The Late Pleistocene Cultures of South America

206 Evolutionary Anthropology ARTICLES The Late Pleistocene Cultures of South America TOM D. DILLEHAY Important to an understanding of the first peopling of any continent is an Between 11,000 and 10,000 years understanding of human dispersion and adaptation and their archeological signa- ago, South America also witnessed tures. Until recently, the earliest archeological record of South America was viewed many of the changes seen as being uncritically as a uniform and unilinear development involving the intrusion of North typical of the Pleistocene period in American people who brought a founding cultural heritage, the fluted Clovis stone other parts of the world.5,9–11 These tool technology, and a big-game hunting tradition to the southern hemisphere changes include the use of coastal between 11,000 and 10,000 years ago.1–3 Biases in the history of research and the resources and related developments in agendas pursued in the archeology of the first Americans have played a major part marine technology, demographic con- in forming this perspective.4–6 centration in major river basins, and Despite enthusiastic acceptance of the Clovis model by a vast majority of the practice of modifying plant and 6–11 archeologists, several South American specialists have rejected it. They contend animal distributions. Others occur that the presence of archeological sites in Tierra del Fuego and other regions by at later, between 10,000 and 9,000 years least 11,000 to 10,500 years ago was simply insufficient time for even the fastest ago, and include most of the changes migration of North Americans to reach within only a few hundred years. Despite this commonly regarded as typifying early 6,10–12 concern, and despite the discovery of several pre-Clovis sites in South America, Archaic (or Neolithic) economies: In- 2,3 some specialists keep the Clovis model alive. Proponents of the model claim that creases in site density and abandon- the pre-Clovis sites are unreliable due to questionable radiocarbon dates, artifacts, ment, increased use of high-cost plant 14–16 and stratigraphy. Solid evidence at the Monte Verde site in Chile and other foods, plant manipulation, intensive 6,8,10–12 localities now indicates that South America was discovered by humans at exploitation of coastal resources, least 12,500 years ago. How much earlier than 12,500 years ago is still a matter of greater technological diversification, conjecture.6,10,12,15 Some proponents prefer a long chronology of 20,000 to 45,000 and the appearance of ritual prac- years ago,8 while others advocate a short chronology of 15,000 to 20,000 years tices.6,9,11,18,19 From a global perspec- ago10–12 or only 11,000 years ago.1–3 tive, what makes South America inter- esting is that cultural complexity developed early, possibly within only a All these views can be accomodated tudes of the Central Andes and the high few millenia after the initial arrival of by emphasizing different archeologi- latitudes of southern Patagonia may not humans. Being the last continent occu- cal records in different geographical have occurred until 11,000 to 10,000 pied by humans but one of the earliest areas. That is, prior to the outset of years ago, after deglaciation. Whatever where domestication occurred, South deglaciation between 15,000 and the entry date may be, late Pleistocene America offers an important study of 13,000 years ago, the first South Ameri- cultural developments in South rapid cultural change and regional cans may have been confined to pro- America show a steady shift away adaptation. This change accelerated ductive, open terrain or patchy forests from broad uniformity and toward the quickly between 11,000 and 10,000 in lowland environments where they establishment of distinct regional tra- years ago, as indicated by the in- may have moved quickly and adapted ditions.6,8,9–11,13,17 It is clear that sev- creased number of diagnostic tool readily. Movement into the high alti- eral regions were moving toward differ- types, site types, and exploited re- ent social and economic patterns by sources associated with the movement terminal Pleistocene times: Most of humans into the interior river corri- groups moved rapidly from simple to dors and coastal fringes of the conti- complex proto-Archaic systems. This Tom D. Dillehay is Professor of Anthropol- nent. The triggering mechanisms of ogy at the University of Kentucky, Lexing- is indicated by widely diverse technolo- these changes are not well under- ton, Kentucky. He combines archeological gies, loose territoriality, generalized stood, but may be related to climatic and ethnological factors in his research. His main interest is in South America, and foraging economies, and demographic shifts, internal developments within he has done investigations in North change. Some groups ultimately ma- regional populations, the imitation of America. nipulated plants and animals in favor- neighbors, the arrival of new people able environments and developed the on the scene, and the procurement of Key words: Pleistocene culture; extinction of beginnings of social differentia- food and other resources in highly animals; early technologies; migration tion.10,11,17 productive environments, as well as ARTICLES Evolutionary Anthropology 207 the growing cultural experience and movement of human populations and America was confined to patchy high- constantly changing lifestyle of Homo broad-scale climatic change. I am re- altitude or high-latitude areas of the sapiens sapiens resulting from having ferring to studies that envision the Andes and had less effect on human traversed the entire span of the West- long-distance movements and settle- populations after 13,000 years ago, ern Hemisphere. ments of populations20–24 and the later when deglaciation had already oc- Early cultural diversity may most diffusion of ideas and circulation of curred in most regions. In North readily be traced in the archeological items across extant populations. Most America, the extensive ice sheets cover- record by the study of stone-tool typol- models have it that Clovis and later ing high latitudes limited the initial ogy. But it is also important, wherever Paleoindian big-game hunters, after movement of people. On the other possible, to examine the internal char- successfully passing through the high- hand, in lower Central America and acteristics of sites and local-level sub- latitude glaciers or along the Pacific the eastern and western flanks and sistence practices. The current record coastline of North America, adapted lowlands of the Andes, as well as the is geographically uneven due to sam- to a plentiful, dense, but seasonally southeastern United States, less glacia- pling bias, with most attention having and geographically unpredictable re- tion provided an environment of ma- been given to the central Andes, south- source base, the gregarious mega- ture forests and savanna grasslands. ern Argentina, southern Chile, and fauna of the late Pleistocene.21,22 Hunt- This mixed forest environment, espe- central Brazil (Fig. 1). As a result, ing these large animals probably cially in parts of Colombia, the land- some cultural differences may appear required high mobility in some areas, bridge gateway into South America, greater now than they will when more opportunistic camping, and periodic and in eastern Brazil, possibly pro- archeological information has come movement over long distances. These vided a more predictable, dense, and to hand. Nonetheless, where the rec- patterns are reflected in the artifact uniform resource structure that of- ord is best understood, it shows obvi- fered a wide variety of economic oppor- ous and consistent cultural differ- tunities. Current archeological evi- ences in stone tool technologies and . where the record is dence suggests that these areas subsistence practices between one mil- probably witnessed the early rise of lenium and the next and between best understood, it shows generalized foraging economies, a North America and South America. obvious and consistent greater reliance on local lithic raw Because the South American record materials, and more microregional dif- historically has been perceived as a cultural differences in ferentiation of material culture be- cultural outgrowth or clone of early tween 11,000 and 10,000 years ago. 1–3 stone tool technologies North American culture, I will dis- These patterns probably reflect de- cuss the major differences between and subsistence creased movement, increased popula- the two continents. I also will stress practices between one tion density, and the appearance of the broad technological and economic millenium and the next loose territoriality, if not colonization developments in South America. The (settling into a particular habitat) near general course of these developments and between North the outset of human entry into some has been outlined in recent reviews by areas. Within this scheme, the classic 8 11 America and South Bryan, Dillehay and colleagues, Ar- Paleoindian strategy of specialized big- 10 3,17 dila and Politis, and Lynch, and America. game hunting was simply one of many will be summarized briefly here. Be- different subsistence practices. More cause the archeological evidence of a common are sites reflecting a diet human entry to South America before typical of the early Archaic period. about 15,000 years ago is weak and assemblages at North American sites, The finds at Monte Verde in southern only presumed at this time, I will focus which often are comprised of exotic Chile,6 several highland cave sites in on the paleoclimatic and archeologi- raw materials carried from long dis- the central Andes,10,11,18,19,25,26 the cal evidence from the period between tances.23,24 The uniformity of stone Grande Abrigo de Santana do Riacho,27 approximately 13,000 and 10,000 years tool types over large areas like the Lapa do Boquete,28 Lapa dos Bichos,29 ago.

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