical elements, but crucially only if the OCP is interpreted as a violable constraint in the sense of Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004). In this paper, we examine the lexical tone system of Dagaare (Gur, Niger-Congo), a two- tone language of northwestern Ghana and adjoining areas of Burkina Faso. There is relatively little earlier work on Dagaare phonology. The essentials are described in Kennedy 1966; subsequent work includes Anttila & Bodomo 2000, Bodomo 1997, 2000, Dakubu 1982, and Hall 1977. Kennedy notes that the tone system of Dagaare can be conveniently described by postulating two levels of the register type and a downstepped high unit. In the simple word, which is usually disyllabic, the first syllable can carry either high or low tone, and the second syllable can carry either high, downstepped high, or low tone. The complexity of the system resides in the morphologically and lexically conditioned tonal alternations. These are described by Kennedy in some detail and are further explored in this paper. We will focus on tonal alternations that arise from the concatenation of two high tones. Dagaare exhibits at least four different responses to HH sequences depending on the morphological and lexical environment: the second tone dissimilates (tonal polarity), the second tone is downstepped, the two tones merge, or adjacent high tones are simply tolerated. These four responses are illustrated in (1) in terms of autosegmental representations. (1) Four different responses to the input /H-H/ (a) Dissimilation (b) Downstep (c) Merger (d) No change ! yí -rì bU@- má kúlí pI@-kU@U@-rç$ H L H !H H H H L ‘house-SG’ ‘thing-PL’ ‘go.home-PERF’ ‘sheep-kill-IMPF’ We first present evidence that HH sequences undergo tonal alternations only if they belong to the same tonal foot, but else remain inert. We then account for the different resolution patterns by assuming that morphemes may specify partial rankings: the tone of the complex word is the concatenation of the tones of its constituent morphemes, evaluated by the union of their partial rankings. 2 The paper is structured as follows. In section 2, we describe the tone patterns of Dagaare nouns and verbs, illustrate the different responses to HH sequences, provide evidence for tonal feet, and note how the lexical tonology differs from the postlexical tonology. In section 3, we derive the different responses to HH sequences and show how the tone pattern of a complex word results from the tone patterns of its constituent morphemes. In section 4, we point out some implications of our proposal for morphological theory. Section 5 concludes the paper. Our data represent the dialect of the second author, a native speaker of the Central dialect of Dagaare. 2 The facts 2.1 Tone in nouns The Dagaare noun consists of a root followed by a number suffix. The simple word is maximally disyllabic and the tone-bearing unit (TBU) is the syllable (Kennedy 1966). The majority of nouns fall into the three tonal classes in (2) which are similar to those found in the closely related Moore (Kenstowicz et al. 1988) and Dagbani (Hyman 1993).1 (2) Three major tone patterns in nouns SINGULAR PLURAL TONE (a) kùù-rí kù-é LH ‘hoe’ (b) yí-rì yí-è HL ‘house’ (c) nyU@ç@-rI@ nyç@-E@ HH ‘nose’ (d) -- -- LL -- In the examples in (2), the singular suffix is –ri/-rI, the plural suffix is –e/-E, depending on ATR harmony. Examples (2a) and (2b) illustrate TONAL POLARITY, a phenomenon attested in several Gur languages. If the root tone is L, the suffix surfaces as H; if the root tone is H, the suffix surfaces as L. Kenstowicz et al. (1988) analyze tonal polarity in the closely related Moore as follows: the number suffix is underlyingly H; if the root is L, the resulting L-H surfaces with no changes (kùù- rí, kù-é); if the root is H, the resulting H-H undergoes dissimilation and the suffix becomes L (yí-rì, yí-è). Kenstowicz et al. (1988) posit two ordered rules: Association which links tones to syllables, one to one, left to right, and Dissimilation which changes H-H to H-L, a process known as Meeussen’s Rule (Goldsmith 1984). The derivations are illustrated in (3). 1 ! The following tone marks are written over every vowel: @ = H(igh) tone, $ = L(ow) tone, ^ = HL (falling) tone, = downstep. Unless otherwise noted, we follow the orthographical conventions of Kennedy 1966. Nasalization has been omitted for simplicity. There are a number of additional noun types that will not be discussed in this paper. In particular, recent borrowings can be longer than two syllables, e.g. tábU$l-I$ ‘table-SG’ and báásàkúú-rì ‘bicycle-SG’. There also exist polysyllabic native nouns which may be etymologically compounds, but which are synchronically difficult to distinguish from simple words, e.g. bádE@r-I@ ‘spider-SG’, ku$nku@n-í ‘tortoise-SG’ and fúmì-ní ‘needle-SG’. We have also observed a marginal disyllabic pattern with three tones (LHL) where the first syllable is closed by a sonorant consonant, e.g. kpàŕ-rI$ ‘shirt-PL’. In this paper, we focus on canonical disyllabic simple nouns. 3 (3) Tonal polarity as dissimilation UR ASSOCIATION DISSIMILATION OUTPUT (a) /kuu -ri/ kùù-rí kùù-rí kùù-rí -- L H L H L H (b) /yi -ri/ yí -rí yí -rì yí -rì H H H H H L H L Tone dissimilation can be understood as a consequence of the OCP which prohibits adjacent identical tones (Goldsmith 1976, Leben 1973, 1978; see also McCarthy 1986, Myers 1997, Odden 1986, Yip 1988, among others). As we will see in a moment, tone dissimilation is only one of several possible responses to an OCP violation in Dagaare. The third example nyU@ç@-rI@ ‘nose-SG’ and nyç@-E@ ‘nose-PL’ in (2c) raises the question why the H-H-sequence does not undergo dissimilation here. Kenstowicz et al. (1988) show that in Moore the corresponding H-H nouns only have one multiply associated H tone which originates from the suffix and the root is underlyingly toneless. This is illustrated in (4). The analysis requires an additional rule of Spreading which applies after Association, linking the H tone to the remaining toneless syllables. (4) Toneless roots UR ASSOCIATION SPREADING DISSIMILATION OUTPUT (a) /nyUç -rI/ nyU@ç@ -rI nyU@ç@ -rI@ -- nyU@ç@ -rI@ H H H H This analysis has several correct consequences. First, dissimilation is predicted not to apply to H-H nouns because there is only one H tone. Second, the nonexistence of L-L nouns follows because there are no L suffixes. Third, the analysis explains a puzzling alternation in noun-adjective compounds where a noun root is followed by one or more adjectives of which only the last is inflected for number. Examples are given in (5). The tonally alternating syllable is highlighted. (5) Noun-adjective compounds N-SG A-SG A-SG N-A-SG (a) kùù-rí vI$l-a$a@ kù-vI$l-a$a@ ‘hoe-good-SG’ (b) yí-rì vI$l-a$a@ yí-vI$l-a$a@ ‘house-good-SG’ (c) nyU@ç@-rI@ vI$l-a$a@ nyç$-vI$l-a$a@ ‘nose-good-SG’ (d) pç@g-ç@ bíl-é vI$l-a$a@ pç$g-bìl-vI$l-a$a@ ‘woman-small-good-SG’ 4 The polarity nouns in (5a) and (5b) are tonally stable: /kù-/ ‘hoe’ is always low and /yí-/ ‘house’ is always high. The H-H nouns in (5c) and (5d) undergo tonal alternations: /nyç-/ ‘nose’ and /pçg-/ ‘woman’ surface as H when immediately followed by the number suffix, but lose the H tone when an adjective follows. Example (5d) shows that the same happens in adjectives as well: /bil-/ ‘small’ loses the H tone when it is followed by another adjective. These patterns can be explained if the roots are underlyingly toneless and the H tone comes from the number suffix.
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