The Post-Colonial Administrative System in Tanzania 1961 to 2019
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By Martin Sturmer First Published by Ndanda Mission Press 1998 ISBN 9976 63 592 3 Revised Edition 2008 Document Provided by Afrika.Info
THE MEDIA HISTORY OF TANZANIA by Martin Sturmer first published by Ndanda Mission Press 1998 ISBN 9976 63 592 3 revised edition 2008 document provided by afrika.info I Preface The media industry in Tanzania has gone through four major phases. There were the German colonial media established to serve communication interests (and needs) of the German administration. By the same time, missionaries tried to fulfil their tasks by editing a number of papers. There were the media of the British administration established as propaganda tool to support the colonial regime, and later the nationalists’ media established to agitate for self-governance and respect for human rights. There was the post colonial phase where the then socialist regime of independent Tanzania sought to „Tanzanianize“ the media - the aim being to curb opposition and foster development of socialistic principles. There was the transition phase where both economic and political changes world-wide had necessitated change in the operation of the media industry. This is the phase when a private and independent press was established in Tanzania. Martin Sturmer goes through all these phases and comprehensively brings together what we have not had in Tanzania before: A researched work of the whole media history in Tanzania. Understanding media history in any society is - in itself - understanding a society’s political, economic and social history. It is due to this fact then, that we in Tanzania - particularly in the media industry - find it plausible to have such a work at this material time. This publication will be very helpful especially to students of journalism, media organs, university scholars, various researchers and even the general public. -
Company Meetings by Electronic Means Or Virtual Platforms in Wake of COVID-19 Restrictions
June 16, 2020 High Court grants leave for publicly Legal Alert: Key Decisions on listed companies to convene AGMs Company Law in Uganda by electronic means or virtual NEW! ALP Company Law News platforms in wake of impracticality, ALP Alerts is a free legal information service owing to COVID-19 restrictions, of provided by ALP East Africa in respect of the in-person meetings, subject to prior firm’s practice areas in its country presence in no-objection from the Securities Kenya, South Sudan, Tanzania and Uganda. Exchange and compliance with The Alerts are also available on the ALP applicable notices. website www.alp-ea.com Company Meetings by Electronic Means or Virtual Platforms in wake of COVID-19 restrictions Background meeting of the company to be called, held and conducted in the manner the court thinks fit.” The COVID-19 pandemic has fundamentally disrupted “business as usual” as we had come Both British American Tobacco (Uganda) to know it. With social distancing measures that Limited and Stanbic Uganda Holdings Limited have been put in place by very many countries, (hereinafter “the companies”) are public it is becoming impossible to engage in forms of companies listed under the Main Investment physical interaction—assemblies, meetings, Market Segment of the Uganda Securities etc.—a thing that was hitherto not envisaged. Exchange. The need for public companies to hold a general meeting is provided under The question that arises is: what happens when section 138(1) of the Companies Act 2012. physical interaction is required to do a certain Such general meeting is held once a year and thing? Especially, when that is required by the law requires that not more than 15 months constituent documents of a body or by law. -
The Case of Tanzania
INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced frommicrofilm the master. U M I films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. A Bell & Howell Information Company 300 North Zeeb Road. Ann Arbor. Ml 48106-1346 USA 313/ 761-4700 800/521-0600 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Order Number 9507836 War as a social trap: The case of Tanzania Francis, Joyce L., Ph.D. -
Conceiving the Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union in the Midst of the Cold
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Virtual Commons - Bridgewater State University Bridgewater State University Virtual Commons - Bridgewater State University History Faculty Publications History Department 2014 Conceiving the Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union in the Midst of the Cold War: Internal and International Factors Ethan Sanders Bridgewater State University, [email protected] Virtual Commons Citation Sanders, Ethan (2014). Conceiving the Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union in the Midst of the Cold War: Internal and International Factors. In History Faculty Publications. Paper 42. Available at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/history_fac/42 This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. African Review Vol. 41, No. 1, 2014: 35-70 Conceiving the Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union in the Midst of the Cold War: Internal and International Factors Ethan R. Sanders* Abstract To what extent was international pressure placed on Nyerere and Karume to unify their two states in April 1964? The argument made is that even though Americans were initially very pleased with the outcome of the Union—because they thought it would help stem the spread of communism in the region—this was not a Western-initiated plan forced upon East African leaders. Indeed, the evidence shows that Americans were largely in the dark and in fact very frustrated by their lack of influence on the situation. Instead, the Union merely served as a confluence of African and American interests. The internal factors are inspected by highlighting African concerns over outside interference, worries about domestic stability, and a desire by Karume to consolidate his power. -
Tanzania Comoros
COUNTRY REPORT Tanzania Comoros 3rd quarter 1996 The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent Street, London SW1Y 4LR United Kingdom The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit is a specialist publisher serving companies establishing and managing operations across national borders. For over 40 years it has been a source of information on business developments, economic and political trends, government regulations and corporate practice worldwide. The EIU delivers its information in four ways: through subscription products ranging from newsletters to annual reference works; through specific research reports, whether for general release or for particular clients; through electronic publishing; and by organising conferences and roundtables. The firm is a member of The Economist Group. London New York Hong Kong The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent Street The Economist Building 25/F, Dah Sing Financial Centre London 111 West 57th Street 108 Gloucester Road SW1Y 4LR New York Wanchai United Kingdom NY 10019, USA Hong Kong Tel: (44.171) 830 1000 Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Tel: (852) 2802 7288 Fax: (44.171) 499 9767 Fax: (1.212) 586 1181/2 Fax: (852) 2802 7638 Electronic delivery EIU Electronic Publishing New York: Lou Celi or Lisa Hennessey Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Fax: (1.212) 586 0248 London: Moya Veitch Tel: (44.171) 830 1007 Fax: (44.171) 830 1023 This publication is available on the following electronic and other media: Online databases CD-ROM Microfilm FT Profile (UK) Knight-Ridder Information World Microfilms Publications (UK) Tel: (44.171) 825 8000 Inc (USA) Tel: (44.171) 266 2202 DIALOG (USA) SilverPlatter (USA) Tel: (1.415) 254 7000 LEXIS-NEXIS (USA) Tel: (1.800) 227 4908 M.A.I.D/Profound (UK) Tel: (44.171) 930 6900 Copyright © 1996 The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited. -
Towards Responsible Democratic Government
TOWARDS RESPONSIBLE DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT Executive Powers and Constitutional Practice in Tanzania 1962-1992 Jwani Timothy Mwaikusa Thesis Submitted to the University of London for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1995 Law Department School of Oriental and African Studies ProQuest Number: 11010551 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 11010551 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 ABSTRACT With independence in 1961, the British system of Parliamentary government, incorporating the principle of responsible government, was formally adopted in Tanzania. But within only one year that system was discarded first, by adopting a Republican Constitution with an executive President in 1962, and then by adopting a one-party state system of government in 1965. The one-party system reached the height of prominence through the concept of "Party Supremacy", and dominated constitutional practice for a whole generation before giving way to demands for greater freedom and democracy through competitive politics in 1992. Throughout this time, however, the preambles to successive constitutions proclaimed that the government in Tanzania was responsible to a freely elected Parliament representative of the people. -
Politics, Decolonisation, and the Cold War in Dar Es Salaam C
A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of Warwick Permanent WRAP URL: http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/87426 Copyright and reuse: This thesis is made available online and is protected by original copyright. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item for information to help you to cite it. Our policy information is available from the repository home page. For more information, please contact the WRAP Team at: [email protected] warwick.ac.uk/lib-publications Politics, decolonisation, and the Cold War in Dar es Salaam c. 1965-72 by George Roberts A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History University of Warwick, Department of History, September 2016 Politics, decolonisation, and the Cold War in Dar es Salaam, c. 1965-72 Acknowledgements 4 Summary 5 Abbreviations and acronyms 6 Maps 8 Introduction 10 Rethinking the Cold War and decolonisation 12 The ‘Cold War city’ 16 Tanzanian history and the shadow of Julius Nyerere 20 A note on the sources 24 1 – From uhuru to Arusha: Tanzania and the world, 1961-67 34 Nyerere’s foreign policy 34 The Zanzibar Revolution 36 The Dar es Salaam mutiny 38 The creation of Tanzania 40 The foreign policy crises of 1964-65 43 The turn to Beijing 47 Revisiting the Arusha Declaration 50 The June 1967 government reshuffle 54 Oscar Kambona’s flight into exile 56 Conclusion 58 2 – Karibu Dar es Salaam: the political geography of a Cold War city 60 Dar es Salaam 61 Spaces 62 News 67 Propaganda -
Decolonize Berlin E.V. 26.05.2020 Neben Dem Prominenten
Decolonize Berlin e.V. 26.05.2020 Neben dem prominenten Gründungspräsidenten Tansanias, Julius Nyerere, schlagen wir drei weitere antikoloniale Akteur*innen aus Tansania als Namensgeber*innen für die 1890 zu Ehren des „Reichskommissars für Deutsch- Ostafrika“ benannte Wissmannstraße in Neukölln vor: Infoveranstaltung im Juni 2019: https://facettenneukoelln.wordpress.com/2019/06/11/wir-schlagen- mkomanile-und-lucy-lameck-aus-tansania-fuer-die-umbenennung-der-wissmannstrasse-vor/ 1. Mkomanile* (ermordet 1906) Im Süden der Kolonie „Deutsch-Ostafrika“ standen im sogenannten Maji-Maji-Krieg 1905- 1907 über 20 verschiedene Bevölkerungsgruppen gemeinsam gegen die Unterdrückung durch die deutschen Kolonialherren auf. Verbunden waren sie über ein weitergetragenes magisches „Wasser“ (maji), das die Befreiungskämpfer*innen vor den Kugeln der Deutschen schützen sollte. Bei der Übergabe des Maji von den Wangindo an die Wangoni und der damit verbundenen, bedeutenden Ausweitung der antikolonialen Erhebung spielte die lokale Wangoni-Herrscherin (nduna) Nkomanile aus Kitanda eine herausragende Rolle. Als es der deutschen „Schutztruppe“ schließlich gelang, den Widerstand der Wangoni zu brechen, wurden 67 ihrer Führer*innen nach Songea verschleppt und dort am 27. Februar 1906 erhängt. Mkomanile war die einzige Frau unter ihnen. In Songea, am Ort wo sie erhängt wurden, wird sie heute namentlich auf einer Gedenktafel gewürdigt. Jedes Jahr am 27. Februar findet dort eine große Gedenkveran -staltung der tansanischen Nachfahren statt, die an die Auslöschung der Wangoni -El ite und an die mehr als 100,000 weiteren Opfer auf ostafrikanischer Seite erinnern. 100 Jahre nach ihrem Tod entwickelten die Ensembles der Performance -Künstlerinnen von Binti Leo und Bagamoyo Women Artists 2006 ihr zu Ehren ein Tanztheater -Stück. -
Single-Party Rule in a Multiparty Age: Tanzania in Comparative Perspective
SINGLE-PARTY RULE IN A MULTIPARTY AGE: TANZANIA IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement of the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Richard L. Whitehead August, 2009 © by Richard L. Whitehead 2009 All Rights Reserved ii ABSTRACT Title: Single-Party Rule in a Multiparty Age: Tanzania in Comparative Perspective Candidate's Name: Richard L. Whitehead Degree: Doctor of Philosophy Temple University, 2009 Doctoral Advisory Committee Chair: Richard Deeg As international pressure for multiparty reforms swept Africa during the early 1990s, long- time incumbent, such as UNIP in Zambia, KANU in Kenya, and the MCP in Malawi, were simultaneously challenged by widespread domestic demands for multiparty reforms. Only ten years later, after succumbing to reform demands, many long-time incumbents were out of office after holding competitive multiparty elections. My research seeks an explanation for why this pattern did not emerge in Tanzanian, where the domestic push for multiparty change was weak, and, despite the occurrence of three multiparty elections, the CCM continues to win with sizable election margins. As identified in research on semi-authoritarian rule, the post-reform pattern for incumbency maintenance in countries like Togo, Gabon, and Cameroon included strong doses of repression, manipulation and patronage as tactics for surviving in office under to multiparty elections. Comparatively speaking however, governance by the CCM did not fit the typical post-Cold-War semi-authoritarian pattern of governance either. In Tanzania, coercion and manipulation appears less rampant, while patronage, as a constant across nearly every African regime, cannot explain the overwhelming mass support the CCM continues to enjoy today. -
TZ National Political Identity and Democracy Julia Muller FINAL 9
Tanzania’s Political National Identity and Democratic Development Julia Müller MA History Thesis, University of Leiden Specialisation ‘History of European Expansion and Globalisation’ Under Supervision of Prof. Dr. Giles Scott-Smith 9 September 2013 Julia Müller Tanzania’s Political National Identity and Democratic Development Contents Abbreviations 3 1. Introduction 4 1.1 Tanzania’s current political system 7 2. Democracy in post-colonial Africa 14 2.1 Historiography of democracy in post-colonial Africa 14 2.2 Defining democracy in Africa 23 3. Defining Tanzania’s political national identity 30 4. Tanzania’s independence movement 33 4.1 TANU: the creation of the independence party 34 4.2 The Creation of an independence nationalist ideology 38 4.3 The Road to Independence 41 5. Tanzania’s Post-Independence Struggle for Legitimacy 49 5.1 The struggle for legitimisation and the creation of a republic 49 5.2 The creation of a single-party state 54 5.3 Identifying a national party ideology 57 5.4 The post-independence political national ideology 64 6. Transition to multi-party democracy 67 6.1 The transition paradigm 67 6.2 Political discussion from the mid-1980s onwards 69 6.3 The political national identity and its effect on 73 democratic development 7. Conclusion 78 8. Works Cited 81 2 Julia Müller Tanzania’s Political National Identity and Democratic Development Abbreviations ASP Afro Shirazi Party CCM Chama Cha Mapinduzi Chadema Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo CRC Constitutional Review Committee CUF Civic United Front IMF International Monetary Fund NCCR-Mageuzi National Convention for Construction and Reform-Mageuzi NEC National Electoral Commission NEC National Executive Committee NLD National League for Democracy PDA Pragmatic Democratic Alliance TAA Tanganyika African Association TANU Tanganyika African National Union UK United Kingdom UN United Nations US United States UTP United Tanganyika Party 3 Julia Müller Tanzania’s Political National Identity and Democratic Development 1. -
Civics and General Studies Journal
Appointment of Good Governance Minister who is responsible DEMOCRATIC PRACTICES IN for among other things for monitoring overall strategy and CHAPTER TANZANIA implementation of ant-corruption measures. The National Anti- 2 corruption Strategy focuses on the need for transparency and accountability in the government. A direct The concept of democracy democracy gives the voting Democracy is a form of government in which population all citizens have an equal say in the decisions the power that affect their lives. Ideally, this includes Conclusions to; change constitutional equal (and more or less direct) participation Problems in governance occur when a government is not only laws, put forth in proposals, development and passage of corrupt, but when it is also inefficient, unresponsive or secretive. initiatives, legislation into law. Essentially, when a government is ineffectual, it is considered to referendums be corrupt. Corruption is fundamentally caused by low wages, and suggestions It comes from the Greek word demokratía poor incentives structure and inefficient system. It is also caused for laws, give binding orders which is a union of two words demos meaning by the desire for unfair advantage and the knowledge that one to elective common people and kratos which means will not be caught or punished for corrupt behavior. officials, such power. Therefore democracy can simply be as revoking defined as the power of the common people. Corruption is not just about ethics, it is also about how them before the government is set up and managed. Parliament and the end of their elected term. There is no specific, universally accepted parliamentarians must oversee the way government works so that definition of ‘democracy’, but equality corrupt behavior is punishable, and opportunities for corruption and freedom both have been identified as are limited through laws. -
Nyegina Parish Continued
PART TWO MUSOMA PREFECTURE/DIOCESE AND ROAD TO TANGANYIKA INDEPENDENCE 1947 TO 1962 Part One of this book concluded with developments in the parishes of Nyegina and Kowak up to September, 1947, just one year after the first Maryknollers arrived in Tanganyika. This section will look at several further developments, such as the history of Nyegina Parish from 1947 to 1950, the aborted attempt to have Maryknoll staff the parishes in Ukerewe Island, the establishment of Musoma Prefecture, some of the early innovations and institutions developed by the Prefecture, the history of the nationalist struggle for independence, with some extended comments about Julius Nyerere and his relationship with Maryknoll, and conclude with the erection of Musoma Diocese. We will begin with Nyegina Parish from where we left off in Part One. Nyegina Parish continued: By September, 1947, matters were becoming normalized in Nyegina, at least for the Maryknollers. The two Maryknollers ordained in June, Joe Glynn and Ed Bratton, had gone to Kowak and there would be no further Maryknollers come to Nyegina until November, 1948. The changes were with the White Fathers: Archambeault was the new pastor; Junker and Brother Wilfred were gone; Van Riel had gone to Maswa, although he came back to Nyegina from time to time, since he was the Vicar General and Education Secretary for the Musoma-Maswa Vicariate; and Bishop Blomjous stayed for varying lengths of time at Nyegina. He had thought of building a house in Musoma and staying there, but in fact this did not happen prior to mid-1948, when he became Administrator of the Vicariate of Mwanza.