Turkey.Pdf 162 British Society of Criminology
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
English Only
United Nations A/HRC/39/73/Add.1 General Assembly Distr.: General 7 September 2018 English only Human Rights Council Thirty-ninth session 10–28 September 2018 Agenda item 10 Technical assistance and capacity-building Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Cambodia* This addendum to the annual report (A/HRC/39/73) focuses on human rights issues leading up to and around the 2018 National Assembly elections. During the interactive dialogue at the Human Rights Council’s thirty-sixth session, many States requested the Special Rapporteur pay particular attention to the human rights impact of the political situation ahead of the national elections. As the annual report to the Council was submitted before the election held on 29 July 2018, this addendum seeks to analyse the human rights situation in Cambodia during the electoral period, as well as the impact of the elections thereon. This addendum includes information up to 15 August 2018, when the final results were announced. Many of the concerns related to legislation and individual cases have previously been raised with the Royal Government of Cambodia in communications. A draft of this addendum was shared with the Government on 20 August. This addendum includes information on specific cases and alleged violations of human rights received by the Special Rapporteur. Some names and other personal identifying details have been withheld where divulging them may place the source at risk: details have only been included with the explicit informed oral consent of the source. Only information considered reliable and credible has been included. -
ENDOGENIZING INSTITUTIONS by Zeki Sarigil BA, Bilkent University
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by D-Scholarship@Pitt ENDOGENIZING INSTITUTIONS by Zeki Sarigil BA, Bilkent University, 2002 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Arts and Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2007 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH FACULTY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Zeki Sarigil It was defended on April 6, 2007 and approved by Ilya Prizel, PhD, Professor, UCIS-Russian and East European Studies Alberta M. Sbragia, PhD, Professor, Department of Political Science Daniel C. Thomas, PhD, Associate Professor, Departmental of Political Science B. Guy Peters, PhD, Maurice Falk Professor, Department of Political Science ii Copyright © by Zeki Sarigil 2007 iii ENDOGENIZING INSTITUTIONS Zeki Sarigil, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2007 This study provides an agency-centered theoretical framework of institutional change at domestic level. It argues that institutional change should be understood as a conflictual process having two stages: initiation and bargaining. At the first stage, certain internal and external developments help change entrepreneurs mobilize for structural change through mechanisms of power shifts and/or negative feedback (ideational or material). At the second stage, institutional actors simply bargain over alternatives arrangements. However this is a special form of bargaining in the sense that it takes place within an institutionalized setting. Such a bargaining process is not only a strategic competition over material benefits but also a symbolic contestation among institutional actors over ideational interests (e.g. legitimacy). This study provides a two dimensional perspective on bargaining within an institutionalized setting by modifying two logics of action: the logic of consequentiality and the logic of appropriateness. -
Why Do Political Parties Split? Understanding Party Splits and Formation of Splinter Parties in Turkey
WHY DO POLITICAL PARTIES SPLIT? UNDERSTANDING PARTY SPLITS AND FORMATION OF SPLINTER PARTIES IN TURKEY A PhD Dissertation by ÖZHAN DEMİRKOL Department of Political Science İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University Ankara August 2014 To Defne and Günay WHY DO POLITICAL PARTIES SPLIT? UNDERSTANDING PARTY SPLITS AND FORMATION OF SPLINTER PARTIES IN TURKEY Graduate School of Economics and Social Sciences of İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University by ÖZHAN DEMİRKOL In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE İHSAN DOĞRAMACI BİLKENT UNİVERSİTY ANKARA AUGUST 2014 I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science. -------------------------------------------- Assistant Professor Zeki Sarıgil Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science. -------------------------------------------- Professor Elizabeth Özdalga Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science. -------------------------------------------- Assistant Professor Cenk Saraçoğlu Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science. -------------------------------------------- Assistant Professor Ioannis N. Grigoriadis Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science. -
5195E05d4.Pdf
ILGA-Europe in brief ILGA-Europe is the European Region of the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans & Intersex Association. ILGA-Europe works for equality and human rights for lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans & intersex (LGBTI) people at European level. ILGA-Europe is an international non-governmental umbrella organisation bringing together 408 organisations from 45 out of 49 European countries. ILGA-Europe was established as a separate region of ILGA and an independent legal entity in 1996. ILGA was established in 1978. ILGA-Europe advocates for human rights and equality for LGBTI people at European level organisations such as the European Union (EU), the Council of Europe (CoE) and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). ILGA-Europe strengthens the European LGBTI movement by providing trainings and support to its member organisations and other LGBTI groups on advocacy, fundraising, organisational development and communications. ILGA-Europe has its office in Brussels and employs 12 people. Since 1997 ILGA-Europe enjoys participative status at the Council of Europe. Since 2001 ILGA-Europe receives its largest funding from the European Commission. Since 2006 ILGA-Europe enjoys consultative status at the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations (ECOSOC) and advocates for equality and human rights of LGBTI people also at the UN level. ILGA-Europe Annual Review of the Human Rights Situation of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex People in Europe 2013 This Review covers the period of January -
Turkey Country Assessment
TURKEY COUNTRY REPORT October 2004 Country Information & Policy Unit IMMIGRATION AND NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Turkey October 2004 CONTENTS 1. Scope of the document 1.1 – 1.10 2. Geography 2.1 – 2.3 3. Economy 3.1 – 3.2 Corruption 3.3 – 3.4 4. History 4.1 – 4.2 General Election 1995 4.3 The National Security Council’s (MGK) actions 1997 4.4 – 4.7 General Election 1999 4.8 – 4.11 Conflict with the PKK (Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan - Kurdistan Workers’ Party) 4.12 – 4.23 European Union reforms 2001-2002 4.24 – 4.29 General Election 2002 4.30 –4.31 European Union reforms 2002-2003 4.32 – 4.39 Iraq 4.40 – 4.41 Suicide bombings 2003-2004 4.42 – 4.43 Release of Kurdish Deputies 4.44 – 4.47 5. State Structures The Constitution 5.1 – 5.7 Citizenship and Nationality 5.8 – 5.10 Political system 5.11 – 5.17 National Security Council (MGK) or (NSC) 5.18 – 5.23 Local Government 5.24 – 5.29 The Judiciary 5.30 – 5.35 Military Courts 5.36 State Security Courts (DGM) 5.37 – 5.39 The Constitutional Court (Anayasa Mahkemesi) 5.40 – 5.43 Legal rights/detention 5.44 - 5.46 Right to legal advice 5.47 – 5.50 Detention for questioning prior to formal arrest 5.51 – 5.55 The General Information Gathering System (GBTS) 5.56 – 6.65 Death Penalty 5.66 – 5.68 Internal Security Police 5.69 – 5.71 Jandarma/ Gendarmerie 5.72 – 5.74 Military /Special Forces 5.75 Intelligence Agency (MIT) 5.76 Village Guards 5.77 – 5.83 Prisons and Prison conditions 5.84 – 5.92 F-type prisons 5.93 – 5.102 Monitoring of prison conditions 5.103 –5.107 Military service 5.108 – 5.113 Deferring military service 5.114 – 5.115 Evasion of military service and punishment 5.116 – 5.118 Conscientious objectors 5.119 – 5.126 Posting after completion of basic training 5.127 – 5.129 Discrimination in the armed forces 5.130 – 5.134 Medical services 5.135 – 5.136 Cost of treatment 5.137 Mental Health 5.138 – 5.142 HIV/AIDS 5.143 – 5.144 People with disabilities 5.145 – 5.149 Educational system 5.150 – 5.151 6. -
Morocco: Model Or Exception?
January 2008, Volume 19, Number 1 $11.00 Morocco: Model or Exception? Abdou Filali-Ansary Michael McFaul & Tamara Cofman Wittes Driss Khrouz Mohamed Tozy Amina El Messaoudi Turkey Divided Zeyno Baran Taming Extremist Parties: Lessons from Europe Sheri Berman Christopher Wyrod on Sierra Leone Christian Welzel & Ronald Inglehart on Human Empowerment Paul D. Hutchcroft on the Philippines Penda Mbow on Senegal Ahmed H. al-Rahim on Iraq’s Confessional Politics The Democracy Barometers (Part II) Peter R. deSouza, Suhas Palshikar & Yogendra Yadav Amaney Jamal & Mark Tessler Marta Lagos Turkey DIVIDeD Zeyno Baran Zeyno Baran is senior fellow and director of the Center for Eurasian Policy at the Hudson Institute in Washington, D.C. A native of Turkey, Baran writes and speaks widely on Turkey and Turkish affairs. She has done extensive work on the compatibility of Islam and democracy and is currently writing a book on Muslim integration in the West. Democratic deepening usually leads to democratic consolidation—but not in Turkey. Instead, deeper democracy is increasingly exposing the profound divisions in Turkish society, and thus making democracy more fragile. The 22 July 2007 parliamentary elections in Turkey must there- fore be viewed in the context of an increasingly polarized society. The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), which has Islamist roots, won a second term in office with a clear victory, garnering 46.7 percent of the vote and 341 seats in the 550-member Grand National Assembly, Turkey’s unicameral parliament. Yet the preexisting political and so- cial tensions that led to the holding of the elections four months ahead of schedule remain unresolved. -
El Futuro Europeo De Turquía Más Allá De Los Desafíos
EL FUTURO EUROPEO DE TURQUÍA MÁS ALLÁ DE LOS DESAFÍOS EDUARDO SIMÓN CEDEÑO ÁLVAREZ PONTIFICIA UNIVERSIDAD JAVERIANA FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y RELACIONES INTERNACIONALES CARRERA DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA BOGOTÁ D.C. 2009 EL FUTURO EUROPEO DE TURQUÍA MÁS ALLÁ DE LOS DESAFÍOS EDUARDO SIMÓN CEDEÑO ÁLVAREZ TRABAJO DE GRADO PARA OPTAR EL TÍTULO DE POLITÓLOGO DIRECTOR DE TESIS ELIAS ELIADES Magister en Ciencia Política PONTIFICIA UNIVERSIDAD JAVERIANA FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y RELACIONES INTERNACIONALES CARRERA DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA BOGOTÁ D.C. 2009 EL FUTURO EUROPEO DE TURQUÍA MÁS ALLÁ DE LOS DESAFÍOS TRABAJO DE GRADO PARA OPTAR EL TÍTULO DE POLITÓLOGO PONTIFICIA UNIVERSIDAD JAVERIANA FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y RELACIONES INTERNACIONALES CARRERA DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA BOGOTÁ D.C. 2009 TABLA DE CONTENIDO 1. INTRODUCCIÓN…………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 1 1.1 PLANTEAMIENTO DEL PROBLEMA………………………………………………………………………….. 1 2 OBJETIVOS ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….2 2.1 Objetivos Generales ………………………………………………………………………………………2 2.2 Objetivos Específicos ……………………………………………………………………………………..3 3 JUSTIFICACIÓN ………………………………………………………………………………………………….3 4 ASPECTOS METODOLÓGICOS ……………………………………………………………………………………..5 5 MARCO TEÓRICO ………………………………………………………………………………………………….6 5.1 Turquía, Cercana, Lejana y Compleja ……………………………………………………………8 5.2 El Retrato de una Nación ……………………………………………………………………………………..9 6 EVOLUCIÓN DEL PROCESO …………………………………………………………………………………..12 6.1 El Periodo Otomano. …………………………………………………………………………………..12 6.2 El Kemalismo. ……………………………………………………………………………………………….14 -
04.05.2021 Türkiye-Israil Ilişkilerinde
Artuklu Kaime Uluslararası Artuklu Kaime International İktisadi ve İdari Journal of Economics and Araştırmalar Dergisi Administrative Researches Y.2021, C.4, S.1, s.1-33 Y.2021, Vol.4, No.1, pp.1-33 Makale Geliş Tarihi: 25.02.2021 Araştırma Makalesi Makale Kabul Tarihi: 04.05.2021 TÜRKİYE-İSRAİL İLİŞKİLERİNDE SON DÖNEM KRİZLERİ: TÜRK MUHALEFETİNİN VE KAMUOYUNUN YAKLAŞIMI THE RECENT CRISIS IN TURKEY-ISRAEL RELATIONS: THE APPROACH OF THE TURKISH OPPOSITION AND THE PUBLIC OPINION Hüseyin YELTİN1 ÖZ Türkiye’nin İsrail’i 1949’da resmen tanımasının ardından başlayan ikili ilişkiler, dönemsel aralıklarla inişli çıkışlı bir yol izlemiştir. 1990’lı yıllara kadar rutin devam eden ilişkiler özellikle Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde işbirliğine doğru yol almıştır. 2000’li yılların başında iktidar değişimleri iki ülke arasındaki ilişkileri de etkilemiştir. Nitekim ele alınan konular, öne çıkan etmenler değişiklik göstermiştir. Dönemsel analizi yapılacak olan çalışmada, ikili ilişkilerin tarihsel sürecinin yanında, son dönemde yaşanan siyasi krizlere de yer verilecektir. Bu çalışmada, Türkiye ile İsrail arasındaki ikili ilişkilerin son dönemi irdelenecek, 2002 sonrasında yaşanan siyasi krizlerin nedenleri tespit edilip, bu krizlere Türkiye’deki muhalefetin ve kamuoyunun yaklaşımları ele alınacaktır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Türkiye, İsrail, Krizler, Muhalefet, Kamuoyu. ABSTRACT After starting the bilateral relations of Turkey officially recognize Israel in 1949, it has followed an up and down process at periodic intervals. Turkey-Israel relations, which continued routinely until the 1990s, moved towards cooperation, especially in the post-Cold War period. Government changes in the early 2000s also affected the relations between the two countries. As a matter of fact, the issues discussed and the prominent factors differed. -
Testimony by Sargsyan.Pdf
“ARMENIA AFTER THE ELECTION” WRITTEN MATERIAL SUBMITTED BY THE GOVERNMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF ARMENIA FOR INCLUSION IN THE RECORD OF THE HEARING OF THE US COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE /17 April 2007, Washington DC/ In addition to the testimony by: Mr. Vigen A. SARGSYAN Assistant to the President of the Republic of Armenia Contents II. ASSESSMENT OF THE ELECTIONS..................................................................................... 4 1. The electoral tradition in the Republic of Armenia has been progressively improving............................................................................................................................... 4 a. Legislation: ................................................................................................................. 4 b. Practices:.................................................................................................................... 5 2. Supporters of Levon Ter-Petrossyan have exhausted legal remedies available to dispute the outcome of the elections, and their failure to accept the final judgment rendered by the Constitutional Court exasperates all chances for a constructive dialogue.............................................................................. 7 a. Recount ...................................................................................................................... 7 b. Administrative courts ............................................................................................... 8 c. The Constitutional -
A Quest for Equality: Minorities in Turkey Kurdish Girl in Diyarbakır, Turkey
report A Quest for Equality: Minorities in Turkey Kurdish girl in Diyarbakır, Turkey. Carlos Reyes-Manzo/Andes Press Agency. Acknowledgements Minority Rights Group International This report was prepared and published as part of a project Minority Rights Group International (MRG) is a non- entitled ‘Combating discrimination and promoting minority governmental organization (NGO) working to secure the rights in Turkey’, carried out in partnership with Minority rights of ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities and Rights Group International (MRG) and the Diyarbakır Bar indigenous peoples worldwide, and to promote cooperation Association. and understanding between communities. Our activities are focused on international advocacy, training, publishing and The aim of this project is the protection of the ethnic, outreach. We are guided by the needs expressed by our linguistic and religious rights enshrined in European worldwide partner network of organizations, which represent standards (and reflected in the Copenhagen Criteria) of minority and indigenous peoples. minorities in Turkey. The project focuses on the problem of displacement, anti-discrimination law and remedies, and MRG works with over 150 organizations in nearly 50 educational rights of minorities in Turkey. countries. Our governing Council, which meets twice a year, has members from 10 different countries. MRG has This report was prepared with the financial support of the consultative status with the United Nations Economic and EU. The contents of the document are entirely the Social Council (ECOSOC), and observer status with the responsibility of the project partners, and in no way represent African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights the views of the EU. (ACHPR). MRG is registered as a charity and a company limited by guarantee under English law. -
The Neglected Alliance Restoring U.S.–Turkish Relations to Meet 21St Century Challenges
AP PHOTO/MURAD SEZER PHOTO/MURAD AP The Neglected Alliance Restoring U.S.–Turkish Relations to Meet 21st Century Challenges Spencer P. Boyer and Brian Katulis December 2008 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG The Neglected Alliance Restoring U.S.–Turkish Relations to Meet 21st Century Challenges Spencer P. Boyer and Brian Katulis December 2008 Contents 1 Executive Summary 4 Introduction 6 History of the U.S.-Turkish Alliance 8 Turkey’s Internal Struggles 10 Main Political Parties in Turkey 12 Turkey and the Middle East 14 Turkey, Iraq, and the Kurdish Challenge 16 Turkey and Israel 17 Turkey and Iran 18 Turkey and Middle East Peacekeeping 19 Supporting Turkey’s Reemerging Leadership Role in the Middle East 21 Turkey, Energy, and the Caucasus Region 24 Turkey and Armenia 27 Turkey and Europe 27 The Struggle for EU Membership 29 Turkey’s Point of View 32 Why Turkey’s Accession Matters 34 Supporting Turkey’s Integration with the West 37 Conclusion 39 Acknowledgments and About the Authors 42 Endnotes Executive Summary Th e strategic relationship between the United States and Turkey—a decades-long partner- ship that has advanced both countries’ common interests—remains a key pillar in overall U.S. national security policy. Yet this vital alliance has suff ered through serious strains in recent years, mostly due to ill will generated by the 2003 Iraq War. Today, this neglected alliance is in critical need of repair. Th e incoming Obama administration has a unique opportunity to rebuild bilateral rela- tions, but doing so will require signifi cant steps by both Turkey and the United States. -
Karlova Univerzita V Praze
CHARLES UNIVERSITY IN PRAGUE FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Institute of Russian and Eastern European Studies Master thesis 2013 Imogen Davidson White CHARLES UNIVERSITY IN PRAGUE FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Institute of Russian and Eastern European Studies Imogen Davidson White Constructing Nagorno-Karabakh: a diachronic discourse analysis Master thesis Prague 2013 Author: Bc. Imogen Davidson White Supervisor: PhDr. Emil Souleimanov, Ph.D. Academic Year: 2012/2013 Bibliographic note DAVIDSON WHITE, Imogen. Constructing Nagorno-Karabakh: a diachronic discourse analysis. 78 p. Master thesis. Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of Russian and Eastern European Studies, Supervisor PhDr. Emil Souleimanov, Ph.D Abstract In over 20 years of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, there has been no significant progress towards a peaceful agreement. It has been argued that there is not enough incentive for leaders to agree to a compromise and that the citizens are not ready to accept one. In this context, the way the conflict and the enemy are described in public discourse is important not only because it represents the viewpoints of those producing the discourse but because it can have a real effect on public opinion. This paper examines discourse on Azerbaijan and the future of Nagorno-Karabakh in an official newspaper, showing that distrust of Azerbaijan and rigid expectations about the future of Nagorno-Karabakh are dominant. Abstrakt Ve více než 20 letech konfliktu v Náhorním Karabachu, nedošlo k žádnému významnému pokroku na cestě k mírové dohodě. To bylo argumentovan, že není dostatek motivace, aby vedoucí představitelé se dohodly na kompromisu a že občané nejsou připraveni přijmout kompromisu.