Romania's 1990 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections
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“Green Policies Are About Our Entire Way of Life”
“Green Policies Are about Our Entire Way of Life” Article by Inés Sabanés August 31, 2021 The Covid-19 pandemic is the latest in a string of crises Spain has faced in recent years, which have left the country weakened and many worried about its future. With elections on the horizon, Member of the Spanish Parliament Inés Sabanés explains how an all-encompassing Green vision can transform every aspect of society, and why Europe has the potential to help Spain overcome many of its difficulties. Green European Journal: From the perspective of the Greens (Verdes Equo), what are the key political issues facing Spain in 2021? Inés Sabanés: The pandemic has reset political priorities at both the Spanish and European levels. Three fundamental issues stick out; they were important during the 2021 Madrid elections and are present throughout our daily political life. First is the economic and social recovery: in response to the crisis caused by the pandemic but also in connection to the climate emergency. The distribution of projects arising from European funds needs to bring us out of this crisis through a fundamental structural change to the way our country works. Spain today is too susceptible to crises – our economy is overdependent on tourism for example – and needs to build its future on a more solid, productive, and better developed economic model. The second major issue is the rise of the far right. Frequent elections have been a fundamental error and a lack of consensus between parties in government has led to a rise in the number of far-right members of parliament. -
The Future of Europe - Perspectives Debate Was Moderated by Political Journalist Fernando from Spain Berlin
sociologist and expert from the EQUO Foundation. The The Future of Europe - Perspectives debate was moderated by political journalist Fernando from Spain Berlin. The conclusions of the seminar are presented below, after an introduction to the Spanish political system and the particularities of the economic crisis in Spain. The European Union is in The Spanish Party Political System a vulnerable situation. The project that started half a Spain is currently governed by the conservative party century ago is now (Partido Popular - PP) that holds an absolute majority staggering. (186 of 350 parliamentary seats since the 2011 elections). The landslide electoral win of the conservatives was the While its primary objective of ensuring peace on the result of a massive protest vote against the Socialist continent has been a success, subsequent Party (PSOE) for its inability to address the economic expectations of greater political integration beyond a crisis after 8 years in power. mere common market are not accomplished. The EU project itself is now in question, not only from the The Spanish party system was created with the intention outside, where the markets doubt and test the to provide on the one hand political stability to the young viability of the Euro - its economic flagship, but also democracy trough a nation-wide two-party system (the from within Europe whose citizens are beginning to electoral system making it virtually impossible for any doubt the direction of the project and the legitimacy other party except the PP and PSOE to govern) and on the of EU policies. Even in countries traditionally pro- other hand to allow the representation of regional European like Spain or Greece, where in past times political forces in the chamber of deputies, as the of dictatorship the EU was seen as the ultimate electoral system favours parties that concentrate big democratic achievement, this once unconditional amounts of votes in a specific region. -
Green Parties and Elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Green Par Elections
Chapter 1 Green Parties and Elections, 1979–2019 Green parties and elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Wolfgang Rüdig Introduction The history of green parties in Europe is closely intertwined with the history of elections to the European Parliament. When the first direct elections to the European Parliament took place in June 1979, the development of green parties in Europe was still in its infancy. Only in Belgium and the UK had green parties been formed that took part in these elections; but ecological lists, which were the pre- decessors of green parties, competed in other countries. Despite not winning representation, the German Greens were particularly influ- enced by the 1979 European elections. Five years later, most partic- ipating countries had seen the formation of national green parties, and the first Green MEPs from Belgium and Germany were elected. Green parties have been represented continuously in the European Parliament since 1984. Subsequent years saw Greens from many other countries joining their Belgian and German colleagues in the Euro- pean Parliament. European elections continued to be important for party formation in new EU member countries. In the 1980s it was the South European countries (Greece, Portugal and Spain), following 4 GREENS FOR A BETTER EUROPE their successful transition to democracies, that became members. Green parties did not have a strong role in their national party systems, and European elections became an important focus for party develop- ment. In the 1990s it was the turn of Austria, Finland and Sweden to join; green parties were already well established in all three nations and provided ongoing support for Greens in the European Parliament. -
REVISTA ROMÂNĂ De STUDII ELECTORALE
Autoritatea Electorală Permanentă REVISTA ROMÂNĂ de STUDII ELECTORALE Vol. VI, nr. 2, 2018 Revista Română de Studii Electorale Publicaţie bianuală editată de Autoritatea Electorală Permanentă (continuă Revista Expert Electoral) ISSN (print): 2601-8454 ISSN (L): 2601-8454 Consiliul știinţific: Rafael López-Pintor Paul DeGregorio – Universitatea Autonomă din Madrid Pierre Garrone – Asociaţia Mondială a Organismelor Electorale Robert Krimmer – Comisia de la Veneţia Toby James – Ragnar Nurkse School of Innovation and Governance, Tallinn University of Technology Ştefan Deaconu – School of Politics, Philosophy, Language and Communication Studies, University of East Anglia Sergiu Mişcoiu – Universitatea din Bucureşti Daniel Barbu – Facultatea de Studii Europene, Universitatea Babeş-Bolyai Marian Muhuleţ – Autoritatea Electorală Permanentă, Universitatea din București Zsombor Vajda – Autoritatea Electorală Permanentă Constantin-Florin Mituleţu-Buică – Autoritatea Electorală Permanentă – Autoritatea Electorală Permanentă Consiliul redacţional: Alexandru Radu Daniel Duţă – director editorial Andrada-Maria Mateescu – redactor-șef Bogdan Fartușnic – redactor-șef adjunct Octavian Mircea Chesaru Camelia Runceanu Realizat la Autoritatea Electorală Permanentă Str. Stavropoleos nr. 6, sector 3, Bucureşti [email protected]; [email protected] Tel/Fax: (021)310.13.86 www.roaep.ro CUPRINS Daniel BARBU – Regim şi scrutin. Cum au cristalizat alegerile din 2004 sistemul politic românesc Alexandru ...................................................................................................................................................................... -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Professionalization of Green Parties?
Professionalization of Green parties? Analyzing and explaining changes in the external political approach of the Dutch political party GroenLinks Lotte Melenhorst (0712019) Supervisor: Dr. A. S. Zaslove 5 September 2012 Abstract There is a relatively small body of research regarding the ideological and organizational changes of Green parties. What has been lacking so far is an analysis of the way Green parties present them- selves to the outside world, which is especially interesting because it can be expected to strongly influence the image of these parties. The project shows that the Dutch Green party ‘GroenLinks’ has become more professional regarding their ‘external political approach’ – regarding ideological, or- ganizational as well as strategic presentation – during their 20 years of existence. This research pro- ject challenges the core idea of the so-called ‘threshold-approach’, that major organizational changes appear when a party is getting into government. What turns out to be at least as interesting is the ‘anticipatory’ adaptations parties go through once they have formulated government participation as an important party goal. Until now, scholars have felt that Green parties are transforming, but they have not been able to point at the core of the changes that have taken place. Organizational and ideological changes have been investigated separately, whereas in the case of Green parties organi- zation and ideology are closely interrelated. In this thesis it is argued that the external political ap- proach of GroenLinks, which used to be a typical New Left Green party but that lacks governmental experience, has become more professional, due to initiatives of various within-party actors who of- ten responded to developments outside the party. -
The Urban Response to the Rural Land Reform During the Chinese Civil War: 1945-1949
Illinois Wesleyan University Digital Commons @ IWU Honors Projects History Department 2001 The Urban Response to the Rural Land Reform During the Chinese Civil War: 1945-1949 Elizabeth Grad '01 Illinois Wesleyan University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/history_honproj Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Grad '01, Elizabeth, "The Urban Response to the Rural Land Reform During the Chinese Civil War: 1945-1949" (2001). Honors Projects. 15. https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/history_honproj/15 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Commons @ IWU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this material in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This material has been accepted for inclusion by faculty at Illinois Wesleyan University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Copyright is owned by the author of this document. • THE URBAN RESPONSE TO THE RURAL LAND REFORM MOVEMENT DURING THE CHINESE CIVIL WAR: 1945-1949 By: Elizabeth Grad • 1 Introduction China's internal condition immediately following the end ofJapanese occupation was complicated and precarious. The conflicting interests ofthe Kuomintang and the Communists were pushing the nation into civil war and pressure from the United States only hastened the collapse ofan already weak: internal structure. The Japanese occupation of China during the war had significant implications and affected the political fortunes of the Kuomintang and the Communists in diverse ways. -
"Thought Reform" in China| Political Education for Political Change
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 1979 "Thought reform" in China| Political education for political change Mary Herak The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Herak, Mary, ""Thought reform" in China| Political education for political change" (1979). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 1449. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/1449 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COPYRIGHT ACT OF 1976 THIS IS AN UNPUBLISHED MANUSCRIPT IN WHICH COPYRIGHT SUB SISTS, ANY FURTHER REPRINTING OF ITS CONTENTS MUST BE APPROVED BY THE AUTHOR. MANSFIELD LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF MONTANA DATE: 19 7 9 "THOUGHT REFORM" IN CHINA: POLITICAL EDUCATION FOR POLITICAL CHANGE By Mary HeraJc B.A. University of Montana, 1972 Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts UNIVERSITY OP MONTANA 1979 Approved by: Graduat e **#cho o1 /- 7^ Date UMI Number: EP34293 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent on the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. -
The Commandant's Introduction
The Commandants Introduction By Michael H. Clemmesen his issue of the Baltic Defence Re- It seems now to have been generally members seem to have realised this fact. view marks a change in the editorial recognized that the Alliance has to be To succeed, the transformation must line that is symbolised by the changed reformed thoroughly to remain relevant take the alliance forward and change it cover. The adjustment is not only caused to the leading member state. The U.S.A., from being a reactive self-defensive alli- by the fact that the three Baltic states have involved as she is in the drawn-out War ance. The outlined new NATO is a po- succeeded in being invited to NATO as Against Terror that was forced upon her litically much more demanding, divisive, well as to the EU and now have to adapt by the 11 September 2001 attacks, is not and risky framework for military co-op- to the new situation. It is also based on impressed by the contribution from most eration. Its missions will include opera- the realisation that the two organisations of the European allies. Only a small tions of coercion like the one against will change their character when the inte- progress has been made in the Yugoslavia with regard to Kosovo as well gration of the new members takes place. enhancement of the force structures of as pre-emptive Out-of-NATO area crisis The implementation of the new editorial the European members since the 1999 response operations military activism line will only come gradually. -
Politics in Plural Societies : a Theory of Democratic Instability
POLITICS IN PLURAL SOCIETIES A Theory of Democratic Instability ALVIN RABUSHKA University of Rochester and KENNETH A. SHEPSLE Washington University, St. Louis Charles E. Merrill Publishing Company A Bell & Howell Company Columbus, Ohio CHAPTER 5 Majority Domination We turn in this chapter to an analysis of ethnic politics in dominant major- ity configurations. A major theme that emerges from this analysis is the denial by majorities of political freedoms to minorities as well as access to a proportional share of the public sector. First we explore ethnic politics in Ceylon to illustrate how a dominant Sinhalese majority deals with an important Tamil minority; second, we extend the empirical coverage with a comparative treatment of majority domination in Northern Ireland, Cyprus, Mauritius, Rwanda, and Zanzibar (now part of Tanzania). Ceylon The most important source of division and disruption in Ceylonese politics and the greatest impediment to integrative trends has been the persistence of sentiments of identification and solidarity with broader primordial groups generally referred to as communities.1 The Sinhalese, constituting about seventy percent of the population, is the majority community in Ceylon. The remaining minorities consist of Ceylon Tamils who arrived from India between the fourth and twelfth centuries, eleven percent; Indian Tamils who arrived in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to work on the tea estates, twelve percent; Moors 1. Robert N. Kearney, Communalism and Language in the Politics of Ceylon (Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1967), p. 4. We rely heavily upon the evidence Kearney provides of Sinhalese politics. See also W. Howard Wriggins, Ceylon: Dilemmas of a New Nation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960); Calvin A. -
Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 3
COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ELECTORAL SYSTEMS - MODULE 3 (2006-2011) CODEBOOK: APPENDICES Original CSES file name: cses2_codebook_part3_appendices.txt (Version: Full Release - December 15, 2015) GESIS Data Archive for the Social Sciences Publication (pdf-version, December 2015) ============================================================================================= COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ELECTORAL SYSTEMS (CSES) - MODULE 3 (2006-2011) CODEBOOK: APPENDICES APPENDIX I: PARTIES AND LEADERS APPENDIX II: PRIMARY ELECTORAL DISTRICTS FULL RELEASE - DECEMBER 15, 2015 VERSION CSES Secretariat www.cses.org =========================================================================== HOW TO CITE THE STUDY: The Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (www.cses.org). CSES MODULE 3 FULL RELEASE [dataset]. December 15, 2015 version. doi:10.7804/cses.module3.2015-12-15 These materials are based on work supported by the American National Science Foundation (www.nsf.gov) under grant numbers SES-0451598 , SES-0817701, and SES-1154687, the GESIS - Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences, the University of Michigan, in-kind support of participating election studies, the many organizations that sponsor planning meetings and conferences, and the many organizations that fund election studies by CSES collaborators. Any opinions, findings and conclusions, or recommendations expressed in these materials are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the funding organizations. =========================================================================== IMPORTANT NOTE REGARDING FULL RELEASES: This dataset and all accompanying documentation is the "Full Release" of CSES Module 3 (2006-2011). Users of the Final Release may wish to monitor the errata for CSES Module 3 on the CSES website, to check for known errors which may impact their analyses. To view errata for CSES Module 3, go to the Data Center on the CSES website, navigate to the CSES Module 3 download page, and click on the Errata link in the gray box to the right of the page. -
Post-Communist Romania
Political Science • Eastern Europe Carey Edited by Henry F. Carey Foreword by Norman Manea “Henry Carey’s collection captures with great precision the complex, contradic- tory reality of contemporary Romania. Bringing together Romanian, West European, and American authors from fields as diverse as anthropology, politi- Romania cal science, economics, law, print and broadcast journalism, social work, and lit- ROMANIA SINCE 1989 erature, the volume covers vast ground, but with striking detail and scholarship and a common core approach. Romania since 1989 provides perhaps the most comprehensive view of the continuing, murky, contested reality that is Romania today and is a must read for any scholar of modern Romania, of East-Central Europe, and of the uncertain, troubled, post-socialist era.” since 1989 —David A. Kideckel, Central Connecticut State University Sorin Antohi “The wealth of detail and quality of insights will make this an excellent source- Wally Bacon book for students of political change after the Cold War. It should be taken seri- Gabriel Ba˘ descu ously by policy practitioners increasingly involved with Romania’s problems.” Zoltan Barany —Tom Gallagher, Professor of Peace Studies, Bradford University, U.K. Politics, Jóhanna Kristín Birnir Larry S. Bush Those who study Romania must confront the theoretical challenges posed by a Economics, Pavel Câmpeanu country that is undergoing a profound transformation from a repressive totali- Henry F. Carey tarian regime to a hazy and as yet unrealized democratic government. The most and Society Daniel Da˘ ianu comprehensive survey of Romanian politics and society ever published abroad, Dennis Deletant this volume represents an effort to collect and analyze data on the complex prob- Christopher Eisterhold lems of Romania’s past and its transition into an uncertain future.