Epicureanism by Tim O'keefe Berkeley/Los Angeles
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On the Date of the Trial of Anaxagoras
The Classical Quarterly http://journals.cambridge.org/CAQ Additional services for The Classical Quarterly: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here On the Date of the Trial of Anaxagoras A. E. Taylor The Classical Quarterly / Volume 11 / Issue 02 / April 1917, pp 81 - 87 DOI: 10.1017/S0009838800013094, Published online: 11 February 2009 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0009838800013094 How to cite this article: A. E. Taylor (1917). On the Date of the Trial of Anaxagoras. The Classical Quarterly, 11, pp 81-87 doi:10.1017/S0009838800013094 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/CAQ, IP address: 128.122.253.212 on 28 Apr 2015 ON THE DATE OF THE TRIAL OF ANAXAGORAS. IT is a point of some interest to the historian of the social and intellectual development of Athens to determine, if possible, the exact dates between which the philosopher Anaxagoras made that city his home. As everyone knows, the tradition of the third and later centuries was not uniform. The dates from which the Alexandrian chronologists had to arrive at their results may be conveniently summed up under three headings, (a) date of Anaxagoras' arrival at Athens, (6) date of his prosecution and escape to Lampsacus, (c) length of his residence at Athens, (a) The received account (Diogenes Laertius ii. 7),1 was that Anaxagoras was twenty years old at the date of the invasion of Xerxes and lived to be seventy-two. This was apparently why Apollodorus (ib.) placed his birth in Olympiad 70 and his death in Ol. -
ABSTRACT the Conversion and Therapy of Desire in Augustine's
ABSTRACT The Conversion and Therapy of Desire in Augustine’s Cassiciacum Dialogues Mark J. Boone, Ph.D. Directors: Thomas S. Hibbs, Ph.D., and Michael P. Foley, Ph.D. The philosophical schools of late antiquity commonly diagnosed human unhappiness as rooted in some fundamental disorder in our desires, and offered various therapies or prescriptions for the healing of desire. Among these only the neo-Platonic treatment for desire requires redirecting desire towards an immaterial world. Although Augustine agrees with the neo-Platonists on the need to redirect our desires to an immaterial world, he does not adopt their therapy for desire. Instead he adopts a thoroughly Christian approach to the healing of desire. The conversion of desire results from the Trinitarian God’s gracious actions taken to heal our desires. Augustine does not recommend fleeing from the influence of the body, as neo-Platonism encourages, but fleeing to Christ, immersing ourselves in the life of the Church, and practicing the theological virtues. In this dissertation I examine Augustine’s Cassiciacum dialogues. In Contra Academicos (Against the Academics), Augustine argues that we must vigorously desire wisdom in order to attain it; that we must have hope in the possibility of attaining wisdom; and that our desire for wisdom must be bound in faith to Christ. In De beata vita (On the Happy Life), Augustine argues that the Trinitarian God is the only perennially satisfying object of desire and shows that the pursuit of God is the activity of a prayerful community of believers who are practicing faith, hope, and charity. In De ordine (On Order), Augustine recommends that the reordering of our desires be pursued through a liberal arts education and through Christian morals. -
The Polemical Practice in Ancient Epicureanism* M
UDK 101.1;141.5 Вестник СПбГУ. Философия и конфликтология. 2019. Т. 35. Вып. 3 The polemical practice in ancient Epicureanism* M. M. Shakhnovich St. Petersburg State University, 7–9, Universitetskaya nab., St. Petersburg, 199034, Russian Federation For citation: Shakhnovich M. M. The polemical practice in ancient Epicureanism. Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies, 2019, vol. 35, issue 3, pp. 461–471. https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.306 The article explores the presentation methods of a philosophical doctrine in Greek and Ro- man Epicureanism; it is shown that for the ancient, middle, and Roman Epicureans a con- troversy with representatives of other philosophical schools was a typical way of present- ing their own views. The polemical practice, in which the basic principles of Epicureanism were expounded through the criticism of other philosophical systems, first of all, Academics and Stoics, was considered not only as the preferred way of presenting the own doctrine, but also as the most convenient rhetorical device, which had, among other things, didac- tic significance. The founder of the school, Epicurus, often included in his texts the terms used in other philosophical schools, giving them a different, often opposite, content. While presenting his teaching in the treatise “On Nature” or in letters to his followers, Epicurus pushed off the opinions of Democritus, Plato, and the Stoics, but resorted mainly to implicit criticism of his opponents, often without naming them by name. His closest students and later followers — Metrodorus, Hermarchus, Colotes, Philodemus, Lucretius, Diogenes of Oenoanda — continuing the controversy with the Academics and the Stoics, more frank- ly expressed their indignation about the “falsely understood Epicureanism” or erroneous opinions. -
A Philosophical Treatise of Universal Induction
Entropy 2011, 13, 1076-1136; doi:10.3390/e13061076 OPEN ACCESS entropy ISSN 1099-4300 www.mdpi.com/journal/entropy Article A Philosophical Treatise of Universal Induction Samuel Rathmanner and Marcus Hutter ? Research School of Computer Science, Australian National University, Corner of North and Daley Road, Canberra ACT 0200, Australia ? Author to whom correspondence should be addressed; E-Mail: [email protected]. Received: 20 April 2011; in revised form: 24 May 2011 / Accepted: 27 May 2011 / Published: 3 June 2011 Abstract: Understanding inductive reasoning is a problem that has engaged mankind for thousands of years. This problem is relevant to a wide range of fields and is integral to the philosophy of science. It has been tackled by many great minds ranging from philosophers to scientists to mathematicians, and more recently computer scientists. In this article we argue the case for Solomonoff Induction, a formal inductive framework which combines algorithmic information theory with the Bayesian framework. Although it achieves excellent theoretical results and is based on solid philosophical foundations, the requisite technical knowledge necessary for understanding this framework has caused it to remain largely unknown and unappreciated in the wider scientific community. The main contribution of this article is to convey Solomonoff induction and its related concepts in a generally accessible form with the aim of bridging this current technical gap. In the process we examine the major historical contributions that have led to the formulation of Solomonoff Induction as well as criticisms of Solomonoff and induction in general. In particular we examine how Solomonoff induction addresses many issues that have plagued other inductive systems, such as the black ravens paradox and the confirmation problem, and compare this approach with other recent approaches. -
The Influence of Aristotelianism, Epicureanism, Cynicism, and Stoicism on Human Life in the Early Church
Theological Research ■ volume 3 (2015) number 1 ■ p. 25–42 doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/thr.1680 Arkadiusz Baron The Pontifical University of John Paul II in Krakow, Poland The Influence of Aristotelianism, Epicureanism, Cynicism, and Stoicism on Human Life in the Early Church Abstract: This article deals with the issue of ancient Greek models of life proposed by Aristotle, Epicurus and the Stoics. The author tries to describe how and which of these models were assimilated by Christian society during the first centu- ries and which were rejected. The purpose of this article is to show how im- portant Aristotle’s, the Stoics and Epicurus’ philosophy was for Christians in the advancement of the Christian lifestyle among the Greek societies. Un- derstanding the development of theology in the early Greek Church requires knowledge of the ideals and values that shaped the thinking and behavior of people before they heard about the Gospel of Jesus. Keywords Aristotle, Stoics, Epicurus, Plato, ancient Greek and Christian models of hu- man life 26 Arkadiusz Baron Introduction In the article Greek Models of Life up to Plato’s Philosophy and its Influ- ence on the Christian Life in the Early Church I presented a brief account of the ancient Greek models of life up to the time of Plato’s philoso- phy as well as their importance for the lifestyle of the first Christian generations. In the present article, I will search Aristotle’s, Epicurus’ and the Stoic’s writings to find the ideals they contained regarding the human person and I will attempt to show their influence on Christian writings in the firsts centuries. -
AUGUSTINE on SUFFERING and ORDER: PUNISHMENT in CONTEXT by SAMANTHA ELIZABETH THOMPSON a Thesis Submitted in Conformity With
AUGUSTINE ON SUFFERING AND ORDER: PUNISHMENT IN CONTEXT BY SAMANTHA ELIZABETH THOMPSON A Thesis Submitted in Conformity with the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Philosophy University of Toronto © Samantha Elizabeth Thompson 2010 Augustine on Suffering and Order: Punishment in Context Samantha Elizabeth Thompson Doctor of Philosophy Department of Philosophy University of Toronto 2010 Abstract Augustine of Hippo argues that all suffering is the result of the punishment of sin. Misinterpretations of his meaning are common since isolated statements taken from his works do give misleading and contradictory impressions. This dissertation assembles a comprehensive account of Augustine’s understanding of the causes of suffering to show that these views are substantive and internally consistent. The argument of the dissertation proceeds by confronting and resolving the apparent problems with Augustine’s views on sin and punishment from within the broader framework of his anthropology and metaphysics. The chief difficulty is that Augustine gives two apparently irreconcilable accounts of suffering as punishment. In the first, suffering is viewed as self-inflicted because sin is inherently self-damaging. In the second, God inflicts suffering in response to sin. This dissertation argues that these views are united by Augustine’s concern with the theme of ‘order.’ The first account, it argues, is actually an expression of Augustine’s doctrine that evil is the privation of good; since good is for Augustine synonymous with order, we can then see why he views all affliction as the concrete experience of disorder brought about by sin. This context in turn allows us to see that, by invoking the ii notion of divinely inflicted punishment in both its retributive and remedial forms, Augustine wants to show that disorder itself is embraced by order, either because disorder itself must obey laws, or because what is disordered can be reordered. -
Augustine's Ethics
15 BONNIE KENT Augustine’s ethics Augustine regards ethics as an enquiry into the Summum Bonum: the supreme good, which provides the happiness all human beings seek. In this respect his moral thought comes closer to the eudaimonistic virtue ethics of the classical Western tradition than to the ethics of duty and law associated with Christianity in the modern period. But even though Augustine addresses many of the same problems that pagan philosophers do, he often defends very different answers. For him, happiness consists in the enjoyment of God, a reward granted in the afterlife for virtue in this life. Virtue itself is a gift of God, and founded on love, not on the wisdom prized by philosophers. The art of living In Book 8 of De civitate Dei Augustine describes “moral philosophy” (a Latin expression), or “ethics” (the Greek equivalent), as an enquiry into the supreme good and how we can attain it. The supreme good is that which we seek for its own sake, not as a means to some other end, and which makes us happy. Augustine adds, as if this were an uncontroversial point, that happiness is the aim of philosophy in general.1 Book 19 opens with a similar discussion. In his summary of Varro’s treatise De philosophia, Augustine reports that no school of philosophy deserves to be considered a distinct school unless it differs from others on the supreme good. For the supreme good is that which makes us happy, and the only purpose of philosophizing is the attainment of happiness.2 Both of these discussions cast philosophy as a fundamentally practical discipline, so that ethics appears to overshadow logic, metaphysics, and other comparatively abstract areas as a philosopher’s chief concern. -
The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Ethics Edited by Christopher Bobonich Index More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-05391-5 — The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Ethics Edited by Christopher Bobonich Index More Information Index Academic skeptics, 214, 219, 220–22, Antiochus of Ascalon, 219 225–28, 233 Antiphon, 28n action Antisthenes, 39, 41 eudaimonism and action guidance, 277–79 Apelles, Pyrrhonist parable of, 234–35, 236 and knowledge (Plotinus), 250–53 Apology (Plato), 12–13, 53, 84, 289–90 possibility of in skepticism (agency), aporia, 219, 234, 236 225–26, 235–36 appearances Stoic account of, 204–5 imaginative (phantasiai), 127, 130 and emotion, 209 perceptual (phainomena), 74, 225, 230–31 selection, 205–6 see also perception active principle (Stoic physics), 189, 201 appetites activity, in Aristotelian function argument, in Aristotle, 125, 127 107–8 in Plato, 74, 78, 82–83, 84, 320 Aenesidemus, 219, 222, 224, 230, 234 and physiology, 81–82 Aeschines, 40–41, 43 see also desire Against Colotes (Plutarch), 225–26 appropriation (oikeiôsis) Against the Ethicists (Sextus Empiricus), 222 Plotinus, 248–49 agency, in skepticism, 225–28, 230–31, 235–36 Stoics, 189–90 akratic actions, 72–73 apraxia charge, 225–26 see also unwilling actions Academic responses, 225–28 Alcibiades (Aeschines), 40–41, 87 Pyrrhonist responses, 230–31, 232–33 Alcibiades (Plato), 256 Aquinas, Thomas, 141, 270 Alexander of Aphrodisias, 192 Arcesilaus, 219, 220–21, 233 alienation, 354, 355 answer to apraxia charge, 225–27 anatomy, human see physiology Aristippus, 40, 350–51 Anaxagoras, 19, 20 Aristo, 185, 191 Anaximander, 22–23 Aristophanes anger, 82–83, 84, 207 as character in Symposium, 291–92 see also emotions Clouds, 20, 30, 38 animals Aristotle, 105–23 arguments from natural instincts, 166, biographical information, 31, 323–24 284, 332 on contemplative vs. -
Freud and Epicurean Philosophy: Revisiting Drive Theory
Contemporary Psychoanalysis,2014,Vol.50,No.3:395–417. C William Alanson White Institute of Psychiatry, Psychoanalysis & Psychology and ⃝ the William Alanson White Psychoanalytic Society ISSN: 0010-7530 print / 2330-9091 online DOI: 10.1080/00107530.2014.922859 JONATHAN YAHALOM, M.A. FREUD AND EPICUREAN PHILOSOPHY: REVISITING DRIVE THEORY Abstract. This article reviews Epicurean philosophy to expose Freud’s drive theory as overly quantitative and lacking a qualitative dimension. Epicurean philosophy is congruent with fundamental premises in psychoanalysis, and contributes a qualitative and quantitative theory of pleasure. Moreover, Epicurean philosophy is compatible with fundamental tenets within relational psychoanalysis, indicat- ing that drive theory is relevant—and possibly constitutive—to the relational perspective. After reviewing Epicurean philosophy, the article returns to Freud’s conceptualization of drive. Arguments are made against Freud’s hypothesis of a death drive, insofar as Freud believed that organisms are motivated by the pur- suit of pleasure in an isolated individualistic manner. The article maintains that a critical exploration of Epicureanism challenges our tendency to equate classical drive theory with material reductionism. This carries significant implications for contemporary psychoanalysis and its interpretation of the drives. Keywords: Epicurean philosophy, drive theory, pleasure principle, relational psychoanalysis Introduction Relational theorists have critiqued Freud’s drive theory, arguing that in- terpersonal factors—not intrapsychic drives—define mental life. For ex- ample, Greenberg (1991) calls for the “radical rejection of drive [theory]” because “all motivation unfolds from our personal experience of ex- change with others” (p. vii). Motivation theory certainly benefits from this Address correspondence to Jonathan Yahalom, M.A., Duquesne University, Psychol- ogy Department, 600 Forbes Avenue, 544 College Hall, Pittsburgh, PA 15282. -
Hellenistic Philosophy
Hellenistic Philosophy drishtiias.com/printpdf/hellenistic-philosophy Introduction The Greek philosophy began as speculation into the nature of the cosmos or universe (Meta Physics). The early philosophers, in the Pre-Socratic era, like Sophists, Democritus, Pythagoras and others made bold speculations about the origins and nature of the universe. With the advent of Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle, the focus of philosophy also shifted towards morality, virtues and ethics. However, due to the sudden death of Alexander the Great (in 323 BC), the whole of Greece fell into a state of uncertainty & local wars and later it became a province of Rome. The empires that succeeded him, known as the Hellenistic empires, lasted for hundreds of years and spread Greek culture over huge territories. As the life of the average citizen was changing, the prevalent philosophical thought also underwent a change. Political, social and moral environment no longer sustained the creative impulses in philosophical thought and this gave rise to Hellenistic Age or post-Aristotelian philosophy. A common element of the philosophers in Hellenistic age was that the focus of Philosophy was shifting from general understanding of the universe to individual life and its perception as an “art of life”. Philosophy ends up being a driver of life and a source of relief, a healing art, a way to cope with a hostile world. This period saw the emergence of the three great schools of moral philosophy viz. Epicureanism, Stoicism and Skepticism. Epicureanism This school derives its name from its founder Epicurus, who founded his school on the outskirts of Athens and famously called it as the Garden (307 BC). -
Augustine, Wannabe Philosopher: the Search for Otium Honestum
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Supervised Undergraduate Student Research Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects and Creative Work 5-2014 Augustine, Wannabe Philosopher: The Search for Otium Honestum Allen G. Wilson University of Tennessee Knoxville, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, Ancient Philosophy Commons, Christianity Commons, Classical Literature and Philology Commons, History of Christianity Commons, History of Philosophy Commons, History of Religion Commons, Intellectual History Commons, and the Other Classics Commons Recommended Citation Wilson, Allen G., "Augustine, Wannabe Philosopher: The Search for Otium Honestum" (2014). Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj/1722 This Dissertation/Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Supervised Undergraduate Student Research and Creative Work at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Augustine, Wannabe Philosopher: The Search for Otium Honestum Honors Thesis By: Allen Wilson Faculty Advisor: Dr. Maura Lafferty University of Tennessee Knoxville 1 Abstract On the path from teacher of rhetoric to bishop of Hippo three important milestones present themselves: Cassiacum, Thagaste, and Hippo. At each of these places Augustine led his own Christian community. Cassiacum marks the beginning of a momentous journey where Augustine, having quit his rhetorical position in Milan, retires with some friends and students (along with his mother Monica) to discourse on philosophy and Christianity before he and his friend Alypius are to be baptized. -
Cynicism As a Way of Life: from the Classical Cynic to a New Cynicism
Akropolis 1 (2017) 33–54 Dennis Schutijser* Cynicism as a way of life: From the Classical Cynic to a New Cynicism Introduction Both within and outside the world of academic philosophy, art of living has been increasingly in the spotlight. Objectives such as success, pleasure and happi- ness are expressly validated in contemporary society, but more philosophically val- id objectives such as cultivation of the soul also receive ample attention. On the other side, within academic philosophy, the question for the art of living has also been receiving increasing attention.1 This revival could arguably be led back to Mi- chel Foucault’s genealogical return to antiquity in the second and third parts of his History of Sexuality, in turn undoubtedly influenced by the works of Pierre Hadot. Especially classical philosophy has proven a rich source of investigation and inspi- ration for a philosophy of the art of living. Many currents in ancient philosophy ac- tually proposed different ways of living, based on different values and articulated in different practices.2 One of the central currents throughout a large part of antiquity was Cyn- icism. This school is accompanied with a number of methodological difficulties. Not least of all, today’s connotation of the name Cynicism is radically different from its classical origins. Today, being a cynic is associated with a depreciative at- titude, intended to insult and offend, rather than being concerned with any phil- osophical foundation. A further complication is that little is known directly of classical Cynicism, and what we do know often comes from anecdotes and stories written down by posterity, and not from actual first hand sources of substantial profundity.