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Art Dinverno Final Version.Indd Raising the Dead: García Lorca, Trauma and the Cultural Mediation of Mourning Melissa Dinverno is Assis- The dead embody, and therefore become so much of, what the tant Professor of Spanish at living are unable to realize. Indiana University (Bloo- -Sharon Patricia Holland, Raising the Dead mington) and has written on theory and politics of critical Paul Valéry wrote (Felman 1990): “Our memory repeats to us editing, the work of García what we haven’t understood” (76). That’s almost it. Say instead: “Our Lorca, and gender identity memory repeats to us what we haven’t yet come to terms with, what and feminism in 20th-cen- still haunts us.” tury Spain. Her critical -Kai Erikson, “Notes on Trauma and Community” edition of García Lorca’s Suites is forthcoming (Cáte- dra, 2006). Currently she is Cadavers Past and Present writing a book on editorial theory and is preparing an- In a November 2002 op-ed article in El País, the his- other on the contemporary torian Gabriel Jackson affirmed that “En España tampoco cultural construction of existe ya el tabú sobre los horrores de la época de Franco.” García Lorca. Only three days earlier, however, Congress had agreed on a resolution which, despite morally recognizing and pledging support to victims of the Civil War and dictatorship for the first time since Francisco Franco’s death, aimed precisely to contain efforts to recuperate that past. Acknowledging “la necesidad de recuperar la memoria colectiva,” Congress em- phasized both that this recovery occur “dentro del espíritu de concordia de la Constitución,” and that its own recognition of these victims should not “reavivar viejas heridas o remover el rescoldo de la confrontación civil” (“El Congreso”). The barely-disguised anxiety regarding the wounds that the re- cuperation of a traumatic past might reopen finds a curious echo in the conservative government’s 1997 recognition of the life of Federico García Lorca, a figure emblematic of Civil Arizona Journal of Hispanic Cultural Studies Volume 9, 2005 30 Arizona Journal of Hispanic Cultural Studies War and Francoist victimhood. In prepara- August 1936,1 and for “todos los mártires tion for Lorca’s 1998 centenary celebration, del fascismo en España” that lie in oblivion José María Aznar’s administration pledged (Prado 14). For as Emilio Silva, president 600 million pesetas for the year’s activities, of the Asociación para la Recuperación de affirming “a los cuatro vientos” that “61 la Memoria Histórica (ARMH), recognizes, años después del fusilamiento que acabó and BBC journalist Katya Adler notes, “Lor- con la vida de Federico García Lorca, es el ca’s fame gives a face and a name to Spain’s momento de olvidar viejas fobias y rencores” dead thrown in ditches.” The polemic over (Enríquez Gómez 76). As Juan Enríquez whether Lorca’s body should be uncovered Gómez notes, the Partido Popular’s very is thus haunted by larger, unresolved issues public financing of institutions dedicated regarding the Civil War, the regime, and to Lorca and to a national celebration of the post-dictatorship, for indeed, only in Lorca’s life could be read as: 2000, twenty-five years after Franco’s death, was the public silence surrounding the mass el primer paso de una serie de ac- graves finally broken. The current debates ciones encaminadas a lavar la cara de over Lorca’s bodily remains invariably los sectores conservadores del país en el Caso Lorca, iniciado con su fusila- revolve around the relationship between miento, en el año 1936. (76) individual and collective memory, the ownership of the dead and their meaning Indeed, Aznar himself recognized it as, in part, within memorial processes, and the “proper” “un gesto para la concordia” (76). Despite his ways of mourning and of memorializing the emblematic victimhood, then, Lorca becomes past.2 Perhaps most importantly, interven- a politicized body that mediates the active tions have shown an acute awareness of forgetting of a violent, turbulent, and trau- the tragic proportions of what these tombs matic past, a body through which a politics hold: remains of the disappeared. For many, of consensus might be reinforced and affective these bodies are improperly buried; marked by engagements with the past evacuated. This violence and oblivion, they cannot be effectively collective memorialization of Lorca’s life is mourned where they currently lie. Yet re- thus promoted by the state as long as it grafts covery means disinterring the death of the a harmonic national (and political) identity victims, the guilt of their killers, the shame over the collective wounds of the past. of the survivors for having remained silent; More recently, Lorca’s body is once it means unearthing painful personal and again mediating the treatment of these col- collective memories, and recognizing that lective wounds. Since 2003, the potential the nation has not come to terms fully with exhumation of Lorca’s physical remains that past. As such, Lorca’s potential exhuma- from a mass grave in Víznar, Granada, tion, in turn, has brought to light both a has, in turn, unearthed contentious issues tension between a need to recover the trau- regarding history, memory, and the encryp- matic historical past and an anxious desire to tion of the past. On both an international leave it buried, as well as an awareness that and domestic level, his body is being pressed Spain is in a state of unresolved mourning. into service as a tombstone, a literal and Collective imaginings of these bodies as symbolic grave marker for those individu- encrypted alive, awaiting resurrection and als that were apparently killed with him in proper burial by survivors and subsequent Melissa Dinverno 31 generations, reinforce the notion that it is body into national and cultural history precisely the silencing of the traumatic past during the Transition is heavily mediated that has resulted in an unfinished mourn- by this deathly presence, a process that has ing process. In this way, Lorca’s dead body also profoundly affected current configura- currently mediates the nation’s relationship tions of Lorca. Significantly, and as is well to its grievous history and gives shape to a known, representations of his work, literary perception increasingly reflected in national criticism, biography, and even celebrations headlines and cultural spaces that, like thou- of life at that time were marked by his sands of Civil War victims buried in mass status as disappeared, by his violent death. graves, the collective memory of the recent Indeed, the interest in Lorca’s biography past “esperaba enterrada—pero no muerta” has often overtaken understandings of his (Serrano). literary work. Paul Julian Smith has rightly Recent critical discussions regarding emphasized the fetishization of Lorca’s death the fragility of the political situation in and notes that Lorca’s life and death have for the wake of Franco’s death, the Transition’s years been widely regarded by many as the politics of consensus, and the consequent key to understanding his literary work and encryption of a distressing past include vice versa (105), defining this “biological precisely the period in which Federico determinism” as one of the main tenets of García Lorca’s previously censored body the “cult of García Lorca” (136). Even so, we was being reinscribed into collective his- have yet to explain either this repeated col- tory and memory.3 That is, despite a slow lective return to a lorquian body marked by and inconsistent recuperation of García death or the recurring assumption that body Lorca under the regime, it was not until and work are intimately related, two notions the waning years of the dictatorship and the that I will argue are connected and underpin complicated start of democracy that a more most literary and cultural criticism of Lorca’s complete recovery of his figure and corpus work, as well as his enormous weight as a was undertaken within Spain. Teresa Vilarós cultural icon since the dictatorship.4 has insightfully written that: This essay returns primarily to the period of 1970-1986 in an attempt to un- El instrumento de escritura que la derstand the cultural processes involved in historia usa en estos primeros mo- the recent construction of Federico García mentos es sobre todo el de un pun- Lorca, particularly as it revolved around zón dedicado a horadar y destrozar, his assassination and cadaver, around a col- una aguja que imprime sobre el texto lective desire to imagine his death and/or a de la transición la presencia rotunda de la muerte. […] [E]l desgarro lorquian body marked by death. While ac- físico y político que la presencia de knowledging that appropriations of Lorca’s la muerte supone en estos primeros death began almost immediately after his años de la transición es simplemente assassination and, therefore, well before the sobrecogedor. (118) 1970s, I examine this recent period of po- litical, social and cultural upheaval as a mo- In the same vein, I would like to recuperate ment when the dynamics of constructing a this “presencia rotunda de la muerte” and lorquian body were particularly complicated suggest that the incorporation of Lorca’s and might have yielded different results. For 32 Arizona Journal of Hispanic Cultural Studies if we accept the notion that the Transition through traumatic events of the Civil War, witnessed a hegemonic effort to eliminate of the Franco regime, and of the Transition’s collective spaces that mediated affective politics of reconciliation.7 engagements with the problematic past, how can we understand the intense inter- Fatal Fascinations: est in the death (and life marked by death) Narrating Lorca’s Death of Lorca? In what ways did that politics of consensus affect Lorca’s cultural construc- In his 1966 essay for ABC, “La obra tion then and his cultural importance now, de Federico, bien nacional,” Edgar Neville, particularly with relation to issues of encryp- critic, director and former friend of García tion, mourning, and memory? Alternately, Lorca, sought to inscribe the poet into Span- considering the importance of cultural sites ish literary history.
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