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4 SalE MY SNt I"M

SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS IN 1981 Editor MURIEL HORRELL Compiled by: Carole Cooper Justin George Paul Hendler Muriel Horrell Mtutuzeli Matshoba Mahlomola Skosana Barry Streek Production Editor DAVID THOMAS w SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF RACE RELATIONS MARCH 1982

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Sincere thanks are expressed to the Rockefeller Brothers Fund which again contributed to the costs of producing this Survey through its grant to the Race Relations Research and Library Trust, also to the Algemeen Diakonaal Bureau and the General Diakonaal Bureau of the Reformed Churches in the which made generous grants for the same purpose. Gratitude is expressed, too, to those bodies that made very welcome donations towards the Institute's research training scheme and/or to studies of urbanisation and the relocation of Africans. Some of the work of the two research trainees and of the findings of the studies mentioned are incorporated in this volume. The organisations concerned are the Church of Sweden Mission, the Evangelische Kerk in Deutschland, and the Evangelische Zentralstelle f6r Entwicklungshilfe. The writers of this Survey are much indebted to all those who contributed material, including representatives of the various churches, Members of Parliament of various parties, government and municipal and administration boards officials, university and other academic personnel, and the staff of a number of organisations working in the broad field of race relations. The Rand Daily Mail and Paul Weinberg kindly allowed the use of their pictures for the cover design. Much valued help was given by a number of members of the Institute's staff, in particular Lucy Graham, the librarian, and Angie Sibiya who did most of the typing. When a member of staff left unexpectedly towards the end of the year a friend of the Institute's, Barry Streek, generously came to the rescue and contributed the major portions of the chapters on the African homelands. Aliette Powell once more corrected the proofs with her usual care and competence, and the staff of the Natal Witness again gave the fullest co-operation. NOTE All dates mentioned refer to the year 1981 unless otherwise stated. ISBN 0 869 82 204 7 ISSN 0081 9778 Printed by THE NATAL WITNESS (PTY) LTD 244 Longmarket Street Pietermaritzburg Natal

POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS: WHITES ...... 1 ii General election ...... 1 President's Council and constitutional development ...... 2 Republic of South Africa Constitution Amendment Act ...... 3 Contents N ational Party ...... 4 Progressive Federal Party ...... 7 New Republic Party ...... 8 Herstigte Nasionale Party ...... 9 National Conservative Party ...... 10 O ther right-w ing parties ...... 10 COLOURED POLITICAL AFFAIRS ...... 13 Reactions to constitutional plans and President's Council ...... 13 Labour Party ...... 14 O ther parties ...... 15 Attitudes of Coloured people ...... 15 INDIAN POLITICAL AFFAIRS ...... 17 The South African Indian Council ...... 17 Political parties ...... 19 Future of Pageview area ...... 20 SA Indian Council elections ...... 20 INDIAN AND COLOURED LOCAL GOVERNMENT ...... 22 AFRICAN POLITICAL AFFAIRS ...... 24 Anti-Republic Festival activities ...... 24 Exiled m ovem ents ...... 24 Refugees ...... 26 Inkatha ...... 26 Black Consciousness ...... 28 Azanian People's Organisation ...... 29 African student activities ...... 30 Committee of Ten ...... 30 THE CH URCHES ...... 32 SA Council of Churches ...... 32 Roman Catholic Church ...... 35 Attitudes of certain English-medium Protestant churches: Church of the Province of Southern Africa ...... 37 Methodist Church of Southern Africa ...... 38 Presbyterian Church in Southern Africa ...... 40 Proposed union of the Presbyterian and Congregational Churches .... 42 Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk ...... 42 Alliance of Black Reformed Christians ...... 45 LAY ORGANISATIONS ...... 47, SA Institute of Race Relations ...... 47 ...... 47 SA Bureau of Racial Affairs (SABRA) ...... 48 Urban Foundation ...... 48 Women for Peaceful Change Now ...... 49 PO PU LATIO N ...... 52 Population statistics ...... 52 Legislation ...... 53 Population of the African homelands ...... 53 Vital statistics ...... 54 Immorality and mixed marriages ...... 55 Race classification ...... 55 iv D EFEN C E ...... 57 Covert and overt action in SA's defence: Mozambique National Resistance Movement ...... 57 Contents National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) 58 Lesotho Liberation Army ...... 58 Expenditure on Defence ...... 58 Defence personnel ...... 59 Equipm ent and arm s ...... 60 Marine Traffic Act, No2of 1981 ...... 61 A rm s em bargo ...... 62 JUSTICE, POLICE, AND PRISONS ...... 64 justice ...... 64 Criminal statistics and comment on crime ...... 64 Crime in densely populated areas ...... 64 M akgotla vigilante groups ...... 65 Capital punishm ent ...... 66 Hoexter Commission of Inquiry ...... 67 Po lice ...... 70 G eneral ...... 70 Personnel ...... 70 C o nd uct ...... 71 Legislation: Police Amendment Act, No47of 1981 ...... 72 SA Transport Services Act, No 65 of 1981 ...... 72 Convictions of policemen ...... 73 Priso ns ...... 73 Expenditure ...... 73 Personnel ...... 73 Prison population and conditions of imprisonment ...... 74 ADMINISTRATION OF SECURITY LEGISLATION ...... 77 G eneral ...... 77 Left-w ing political violence ...... 78 Right-w ing political violence ...... 78 Security police and national intelligence service ...... 79 Security trials ...... 8 1 Detentions in 1981: G eneral ...... 84 Deaths in detention ...... 84 Students, pupils, teachers, and lecturers ...... 86 M ino rs ...... 8 7 Journalists ...... 88 Trade unionists and labourers ...... 88 Leaders ...... 89 C hurchm en ...... 89 H om elands ...... 90 Bannings: Banning orders issued ...... 90 Banning orders: contraventions ...... 91 Banning of gatherings ...... 92 Travel docum ents ...... 93 CONTROL OF THE MEDIA ...... 95 Statistics on the control of publications ...... 95. Ad hoc publications committees ...... 96 Political committee ...... 96 Committee of experts on the merits of publications ...... 97 Other considerations taken into account by the Appeal Board ...... 97

Commission of Inquiry into the Mass Media ...... 98 v Suppression of Post Transvaal and Weekend Post ...... 98 SA Broadcasting Corporation ...... 98 ECONOMIC SITUATION ...... 102 Contents G eneral situation ...... 102 Foreign investm ent ...... 103 Sanctio ns ...... 10 7 The Budget ...... 108 Taxation ...... 108 T rad e ...... 1 10 EM PLO YM ENT ...... 111 C ost of living ...... 111 Incom es and w ages ...... 112 W age determ inations ...... 115 Econom ically active population ...... 117 U nem ploym ent ...... 117 M anpow er ...... 123 Labour controls: Migrant labour (134) Coloured labour preference area ( 38) M anufacturing ...... 138 M in ing ...... 14 9 C onstruction ...... 156 A gricu lture ...... 157 Dom estic w orkers ...... 158 Finance ...... 160 C om m erce ...... 161 Railways, harbours, and airways ...... 165 Post O ffice ...... 167 Public authorities ...... 170 O ther w orkers ...... 176 Workmen's Compensation Amendment Act ...... 176 TRADE UNIONS AND LABOUR RELATIONS ...... 181 M ajor trade union groups ...... 181 Notes on union federations ...... 182 Notes on unaffiliated unions ...... 185 Overseas union movement ...... 187 Mixed unions ...... 188 Collective bargaining ...... 189 Registration of unions ...... 189 Recognition of unions ...... 190 Attitudes of Homeland leaders to trade unions ...... 194 Industrial Councils ...... 194 Action against trade unions ...... 195 Labour relations: W iehahn Commission (part 5) ...... 198 Labour Relations Amendment Act ...... 202 Industrial court ...... 205 C losed shop ...... 206 Strikes ...... 20 8 Codes of Conduct ...... 213 GROUP AREAS AND HOUSING FOR THE WHITE, COLOURED AND INDIAN GROUPS ...... 216 Housing: comparative statistics ...... 216 Shortage of housing ...... 217 The private sector ...... 218 Provision of housing by the State ...... 218 vi Group areas: Statistics (220) Some general comments (22 1) The Transvaal: Contents Pretoria (222) Johannesburg (222) Boksburg (225) Alberton (226) Natal: Durban (226) Other Natal towns (226) Cape: Cape Peninsula (227) and (228) URBAN AFRICAN AFFAIRS ...... 231 Government policy and Opposition views ...... 231 Grosskopf Com m ission ...... 232 C itizenship ...... 233 Arrests and prosecutions under the pass laws ...... 234 C urfew ...... 239 H ousing ...... 240 Com m unity councils ...... 248 Shebeens ...... 249 Transpo rt ...... 250 Administration Boards: West Rand (254) East Rand (260) Central Transvaal (263) Highveld (264) Diamond Fields (264) Oranjevaal (264) Eastern Transvaal (265) (266) Northern Cape (267) (267) Port Natal (269) Drakensberg (269) RELOCATION OF THE AFRICAN POPULATION ...... 272 G eneral discussion ...... 272 Natal and Kw aZulu ...... 277 O range Free State ...... 279 Eastern Cape ...... 280 W estern Cape ...... 282 Transvaal/KwaNdebele ...... 285 AFRICAN HOMELANDS: AREA, POPULATION, POLITICS ...... 287 Area of hom elands ...... 287 Population ...... 287 Policy governing consolidation ...... 288 Proposed constellation of Southern African states ...... 289 Homeland citizenship ...... 290 Housing units and population in proclaimed towns ...... 290 Developments in: Transkei (291) Bophuthatswana (294) Venda (296) Ciskei (297) KwaZulu (302) Lebowa (305) Gazankulu (306) QwaQwa (307) KwaNdebele (307) KaNgwane (307) ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF THE HOMELANDS ...... 310 Developm ent policies ...... 310 Regional co-operation bodies ...... 312 Financial m atters ...... 313 Economic development: General (315) Ciskei (316) Transkei (317) Gazankulu (317) KwaZulu (317) Lebowa (318) QwaQwa (319) Venda (319) KaNgwane (319) KwaNdebele (320) Bophuthatswana (320) M in ing ...... 32 1 Agriculture: General (323) Ciskei (323) Transkei (324) Gazankulu (325) Lebowa (325) KwaZulu (325) KaNgwane (325) Venda (326) QwaQwa (326) Bophuthatswana (327) M igrant labour ...... 327 Social pensions ...... 328 H ousing ...... 329

EDUCATION: COMPARATIVE STATISTICS AND GENERAL vii M ATTERS ...... 333 Amounts budgeted for education ...... 333 Per capita expenditure ...... 334 Contents Pupil-teacher ratios ...... 334 Admission of black pupils to white private schools ...... 335 Teachers' salaries ...... 335 Teachers' organisations ...... 336 REPORT ON EDUCATION BY DE LANGE COMMITTEE ...... 338 Appointment of committee by Human Sciences Research Council... 338 Main principles agreed upon by the committee and accepted by the G overnm ent ...... 338 Report of committee: Education of equal quality (339) The educational structure (339) Supportive educational structures (340) Teacher training (341) Financing of education (341) Management (342) Reactions to the report ...... 344 PRIMARY AND SECONDARY EDUCATION Africans: ...... 345 Age limits and expulsion of pupils (345) Compulsory education (346) Text books and stationery (347) Medium of instruction (347) Statistics (348) Building programme and double sessions (348) Enrolment of pupils (349) Examination results (350) Teachers (351) Student teachers (352) Conduct of teachers (353) Adult education (353) Private contributions to African education (355) Coloured pupils: ...... 356 Schools (356) Pupils (356) Examination results (357) Teachers (357) Ind ians: ...... 359 Schools (359) Pupils (359) Teachers (360) Student teachers (361) Special education (362) Adult education (362) W hites: ...... 363 Pupils (363) Teachers (364) Student teachers (365) TECHNICAL AND VOCATIONAL TRAINING ...... 366 General remarks: National Manpower Commission (366) Others (366) De Lange Committee (367) Training for Africans: High school courses (368) Departmental training centres (369) Universities (369) Building workers (370) Apprentices (370) Trade schools (370) Courses for girls (371) Commercial college (371) Advanced technical courses and technikons (371) Ad hoc courses for semi-skilled operatives (372) Public in-service training centres (373) Private in-service training centres (373) Voluntary assistance (373) Training for coloured students ...... 373 Training for Indians ...... 375 Training for white students ...... 377 U N IVERSITIES ...... 379 Statistics ...... 379 V ista U niversity ...... 380 Student organisations ...... 381 UNREST AT SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES ...... 384 Cessation of 1980 boycotts ...... 384 Uproar at the University of the Witwatersrand ...... 385 viii Protests at the time of the general election ...... 386 Demonstrations and protests during May and June ...... 386 The national flag ...... 386 Contents Threats made by the authorities, and repercussions ...... 386 Detention and banning of student leaders ...... 387 Protests against detentions ...... 388 BURSARIES AND SCHOLARSHIPS ...... 389 H EA LTH ...... 393 Legislation: Mental Health Amendment Act (393) Nursing Amendment Act (393) Medical, Dental, and Supplementary Health Services Professions Amendment Act (394) Medical Schemes Amendment Act (394) Policy in regard to health ...... 394 Need for improvement in social conditions ...... 395 Industrial health ...... 395 Com m unity health ...... 397 Diseases: Tuberculosis (398) Malnutrition (399) Cholera (400) Others (401) M ental health ...... 402 D eath rate ...... 403 Health services: Family planning (402) Hospitals (404) Medical personnel: Doctors (406) Personnel seconded to homelands (406) Doctors' salaries (407) Medical students (407) Dentists and dental students (408) Nurses (408) SO CIAL W ELFARE ...... 412 Legislation ...... 4 12 Expenditure by State departments ...... 412 C hildren ...... 4 13 Social pensions ...... 413 Pensions due to employees ...... 414 Social w orkers ...... 415 SPO RT ...... 418 G eneral com m ent ...... 418 G overnm ent policy ...... 418 School sport ...... 419 U niversity sport ...... 420 International pressure ...... 420 National sports bodies ...... 421 Codes of sport: Athletics (422) Boxing (422) Cricket (422) Soccer (423) Rugby (423) Riding and horse racing (424) Hockey (424) Tennis (424) LIQUOR ...... 426 Control and sale of liquor ...... 426 Supply of liquor in hotels and restaurants ...... 426 Supply of liquor in clubs ...... 427 /NAMIBIA ...... 428 International negotiations relating to the future of the territory: UN Security Council Resolution 435 (1978) ...... 428 The five W estern powers ...... 428 Negotiations in 1979 and 1980 ...... 429 'PIM' talks, Geneva, January 1981 ...... 429 Changes in government in the US and ...... 431

Negotiations initiated by the ...... 431 ix Commonwealth conference ...... 432 Western proposals for an independence constitution for Namibia ...... 432 C ontents Reactions to Western proposals ...... 434 Proceedings at the : General Assembly, February and March ...... 434 Security Council, April ...... 435 Security Council, August ...... 436 General Assembly's special emergency session in September... 437 General Assembly, October to December ...... 437 .SA's contributions to the budget of the UN ...... 438 UN Institute for Namibia in Lusaka ...... 438 Changes in personnel at UN ...... 438 Internal developments in SWA/Namibia: Population ...... 439 Political groupings ...... 440 Party political developments in 1981 ...... 441 The National Assembly ...... 442 Second-tier authorities ...... 443 Budget for 1982-3 ...... 443 Public service ...... 443 Suprem e Court ...... 443 Police Force ...... 444 Prisons and prisoners ...... 444 D etentions ...... 444 Combating of Terrorism Bill ...... 445 Restriction of certain political meetings ...... 445 Education ...... 445 Tension between the National Assembly and the (white) Legislative Assem bly ...... 445 Influx control ...... 446 Trade unions ...... 446 Warfare: Compulsory military service ...... 446 The Caprivi Strip ...... 447 Incidents near the border between SWA/Namibia and Angola.. 448 Further SWAPO incursion into interior of SWA/Namibia ...... 449 Situation in Angola ...... 449 Escalation of the war between SWAPO and the SA/SWA Security Forces ...... 449 Attack on base near Lubango ...... 450 'O peration Carnation' ...... 450 Destruction of early-warning system ...... 450 'O peration Protea' ...... 451 'O peration Daisy' ...... 452 Number of attacks by SA in 1981 ...... 453 C asualties ...... 453 Prisoners of w ar ...... 453 Refugees ...... 454 INCURSION OF SA TROOPS INTO MOZAMBIQUE ...... 457 SOME RECENT PUBLICATIONS RELATED TO RACE RELATIONS.. 459 LEGISLATION OF 1981 ...... 463 IN D EX ...... 464

POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS: WHITES General Election The most significant result of the April general election was the swing from the National Party to the parties of the extreme right. The Herstigte Nasionale Party's (HNP) share of the vote rose from 3,3% in 1977 to 14,1%, while the National Conservative Party (NCP), contesting its first general election, received 2,5%. In straight contests between HNP and NP candidates the HNP increased its share of the vote from 8% in 1977 to 29% - an increase of 21%. Commenting on the election, one of South Africa's leading political analysts, Professor Willem Kleynhans of the Department of Political Science at the University of South Africa said the swing to the right had weakened the position of reformist elements within the National Party. The National Party right wing had been strengthened, particularly in the crucially important Transvaal branch where the Prime Minister, Mr P W Botha, now faced a much more conservative caucus. There was also a significant swing from the National Party to the left in favour of the Progressive Federal Party (PFP). In straight contests between it and the NP there was a 16,2% swing in favour of the PFP. In contests between the PFP and the New Republic Party, the PFP increased its share of the vote by 13,5%.' Election Results: 1977 and 1981 TvI Cape Natal OFS TOTAL 1977 1981 1977 1981 1977 1981 1977 1981 1977 1981 Total Seats NP 66 67 44 43 10 7 14 14134131 PFP 9 9 7 11 1 6 - - 17 26 NRP - - 1 1 9 7 - - 10 8 SAP* - - 3 - - - 3 HNP...... NCP* ------AET* ------Totals 75 76 55 55 20 20 14 14 164 165 *NCP did not contest the 1977 elections, and neither did Aksie Eie Toekoms. The SA Party merged with the NP and did not contest the elections in 1981. In spite of the swing to the HNP, the party did not win a single seat, although it succeeded in turning a number of secure NP seats in the

President's Council Transvaal into marginal seats, while in other constituencies it significantly reduced NP majorities.' President's Council and constitutional developments The newly-created President's Council (PC) sat for the first time this year. (See Survey 1981 pp 4-7 for its constitution and membership.) White, coloured, Chinese and Indian representatives appointed to serve on the council had as their main task a constitutional investigation designed to give Indians, coloured and Chinese people some form of political representation in a common state together with whites. Africans were not represented on the council, and the Prime Minister reiterated that while the council could deliberate with whom it wished, the constitutional future of Africans lay within other institutions. Because of this the PFP and a number of Indian and coloured leaders refused to serve on the body. Some council members indicated in February that if Africans were not given representation by the end of the year, they would resign, but it seemed doubtful, in any case, whether any representative African leaders would agree to serve on the PC.' The body was criticised for having only formal autonomy from the NP, and some commentators saw in its creation a means of preventing controversial issues from splitting the NP. The Prime Minister said the decisive question regarding proposals made by the council would be whether or not these interfered with the right of the whites to self-determination. Any constitutional changes recommended by the council which departed drastically from the NP policy would be submitted to its party congresses after the cabinet had adopted a standpoint, and then to a referendum. In August the Prime Minister told Parliament that in any constitutional arrangement 'whites would always dominate Indians and coloureds in this state'. He said that he would not agree to a common voters' roll for Indians, whites and coloureds. Reacting, the council's chairman, Mr A Schlebusch, claimed that statements made in Parliament would not influence the council's recommendations. In February the State President announced at the opening of the council that one of the first tasks of the body would be to consider the possibility of extending local authority representation to Indians and coloured people, and of establishing some form of link between Indian, white and coloured municipalities. (See the section on Indian and coloured local government.) Africans would be excluded from the plan.5 During the year the council's constitutional committee took evidence from individuals, organisations and local government bodies on constitutional systems in general and on proposals concerning local government. The planning and social committees commenced an investigation of the implementation of the Group Areas Act and made an initial recommendation in this regard (see chapter on Group Areas and Housing); and it was announced that the council's scientific committee was to conduct an in-depth demographic study. The Powers and Privileges of the President's Council Act, No 103 of 1981, was passed towards the end of the year. This measure stipulated that freedom of speech should prevail in the council, and should not be called into question in any court of law. This provision would not protect persons giving evidence before the council who were not members of the council or of one of its consultative committees. Members of the council or of consultative committees would not be liable to detention or arrest under any law in connection with any submission made by them to the council or any of its committees. Except with permission from the council, members could not be required to give evidence in court in respect of anything said before the council or any of its committees. Council and committee meetings would be open to the public unless the council, its chairman, or the chairman of a committee ruled that the presence of the public would be undesirable. No member might divulge any information given to him in confidence in his capacity as a member. The council would have power to require any person to present evidence before it or before any of its committees if it believed that the evidence might be of assistance. Provisions of the law relating to persons presenting evidence before a court of law would apply also in the case of witnesses before the council. It was rendered an offence for any person* to bribe a member of the council; * being a member of the council, to accept a bribe; * to attempt to influence a member by means of insults, assault, force, or extortion; " to hinder or obstruct a member in the performance of his duties; * to create a disturbance in the council or in its vicinity that was likely to disrupt its proceedings; * to present a false document designed to deceive the council; * to defame a member in respect of his conduct as a member. The maximum penalties on conviction were set at a fine of R500 or six months' imprisonment or both. Members found guilty of accepting bribes might also be fined an amount equal to the sum of money or to the value of the thing that they accepted. Similar penalties to those described were laid down for" persons who had been summoned to appear before the council or a committee and who failed to do so; " persons who were required to produce specified documents and who failed to do so; " persons who interfered with someone who had been summoned to present evidence by discouraging, deceiving, or threatening him. It was rendered an offence for any person to print council or committee documents, or to cause these to be printed, falsely purporting these to have been printed by the Government Printer or by order of the council, and knowing that they were in fact not so printed. Maximum penalties on conviction were set at R5 000 or three years' imprisonment or both. Republic of South Africa Constitution Amendment Act, No 40 of 1981 This Act provided for the extension of the terms of office of the 12 nominated and indirectly elected MP's. (See Survey 1980 p 6.) It was opposed by both opposition parties. In terms of the Act these MP's could retain 3 President's Council

4 their seats after an election for a maximum of 180 days. The opposition claimed that this might make it possible for a government defeated at the polls to remain in power.6 The Minister of Internal Affairs claimed that National the Act was concerned solely with the Assembly's reconstitution and that Party nominated members would follow parliamentary conventions. The election results did not alter the number of nominated members each party could claim. The NP had seven and the PFP one. In July, a conflict developed in the President's Council over the allocation of these seats when some members suggested they should be given to coloured, Indian and African representatives. The national chairman of the Labour Party, Mr David Curry, saw the suggestion as part of an effort by certain members of the PC to win credibility. The Labour Party and Indian spokesmen rejected the proposal because they felt nominated or indirectly elected MP's could never be representative, and secondly because it would constitute grossly disproportionate representation.7 National Party (NP) The NP's election manifesto rejected the principle of one-man-one-vote in a unitary state and emphasised multi-nationalism. The maintenance of white rights was seen as indispensable for the maintenance of the rights of other races. The programme of action set out in the manifesto consisted of a 12-point plan (see Survey 1980 p 10). This was elaborated during the election campaign and in Parliament. The government planned to move away from the unitary Westminster system towards a system of co-operating democracies' within a common economy. Structures embodying this concept were to be a confederation of Southern African states co-operating in matters of common interest, and a confederation consisting of the Republic of SA and homelands which had accepted the form of independence offered. The participation of urban Africans in levels higher than local government was seen taking place through the confederal structure, i.e. through homeland links. A national convention was rejected and it was stated that Parliament would call into existence instruments for its own use to discuss constitutional change. Dr D Worrall, chairman of the President's Council's constitutional committee, said that certain pre-constitutional reforms in the social and economic milieu were necessary. It appeared that enhanced economic opportunities were envisaged, in conjunction with better education and training. Government spokesmen stated that a more balanced spread of economic activity was necessary. Mechanisms mooted to achieve this were regional decentralisation to a more limited number of growth areas cutting across national boundaries, and stimulation of private sector contributions by measures such as increased incentives, the promotion of small businesses and the creation of a development bank. The Prime Minister announced a further meeting between the government's Economic Advisory Council and private sector leaders, to follow the 1979 Carlton Centre conference at which the co-operation of the private sector had been sought. This second conference is described in a subsequent chapter. Observers commented that the 12-point plan was ambiguously phrased and open to differing interpretations by the party's conservative and its reformist supporters. After the election the Prime Minister com- mitted himself to a continuation of the reformist programme. However, 5 apart from the labour sphere, there were few or no legislative changes to the '' structure. While some NP-supporting commentators denied that there was a shift away from reform, saying that planned changes National would be retained but could not be achieved as fast as had been hoped, Party most commentators concluded that reform was delayed or shelved due to the increased strength of conservatives within and outside the party. In calling the general election, Mr Botha hoped to win a mandate for his reforms and thereby isolate the conservatives. It appeared that he misjudged the mood of conservative , many of whom abstained from voting or voted for the the extreme right-wing parties. Although the NP held 57% of the vote, the sharp swing to the right was regarded as a setback and it was seen as necessary to win back some of this lost support. In nomination contests for NP parliamentary candidates, conservatives strengthened their hold on the Transvaal branch of the NP. Several candidates supported by the Prime Minister were rejected. When the NP selected its eight nominated MP's in January, the Transvaal party ensured that most of its nominees were conservatives. Knowledgeable observers estimated that between half and two thirds of the NP caucus consisted of conservatives. Throughout the year there were signs of disunity in the party, cabinet and bureaucracy. One example was a clash between Dr A Treurnicht, chairman of the NP in the Transvaal and Minister of State Administration and Statistics, and the Minister of Manpower Utilisation, Mr S P Botha, who was also the Transvaal party vice-chairman. Capitalising on white workers' fears that labour reforms might expose them to competition from black workers, Dr Treurnicht questioned the government's labour policy. At a meeting of the Transvaal party's head committee Mr Botha then refused to support unconditionally a motion of confidence in Dr Treurnicht. Right-wing members of the head committee, who wished to oust Mr Botha, called for disciplinary action against him. A compromise motion was devised. The Prime Minister then issued a statement calling for a greater measure of calmness and self-control. He said the country was threatened by a communist onslaught as well as terrorism and that differences between ministers should be settled mutually or in the cabinet. Commentators questioned whether the right wing would allow the type of reform which could win the co-operation of other race groups. The increased r6le of the , the enhanced decisionmaking powers of cabinet committees, and the expanded r6le of the Prime Minister's office strengthened the Prime Minister's capacity to act unilaterally should he wish to do so. However, it was common cause that he feared to split the NP. Several crucial areas of policy such as education, homeland consolidation and the rights of urban Africans had been referred to commissions of inquiry and it was feared that reformist trends in the commissions' recommendations would be politically impossible to implement. Broederbond Attacks have been made on the Broederbond by the extreme right-wing political parties on the one hand and, on the other, by the reformist wing of the NP and senior theologians in the Nederduitse Gereformeerde

Broederbond Kerk. During February the HNP condemned it as a sinister and 'basically anti- Afrikaner' organisation following the expulsion of a long-standing member after he joined the HNP.8 Towards the end of the year, though, the HNP scored a significant victory when the Broederbond decided to accept HNP members. Within the NP, reformist hostility towards the Broederbond grew following efforts by the organisation's chairman, Professor , to oppose reforms planned by the Prime Minister. A Nationalist MP, Mr G de Wet, attacked the organisation in February, saying its members enjoyed special privileges over non- members. The organisation no longer had a function to perform, and it was dividing Afrikaners, he said. It was reported in April that reformist members of the organisation had received rapid promotion under the Prime Minister. Members promoted to powerful positions included the Minister of Defence, General Magnus Malan, Dr Gerrit Viljoen, Minister of National Education, Professor L D Barnard, head of the National Intelligence Service (formerly the Bureau for State Security), and important members of the President's Council.9 In articles published on November 29 the Afrikaans newspaper Rapport gave publicity to tension between the Broederbond and certain members of the Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk. It claimed that all but one of the leading executive positions in the church were held by Broeders, and that this was stifling free and open debate on the social and political issues facing SA. Similar charges were levelled at the organisation in articles by a group of Afrikaans theologians and academics in a book entitled Storm-Kompas (Storm Compass), published late in 1981, which attempted to steer a clear course for the NGK through the anticipated crises of the eighties. It was claimed in this book that an estimated 60% of the dominees of the NGK were members of this secret, opinion-forming 'cultural-political' organisation. In December the chief editor of this book, Professor Nico Smith, resigned from the Broederbond and from his post as dean of the Stellenbosch Theological Seminary and accepted a call to be a minister to the Mamelodi congregation of the black Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk in Afrika. Information Scandal In January, Dr Eschel Rhoodie, former Secretary for Information, revealed that the SABC had been paid R500 000 over a period of five years to run a series of propaganda projects directed at overseas audiences. Dr Rhoodie alleged that the projects continued to operate after his retirement with the full knowledge of certain cabinet ministers including Mr R F Botha, the Minister of Foreign Affairs.10 The former chairman of the SABC board of directors, Dr Piet Meyer, denied the allegations. In the United States, newspaper publisher Mr John McGoff was ordered by a federal appeal court to reveal details of his connections with the Department of Information. It had been alleged that Mr McGoff was given R 11-million by the department to purchase the Washington Star newspaper for the dissemination of SA government propaganda. After he failed to purchase the newspaper, Mr McGoff was alleged to have purchased another newspaper as well as an interest in United Press television service."1

In February reports alleging that the former Minister of Finance and State President, Dr Nico Diederichs, had a secret Swiss bank account containing R128- million were dismissed by the Advocate-General. The reports alleged that the money represented the proceeds of a 10 cent commission that Dr Diederichs received on every ounce of gold sold on the Zurich gold market. Spokesmen for the HNP alleged the money was to be used to set up a future SA government in exile.12 In March Sunday Express journalist John Mattison lost his appeal against a 14- day jail sentence he received for refusing to disclose the identity of informants who revealed to him that the right-wing Christian League was secretly financed by the government. Shortly after Mr Mattison said that he would return to SA from the US to serve his sentence, this was remitted.3 The Christian League was stated to have paid R340 000 in public money some nine months after the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr R F Botha, took over the control of the former Department of Information. The objective of the secret project was said to be to undermine the influence of the South African Council of Churches over English- medium churches." Details of 112 Information Department secret projects were revealed in April. The projects included attempts to purchase newspapers and magazines, efforts to win support from foreign politicians, and efforts to undermine opponents of the Pretoria government. A R1 200 000 project to give support to 'moderate' political groups in Zimbabwe during the period immediately preceding the 1980 elections there was also listed. Some R800 000 was spent on payment to collaborators and R1,5 million on front organisations in the last year alone of the operation of the Information Department."5 Following these disclosures, Dr Rhoodie listed several cabinet ministers who he alleged had been participants in several of the projects.6 The Minister of Foreign Affairs responded to the allegations by saying that only three of the projects were still in operation. Progressive Federal Party (PFP) The PFP's policy as elaborated during the year included a commitment to calling a national convention to draw up a constitution acceptable to all South Africans. The PFP believed that the convention should be representative of all significant political groups. These would include the ANC, provided the organisation did not advocate violence. At such a convention, the PFP would propose a federal system of government with a separation of judicial, executive and legislative powers; proportional representation; a bill of rights; universal adult suffrage; and government by consensus, minority groups having the right of veto. The party was committed to the maintenance of a capitalist economy free of racial impediments such as the Group Areas Act and the Urban Areas Consolidation Act, so that all individuals would have equality of opportunity in the economy. All individuals would have the right to South African citizenship; statutory discrimination would be abolished, and the rule of law would be re-established. The party continued to refuse to participate in the President's Council, because of the government's refusal to allow Africans to participate in its proceedings.", 7 Progressive Federal Party

New Republic Party When the PFP began to develop a clear economic policy for the first time, this year, differences began to emerge between those members in favour of a form of welfare economics and those committed to monetarist or free market economics. PFP economic policy has until the present been described as 'a series of ad hoc positions flowing from the party's race policy'. A committee appointed towards the end of 1979 to investigate ways of improving the economy and the quality of life of all individuals has yet to deliver its report. There was speculation that differences between its members had delayed publication of the report. 18 Dr Frederik Van Zyl Slabbert, the PFP leader, focused on urbanisation problems in his attacks on government policy. He said existing policy was incapable of coping with the fact that by the year 2000 some 75% of Africans would be urbanised, trebling the urban population. The government had no urbanisation policy or political programme to deal with the growing crisis. Instead of denying Africans political rights in urban areas, the government should grant these in order to ease the political pressures building up in urban areas, he said. Government housing policy would never be able to cope with the demand for housing, while government educational and labour policies would be unable to satisfy the manpower requirements of the economy. At the one-day meeting of the Western Cape regional congress of the PFP held in January, some delegates said rejection of the President's Council did not imply rejection of attempts it made to repeal discriminatory legislation. A delegation from the reformist Afrikaans student organisation, POLSTU, attended the conference. They told the conference that the PFP was making important inroads into Afrikaans university campuses, and that a PFP youth branch had even been opened at the traditionally conservative University of the Orange Free State. New Republic Party (NRP) NRP policy envisaged the creation of a confederation of autonomous states in which all individuals would have access to a common confederal citizenship. The diversity of SA's 'plural society' would be accommodated in a system which granted each race group control over its own affairs. Considerable powers would be devolved from the central parliament, which would be elected by all citizens, to various community political institutions. Each community would control its own schools, hospitals, cultural affairs and residential areas through its own parliament. Mr Vause Raw, the party's leader, described the system as a form of autonomous self-government in which there would be a central parliament where all population groups would be equally represented. At this, the uppermost level of government, a form of 'consultative negotiating government' would be created.19 The setback suffered by the NRP in the general election drew into question the relevance and continued existence of the party, as well as the leadership of Mr Raw. Mr Raw revealed that he had offered to step down, but that the NRP federal executive had asked him to remain as leader.20 The election results seemed to indicate that, with the exception of one seat in the Cape, the party had no viable support base anywhere in 9 the country except in Natal. Even there, however, the party lost two seats. There was also speculation that the party might co-operate with the Herstigte PFP to form a united opposition front in Parliament, but the NRP lead- Nasionale ership indicated it would not alter its philosophy and principles. Party The Herstigte Nasionale Party (HNP) The HNP succeeded in increasing its number of votes from just over 30 000 to nearly 200 000 in the general election. Its phenomenal growth led many observers to say it presented the most serious threat to the NP. While its support was mainly from the Transvaal, the party made significant gains in the Cape and the Orange Free State. Separate development was the cornerstone of the party's policy. The party believed there was a white SA, over which whites historically and legally had sovereignty. Africans would have no political rights except in their homelands, and a policy of economic decentralisation aimed at developing the homelands would be pursued. Allocation of land to homelands would not go beyond the limits set in 1936, and homeland consolidation involving the incorporation of farms and towns inalienably part of white SA would cease. Separate political structures should exist for each race group. Instead of integrating whites and coloured people, future coloured development should be linked to a territory of their own. Since whites had achieved their economic position through hard work, there would be no attempt to equalise wages and living standards of the various races. Economic stability would be restored by slashing the growth in the money supply to 2% per annum, and this would be achieved by reducing government expenditure. General price control would be implemented and cost of living allowances would initially be paid to overcome the effects of inflation. While the party did not believe in what it termed welfare states for blacks, there was a 'socialist component' to its economic policy for whites. The traditional position of whites in the labour market should be restored to them. The people should have a bigger share in the wealth of the land and in gold profits. Civil service conditions should be improved, and whites should have adequate financial security enabling them to buy houses and raise large families. An HNP government would stop the supply of food, fuel and rail services to neighbouring countries which gave support to insurgents. Frontline states would be told to clear their territories of insurgents, or face SA military action. The aim should be to destroy insurgent forces throughout Southern Africa. The party continued its efforts to get right-wing political groups to unite against the NP, and an election pact was formed with the National Conservative Party of Dr C Mulder, in which it was agreed that the two parties would not stand against one another. A protest meeting attended by NCP, Aksie Eie Toekoms (AET) and Afrikaner Weerstand Beweging (AWB) supporters to protest against constitutional changes introduced by the NP was held in Pretoria in May. In spite of the growth in HNP support and the proliferation of other right-wing groups, some experts felt there was little chance of the HNP taking control of . Professor W Kleynhans of the

10 University of South Africa said it appeared that 'Afrikaner nationalism as we have known it is on the way out.'2 Several HNP parliamentary and provincial candidates were disqualNational ified, including the candidates for Rustenburg - the seat the party Conservative thought it had the best chance of winning. Following complaints by the Party NP, nomination courts had discovered irregularities in the nomination forms concerned. Fears over NP plans to re-organise labour relations, to change the constitution and to integrate the civil service, as well as the growing threat of insurgency, seem to have been responsible for the HNP's sudden growth of support. National Conservative Party (NCP) Although the NCP won about 2% of the vote in the April general election, it appeared the party did not have a viable future. It fared best in Randfontein, where there was a large sympathy vote for Dr C Mulder, the NCP leader, who had formerly represented the seat for the NP in parliament. Dr Mulder has described his party as lying to the left of the HNP and to the right of the NP. In February he criticised the NP for 'liberalising' the constitution and said his party was strongly opposed to 'creeping integration' 22 The NCP would refuse to grant any citizenship rights to Africans other than in the homelands. The NCP solution to the 'urban black problem' would involve transporting African labourers between their homelands and their places of employment, and stopping the construction of townships like Soweto in white areas. Dr Mulder also criticised the 'liberal' labour policies of the NP, saying strikes among African labourers had increased as a result. The former Natal NP leader, Mr Henry Torlage, and also a former Natal MPC resigned from the NP in February to join the NCP. Mr Torlage said he was disillusioned by what he saw as a drift away from true NP policies. Other Right-Wing Parties Aksie Eie Toekoms (Action own Future), a group formed this year by a number of conservative Afrikaner academics, contested six seats in the general election. The party saw itself as a pressure group which was prepared to help defeat the reformist faction of the NP in conjunction with other right-wing groups. AET claimed it had considerable support in Afrikaans religious, academic and cultural circles. It received a major boost when Mrs Betsie Verwoerd, widow of Dr , renounced her NP membership to join AET. A congress of AET was held in Pretoria during November, at which Professor Alkmar Swart was elected party leader. It emerged from the programme of principles approved at the congress that the party is a conservative group whose main objective is the creation of a clearly defined white 'homeland' surrounded by 'designated' areas also under white control which will eventually be transferred to the jurisdiction of other races. On the subject of education the congress stated that no erosion of the Christian National character of education would be tolerated and that each nation must have complete and exclusive control over its education.23 It was revealed in July that former HNP leader Dr Albert Hertzog was funding the extreme rightist Afrikaner Weerstandbeweging (AWB) and a women's group, the Kappiekommando. Dr Hertzog's action was seen as part of an effort to unite the various right-wing groups. The AWB, along with its political wing, the Blanke Volkstaat Party, appears to have neo-fascist tendencies. The party has a three- legged 'swastika' as its symbol. It advocates the creation of a one-party dictatorship and a type of 'national socialism' under which industries presently owned and controlled by 'aliens' would be nationalised. Several newspapers reported that the organisation had formed a unit of 'storm troopers'. Both the AWB and the Kappiekommando were reported to be gaining support among conservative students at Afrikaans universities. (For details on the WIT Kommando, see the section on security trials.) Earlier in September, the minor right-wing groups, including the NCP, AWB and AET, succeeded in forming an alliance called 'Action: Save White South Africa' (ASWSA) at a meeting held in Pretoria. ASWSA announced plans to thwart the government's 'unrealistic and destructive' constitutional plans. The organisation believed Namibia should be administered as an integral part of SA in order to secure the future of white South Africans. Plans to establish a newspaper for conservatives were also announced. In a joint statement issued by the leaders of the HNP, NCP and AWB, negotiations with the UN on Namibian independence and UN Resolution 435 were rejected. The statement said the solution to the Namibian conflict lay in destroying SWAPO. Later that month, a loose alliance including the HNP was formed to organise opposition to the government's reformist policies and to prevent Namibian whites from being 'sold out' by being forced to accept black majority rule. The loose alliance followed earlier unsuccessful attempts by the smaller right- wing parties to unite with the HNP. Mr J Marais, the HNP leader, said his party was not prepared to sacrifice its principles or identity in any form of union with other right-wing groups. 11 Right-Wing White Parties References 1 Rand DailyMailMay 5 2 IbidMay 1 3 Argus February 2 4 Hansard I cols 66-7 July 31 5 Rand Daily Mail February 4 6 Eastern Province Herald July 14 1 Daily News February 27 8 Natal PostMarch 3 9 Rand DailyMailApril 23 10 Sunday Express July 25 11 The Star February 4 12 Rand Daily Mail February 25 13 lbidMarch 31 14 The Star March 8 15 Sowetan April 9 16 FinancialMailJuly 3 17 Sowetan March 27

128 19 20 21 Political 22 23 Developments: Wh ites Daily News June 22 Sowetan June 11 The Star February 2 Ibidjuly 18 Rand Daily Mail September 25 Ibid November 23

POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS: COLOURED PEOPLE Reaction to Constitutional Plans and President's Council News of its constitutional plan that involved creating a 'third chamber' in Parliament for coloured people was revealed by the National Party in January. The plan was seen as a compromise to placate both the conservative and reformist wings of the NP and so avoid a split. Coloured representation is seen as the issue most likely to cause such a split., In September, leading NP reformists, including the Prime Minister, launched another initiative to change conservative party thinking on constitutional plans for coloured representation in Parliament. Both Mr P W Botha and Mr C Heunis, Minister of Internal Affairs, issued statements in which they maintained that the coloured people did not constitute a nation. These statements were seen by some observers as meaning that reformists were trying to get the NP to abandon the established party policy which envisages the creation of a separate national identity for coloured people through separate political institutions.2 The most important coloured political party, the Labour Party, adhered to its policy of not co-operating with the President's Council, and it rejected the idea of a three-chamber parliament; but the party did have discussions with government ministers in June on constitutional issues and unrest among coloured school children. Both parties agreed to hold further talks.3 A few days later Mr David Curry, the Labour Party's National Chairman, was quoted as saying his party would support the Prime Minister if he moved in the direction of 'constructive change'. Mr Curry said the Labour Party was committed to a constitution in which there would be a universal franchise within a single political system. Africans would have to participate in all levels of government, from municipalities to Parliament. The Labour Party would reject all constitutional plans which were just an 'extension of the policies of apartheid', which was why it had rejected the President's Council and the three-chambered parliament proposed by the NP. Separate parliaments for Indians and coloured people would increase polarisation, as would the exclusion of Africans from the President's Council. It would be impossible for three parliaments to function effectively, since the white parliament would continue to monopolise real political power. Existing constitutional plans did not offer a solution to SA's political problems, and the Labour Party was prepared to help develop a constitution acceptable to all South

14 Africans. It would continue to have consultations with the government, but not at the expense of losing credibility among its supporters.4 Plans by the government to create an interim liaison committee for Labour Party coloured people to replace the defunct Coloured Persons' Representative Council were rejected by the Labour Party. The party made a more cautious response to the proposal by President's Council members that the 12 nominated parliamentary seats be given to coloured people and Indians. The Reverend Alan Hendrickse, the Labour Party leader, said his party was committed to achieving direct representation in Parliament, and he was not prepared to comment on statements made by PC members who could not claim to represent coloured opinion.3 Labour Party Several developments threw into question the political direction and strategy of the Labour Party and threatened its unity. 1 The condemnation by the (African) Inkatha movement of the widespread boycotts of inferior ethnic education, instituted by black pupils and students in 1980, resulted in young Labour Party members calling for the withdrawal of the party from the South African Black Alliance (SABA). SABA is dominated by Inkatha, and is headed by Chief Buthelezi. 2 The party's continued participation in the management and local affairs committee system was criticised by some party members. In Natal, several members resigned after the party leadership allowed four members who had been nominated to serve on the Durban Local Affairs Committee to take their seats, and the Natal party branch came close to splitting.6 3 The party's relations with other black political groups was another divisive issue, with some members advocating more radical policies in order to win support from black consciousness groups. While the party continued to serve on any of the government-created institutions, there wis no chance of it winning support from more radical black groups. The Reverend Alan Hendrickse, the party leader, responded to these views by saying that 'protest politics' was not enough, and that he was tired of 'armchair politicians and pseudoradicals'.' He said the party had to satisfy the short-term needs of coloured people before it could win their support in the struggle for long-term goals. 4 The decision of three senior Labour Party members to accept membership of the President's Council indicated that at least some members questioned the decision not to participate in this body as long as Africans are excluded. Mr S Leon, a former party leader, Mr L du Preez, and Mr L Adams were the members who joined the Council. 5 The decision to hold a series of discussions with the government resulted in some members saying the party had lost its direction and was no longer able to survive as a political force outside government-created structures. One of the party's left-wingers, Mr Miley Richards, chairman of the Johannesburg Coloured Management Committee, said after the party's January annual conference that conservatives were campaigning against radicals. Mr Richards said the radicals would continue to work within the party, because a split would cause irreparable damage. He also criticised the party's efforts to reconcile all political forces in SA, saying it would be better to use the concept of a national convention to mobilise all the left-wing political forces against the government.8 In June, the party was severely criticised by non-racial trade unions after Mr Hendrickse claimed that these unions were controlled by white intellectuals who were opposed to negotiation. The general secretary of the Motor and Component Workers' said Mr Hendrickse's comments were racialistic.' The party boycotted the Republic Festival celebrations, saying blacks had no reason to celebrate the 20th anniversary of the South African Republic."° Other Parties A new political party, the Congress of the People (COPE), was formed by Mr L Adams, formerly a senior Labour Party member and subsequently a member of the President's Council. Mr Adams said his party did not see the threat against SA as a threat against whites, but as a 'Marxist-Communist threat against South Africa as a whole'. In June COPE held discussions with government officials, including the Prime Minister, on issues concerning group areas removals, unrest at coloured educational institutions, and food prices. The delegation called on the government to stop all group areas removals until the President's Council had completed its investigation into the administration of group areas legislation; to lift the general sales tax on food; to erect more technikons and colleges near coloured areas; and to investigate the possibility of setting up a national pension fund for all SA people, including farm labourers and domestic servants. The COPE delegation said it expected to have more meetings with the government. It was well received, indicating a new move by the government to encourage 'moderate' coloured leaders to come forward and negotiate with it." The Freedom Party (described on page 12 of the 1978 Survey) declared its commitment to attaining full political rights for coloured people, but it believed this could best be achieved by working within government-created bodies and by negotiating with the government. Accordingly, the party was prepared to participate in bodies like the President's Council. Attitudes of Coloured People Widespread school boycotts and confrontations with the police occurred in May and June, following protests against the Republic Festival and events to commemorate the risings in coloured and African townships which began in 1976. At one stage 4 000 coloured pupils from five schools in the Johannesburg area alone were boycotting classes. The pupils were protesting against: 1 the closure of certain schools in the Western Cape after protests against 'inferior ethnic education'; 2 the expulsion from school of 500 boycotting pupils; 15 Coloured People's Attitudes

3 alleged acts of police brutality in the suppression of protests in the Johannesburg area; 4 the suspension of protesting pupils in some Western Cape schools. The government responded to the protests and boycotts by threatening to close down schools and send teachers home without pay. Other measures threatened included the forfeiture of bursaries by college students who participated in boycotts. Critics said the government's plans would inflame the situation still further if they were implemented. Repressive action would not solve the problem, and until the in-built injustices of SA society were removed, repeated protests and boycotts could be expected. In the event, the threats were not implemented. The events seemed to indicate that the politicisation of coloured pupils and students which became apparent in 1976 was continuing.'2 Government ideologues interpreted clashes between Indian and coloured residents of the Boksburg township of Reigerpark which took place in May as a racial incident which justified the creation of separate group areas. Two people were killed, 17 Indian-owned shops were looted and about R2-million damage was caused. Local Indian and coloured community leaders denied that the riots had been sparked by racial tension, saying the acute housing shortage in the township had caused the tension. Reigerpark was designed to house only 12 000 people, but an estimated 28 000 people live there. Coloured resentment towards Indian traders who were occupying land that could have been used for coloured housing was the immediate cause of the violence, it was stated." References I Sunday TimesJanuary 1 2 Financial Mail September 4 3 ArgusJune 12 4 Sunday Times June 14 s lbidJuly 12 6 RandDailyMailJanuary 27 7 Sunday Express September 15 8 Sunday Tribune January 4 9 Evening PostJune 2 10 Post NatalJanuary 14 11 ArgusJune 18 12 Rand Daily MailJune 13 13 Post Natal May 13 Coloured People's Attitudes

POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS: INDIANS The South African Indian Council Legislation The government's decision in 1980 to postpone the South African Indian Council (SAIC) elections for the fourth time in five years made it necessary again to extend the existing Council's term of office, by means of the Electoral Act for Indians Amendment Act, No 16 of 1981. Had this not been done the Indian Council would have gone out of existence, as the Coloured Persons' Representative Council had done in 1980. Both of the opposition parties in Parliament refused to support the legislation, saying that the government had no clear policy on the future of the SAIC. Composition of the Council The SA Indian Council, when originally created in 1964, consisted of nominated members only but in 1974 the Council was reconstituted to consist of 30 members, half of them nominated and half elected by persons who on the election day were elected members of official Indian local government bodies. Legislation of 1978 provided for the Council to have 40 elected and five appointed members; but until the year under review this was not brought into effect, apparently partly because a new constitution for SA was under consideration by the President's Council and partly because radical Indian organisations which stood for universal adult suffrage opposed the existence of separate representative bodies for Indians and threatened to boycott and disrupt elections. During December 1980 the Minister of Internal Affairs, Mr C Heunis, appointed ten new persons to serve as nominated members. A former chairman of the Council, Mr G Chinsamy, said members who had fallen out of favour with the government had been 'left out in the cold' by Mr Heunis.' Announcement of Pending Elections Early in 1980 the government decided to proceed with the creation of the body provided for in 1978. Elections would be held on November 4. There would be ten seats in the Transvaal, three in the Cape, and 27 in Natal. Legislation of 1977 made it compulsory for every Indian of or above the age of 18 years and permanently resident in the SA Republic or in an

1 8 African homeland that had become independent, to register as a voter (unless the person concerned was disqualified on the grounds of being of unsound mind or having committed a serious offence). It was estimated Indian by the authorities early in 1981 that some 80% of eligible voters had Politics registered. Three parties decided to contest the election: the Reform Party led by Mr G Chinsamy, the Indian Progressive Party led by Mr A Choonara, and the Democratic Party of Mr J B Patel. A number of independents were expected to stand.2 Reactions to the Announced Elections In June the chairman of the SAIC, Mr A Rajbansi, said Council members were still committed to full parliamentary representation for Indians, but would strive to achieve this objective through an evolutionary process rather than through confrontation. Mr Rajbansi attacked what he called the 'ink liberals' who urged pupils and students to boycott their schools and universities, saying he doubted their sincerity.' Criticism of the SAIC within the Indian community increased as a result of the plans to hold elections. The Indian Reformed Church criticised the Council for 'merely helping to oppress the black majority's aspirations'.4 Anti-SAIC groups attacked the body for failing, during the 17 years of its existence, to stop evictions of Indians under the Group Areas Act and for being unrepresentative. A member of the President's Council, Mr Poovalingam, described the SAIC as a fraud, regardless of whether it was fully elected or not. Mr Poovalingam said the political future of Indians lay in 'other more intelligently-selected directions' - a reference to the President's Council.' In March, the Natal Indian Congress (NIC) and the African Youth Congress (an organisation founded in 1980 during the KwaMashu school boycotts) criticised plans by SAIC members to apply to visit political prisoners on . Both organisations accused the SAIC members of trying to gain political credibility. Dr Farook Meer, a member of the executive of NIC, said that if the Council members were really concerned about the Robben Island prisoners, they would call for their release and not simply for an improvement in prison conditions. Dr Meer suggested that the SAIC members should instead resign and join those fighting apartheid.6 Concerted campaigns were launched against the SAIC elections during June. In Natal the Anti-South African Indian Council Committee, under the chairmanship of Mr M J Naidoo, organised meetings, distributed pamphlets and organised house visits to lobby against the elections. In the Transvaal 150 representatives of political, religious and community organisations created the Transvaal Anti-SAIC Committee (TASC), electing a 13- man committee to organise the boycott. Dr Essop Jassat, a former member of the Transvaal Indian Youth Congress, headed the committee. The vice-chairman was Dr I Cachalia, a well-known Indian politician and father of Azhar and Firoz Cachalia, two students banned in June (see section on bannings). Among the other members were Dr R Saloojee, second vice-chairman, Mr I Momoniat, secretary, Mr P Naidoo, assistant secretary, Mr A Moonda, treasurer and Mr N Pa- had, publicity secretary.' About 3 000 people attended a mass ieeting in 19 Lenasia organised by TASC to launch its boycott campaign. Pro-SAIC spokesmen urged anti-SAIC leaders not to boycott the elections, arguing that these would give the Indian people an opportunity Indian to choose their real leaders for the first time in their 121-year history in Politics SA. Anti-SAIC spokesmen responded by saying, firstly, that the real leaders of the Indian community were either banned, in exile or in prison. Secondly, it was argued that as an 'Indians only' body, the SAIC was necessarily an instrument of apartheid and participation in the elections would amount to helping the apartheid system to function.8 Political Parties Natal Indian Congress The Natal Indian Congress (NIC) was formed in 1894 by Mahatma Ghandi and is today the oldest political party in SA. It has played an important r6le in political campaigns against racial measures imposed on the black population by successive SA governments: NIC has declared its political programme to be the same as that set out in the (a Charter adopted at a 'Congress of the People' held in 1955). At the end of June NIC's president, Mr George Sewpersadh, was banned for five years, and Mr M J Naidoo, the organisation's vice-president, took over the leadership. Members of NIC were prominent in the anti-SAIC campaign organised in Natal and the new president of NIC, Mr Naidoo, was also chairman of the anti-SAIC committee. The NIC continued its policy of non-co-operation with government- created institutions such as the President's Council and SAIC, declaring these to be puppet organisations which were powerless to introduce political changes. The chairman of the SAIC executive, Mr J B Patel, attacked NIC's policy saying it had done nothing to further the aim of full political participation for all people in SA. A successful campaign against Local Affairs Committee elections, held in July, was organised by NIC. The highest turnout of voters was 10%. In one of the wards, only 113 of 11 000 voters came to the polls, while in another, 565 of 6 000 eligible voters voted. Mr Naidoo interpreted the results as a significant boost for his organisation's antiSAIC campaign. The results led to a spate of calls for the abolition of the local affairs committee system, which the spokesman on Indian Affairs for the (white) Progressive Federal Party described as a waste of taxpayers' money. Transvaal Anti-SAIC Committee (TASC) This body was formed in June to organise a boycott of the SAIC elections in the Transvaal. Its leaders consisted mainly of many former Transvaal Indian Congress activists. At the time of writing the TASC had not yet formed itself into a political party, but a constitutuion was in the process of being drawn up which would give the organisation a more permanent character. TASC rejected the views of certain groups participating in the SAIC that anti- SAIC groups should participate in the election with a view to de-. stroying the council from within. Dr E Jassat, TASC chairman, rejected

20 the alternative strategy of participating in the election in order to prevent 'stooges and puppets' from taking over the Council,. saying his organisation was committed to fighting a political system which prevented the Indian majority of SA people from participating in the government of SA as a Politics whole. At a mass meeting held to launch its campaign, TASC leaders committed their organisation to the programme of the Freedom Charter in their struggle for democracy in SA. One of TASC's vice-chairmen, Dr R Saloojee, described the organisation as 'just one more spoke in the wheel of the SA Liberation Movements'.9 Support for TASC was expressed by numerous organisations including the NIC, the SA Council of Churches, the Black Students' Society at the University of the Witwatersrand, and the Muslim Students' Association. Future of Pageview Area As described in a subsequent chapter, on the eve of the election the government decided to reject a recommendation by the President's Council that the suburb of Pageview in Johannesburg, which in terms of the Group Areas Act had been allocated to whites, should be returned to Indians, who had lived there for three generations. This caused great anger in the Indian community. Several candidates for election to the SA Indian Council withdrew in protest, or threatened to resign if elected, or said they would use the SAIC as a platform for its own dissolution. SA Indian Council Elections The calls for a boycott of the elections proved strikingly successful. Only in one Natal constituency was there a reasonable turn-out of voters, of 40,1%. Generally, however, the poll was under 20%. In the Fordsburg constituency precisely 70 people voted out of a possible total of 3 987. Many voting papers were purposely spoiled. There were a few complaints of the intimidation of voters, but in the main these were unproven. The representation of parties in the new Council was as follows: Independents 26 Democratic Party 11 National Federal (Progressive) Party 2 Reform Party 1 Total 40 Five further members would be nominated: two by the majority, two by the State President on the advice of the leader of the majority party, and one by the official Opposition. Mr Ismail Mayet of Johannesburg carried out his pledge to resign - a promise made before the 1,75% poll in his Fordsburg constituency made his position even more untenable. In his letter of resignation addressed to the minister he said that he had been a member of the SAIC since 1968, prepared to work for change within 'the system', and -facing consequent abuse as a sell-out and collaborator. As far back as 1974 he had pointed out to the then Prime Minister that the SAIC was regarded as a transitory channel of contact with the government and not as a final solution: Since 21 then increasing numbers of Indians had been 'radicalised' and were calling for meaningful political participation. 'With great pain and heartache I finally concluded that no further purpose could be served by me con- Indian tinuing to serve on the SA Indian Council.' Politics Mr J B Patel, leader of the Democratic Party, was initially installed as the Council's chairman; but then Mr A Rajbansi, chairman of the previous Council, formed a National People's Party, composed of himself, some of the Independents and the two National Federal Party members. All but one of the remaining Independents joined the Democratic Party. However, Mr Rajbansi's party was then in the majority and took control of the Council. References 1 Natal Witness December 31 2 Post Natal August 5 3 The StarJune 23 4 Rand DailyMail February 26 5 Daily News March 6 6 Natal Witness March 25 7 Post NatalJuly 27 8 The StarAugust 10 9 Rand Daily MailAugust 12

INDIAN AND COLOURED LOCAL GOVERNMENT Several municipalities represented at the May Congress of the Cape Province Municipal Association called for the return of Municipal voting rights to Indian and coloured people in the Cape. (They had possessed these rights until 1972.) After enabling legislation was passed in 1962, a separate system of local government had been introduced for coloured and Indian residents of urban townships. This consisted of consultative or management committees in townships of the Cape, Free State and Transvaal, and local affairs committees in Natal, all of which might develop intn independent local authorities. Future government policy on the question of coloured and Indian representation in local government is still not clear. The Minister of Internal Affairs, Mr C Heunis, said in May that there was "material room for improvement" in this regard. By September, however, it was apparent that conservative elements in the NP were planning to resist the introduction of integrated town and city councils.2 A resolution calling for the abolition of the system introduced after 1962 was tabled at the annual congress of the Cape Association of Management Committees held in June. The resolution stated that the system was a failure because local authorities were reluctant to work with the committees, which had no effective powers. Delegates also called for changes in the Local Authorities Ordinance to require town and city councils to consult management committees before making decisions which affected areas under their jurisdiction.' The President's Council invited suggestions from interested persons and bodies for a new constitutional dispensation. Among others, the Cape Town and the Pietermaritzburg City Councils recommended that all ratepayers, regardless of colour, should be directly represented on local government bodies. Other suggestions made are described in the section on Local Authorities in the chapter on Employment. Four autonomous Indian local authorities have been developed in Natal; in Verulam, Isipingo, Marburg, and Umzinto. In a number of areas, however, there has been dissatisfaction with the system of local affairs committees in Indian or coloured townships attached to white municipal areas. The people concerned have demanded full municipal voting rights instead. In September 1980 there were mass resignations from the Indian 22 committees in Westville and Ladysmith, and new elections could not be held because no candidates came forward. Ladysmith town council then 23 asked the administrator of Natal to nominate committee members. There were low percentage polls in elections held in Northern Durban. Indian Local Government References I Eastern Province Herald May 20 2 Rand Daily Mail September 21 3 lbidJune 29 4 Sunday Times November 11, The Star December 1

AFRICAN POLITICAL AFFAIRS This section deals with developments affecting African political movements both inside and outside the country. Further details on the activities of groups like the African National Congress (ANC) and Pan African Congress (PAC) appear in the section dealing with security matters. Anti-Republic Festival Activities African political organisations together with those representing coloured and Indian people played a leading r6le in protesting against the 20th anniversary celebrations of the South African Republic. African political groups joined some other 55 organisations in a countrywide campaign to boycott the festivities. Trade unions, black conciousness groups, local community groups, churches, student and pupil organisations and exiled political organisations joined in a condemnation of the festivities. Several organisations criticised the SA Republic for being an undemocratic, authoritarian state which oppressed the majority of South Africans.' In several instances support for the ANC manifested itself when flags of the SA Republic were burnt and flags bearing ANC colours were raised in their place.' Exiled Movements As described in the chapter on security matters, during the year under review the African National Congress (ANC) intensified its guerrilla attacks on targets in SA. This activity was accompanied by a growth in the prestige of the ANC, both inside SA and internationally. Overt support or at least sympathy for the ANC was revealed when over 6 000 people attended the Soweto funeral of a founder member of the ANC, Mr Sebina Letlalo, in January.3 Thousands of people attended a service at Regina Mundi Cathedral, Soweto, in memory of 12 ANC members killed in January when SA forces attacked an ANC base near the Mozambican capital of Maputo. (This attack is described in a subsequent chapter.) Dr N Motlana, chairman of the Soweto Committee of Ten and one of the speakers at the service, described the raid as an act of 'first degree murder'.' A BBC documentary filmed in SA revealed widespread support for jailed ANC leader ., The ANC received pledges of support from frontline states such as Angola, Mozambique and Zimbabwe, although Zimbabwe indicated it was not prepared to allow ANC guerrillas to operate from its territory.

Following the SA attack on Mozambique, Lesotho's Prime Minister, Chief Leabua Jonathan, also expressed support for the ANC.6 There were indications of a change in attitude to the ANC in certain influential American circles. The most significant development was a meeting in June between ANC president and top representatives of the biggest US multinational corporations operating in SA. The Washington Post reported that Mr Tambo met representatives of Ford, General Motors, General Electric and the three biggest US banks: Citibank, Bank of America and the Manufacturers Hanover Bank. The meeting was organised by the American African Institute after US corporations had expressed concern that the Africa policy of the Reagan Administration could adversely affect their business interests in Africa and SA. One observer said it appeared that US corporations were 'beginning to hedge bets in South Africa'.7 The Department of Justice refused permission for a 13-man delegation of US congressmen to have discussions with ANC leader Nelson Mandela on Robben Island in order to obtain his assessment of political developments in SA, and declined to give reasons for its refusal. The congressmen were on a fact-finding tour of Nigeria, Kenya, Angola, Zimbabwe and SA. South African newspaper reports claiming that a 'bloody ANC faction fight' had broken out were discounted by ANC spokesmen in Lusaka. The reports claimed that 'scores' of ANC supporters in Angola and Zambia had been detained or killed in a power struggle. It was also claimed that the ANC had drawn up a death list of prominent African leaders in SA whom it planned to assassinate. Bishop , the General Secretary of the SA Council of Churches, was alleged to be on the list. The reports quoted the deputy chief of the SA Security Police as saying he was 'aware of power struggle' and that the Security Police had 'received reports' of a plan by Mr Oliver Tambo and Mr to take full control of the ANC.8 Following the attack by SA armed forces on Matola in Mozambique, in which 12 ANC members were killed and at least two captured, the ANC's chief representative in Zimbabwe, Mr Joe Gqabi, was mysteriously assassinated in August. The SA government denied claims by the Zimbabwean government and others that it was responsible. In SA, various African political organisations condemned the murder. Six Pan-Africanist guerrillas were sentenced to 15 years' imprisonment in Tanzania after being convicted of the manslaughter of Mr David Sibeko, a member of the presidential council of the PAC. Mr Sibeko was shot dead in 1979 shortly after the PAC chairman, Mr Potlako Leballo, was ousted in a power struggle spearheaded by Mr Sibeko and Dr Vusi Make.9 Mr Leballo was expelled from the organisation and is believed to have gone to Libya. During his chairmanship serious infighting broke out, and he is reported to have expelled 72 PAC members who were opposed to his leadership. Dr Make became deputy chairman, and Mr Pokela the new chairman. Although it has been reported that a majority of PAC guerrillas possibly still support Mr Leballo, both Mr Pokela and Dr Make have the support of the Tanzanian authorities, and appear to have consolidated their position.0 25 Exiled African Movements

26 Refugees A number of alleged ANC guerrillas were charged in neighbouring countries with being illegally in possession of firearms. Three men who African crossed into Lesotho from Natal with large quantities of arms were acrefugees quitted in a Lesotho magistrate's court in July." Four suspected ANC men were charged with illegal possession of arms in Swaziland, but no further news on the progress of the trial has been reported. In response to appeals by the General Secretary of the SA Council of Churches, both the Zimbabwean and Mozambican authorities pledged their support for SA fugitives. Zimbabwean Prime Minister, Mr Robert Mugabe, assured Bishop Tutu that his government would do everything possible to assist refugees, while the Mozambican Ministry of Information responded by saying Mozambique would never yield to pressure from Pretoria to repatriate SA fugitives.2 Botswana gave assurances that it had not changed its policy of granting asylum to SA fugitives The assurance came after the Botswana authorities deported four refugees back to SA3 and after reports about growing hostility towards SA refugees began to appear.4 Refugees criticised the Botswana government's policy of restricting them to camps like Dukwe, saying it made them vulnerable to military attacks from SA. In January the Botswana government gave SA refugees who had left the camp 24 hours to return there or face deportation to SA.15 In Lesotho the UN High Commissioner for Refugees provided more than R2m for the education of SA fugitives. The money is to be used to expand facilities at the National University of Lesotho and at nine secondary schools. Inkatha According to figures provided by Professor L Schlemmer, secretary of the Buthelezi Commission (described below), Inkatha has a membership of 'well over 200 000', making it the largest black political movement in SA history.6 In 1980, the secretary-general of Inkatha, Dr Oscar Dhlomo, said Inkatha had a membership of 300 000. (See Survey 1980 p 48.) Professor Schlemmer said the movement had grown rapidly since its formation four years previously. As a result of a recruitment drive at secondary schools, some 29% of its membership was under 18 years of age. Membership was varied and included subsistence farmers, white collar workers, civil servants, professionals and businessmen.7 Accusations by opponents that Inkatha was collaborating with the SA government in the implementation of apartheid policies became more vehement. In July, Mr D Johnson, chairman of the Black Students' Society at the University of the Witwatersrand, told a gathering of 1 500 people that Chief Gatsha Buthelezi, the head of Inkatha, was a 'government lackey' who would be destroyed along with other supporters of the apartheid system.,8 Mr Johnson's remarks followed criticism by Chief Buthelezi of black and white university students who were prominent in the anti-Republic festival campaign. In June, Chief Buthelezi responded angrily to a BBC-TV documentary which described Inkatha as a collaborationist organisation. He said he condemned 'the self-righteousness of the British government, the Labour Party, the Anti- Apartheid Movement and the churches in the strongest possible terms'.9 He blamed British imperialism for the state

KwaZulu was in, saying British administrations in SA had always pan- 27 dered to the interests of English colonists in Natal. He was finding it increasingly difficult to speak to foreign journalists whom he claimed were being misled by anti-Inkatha elements in Soweto.20 Inkatha The deterioration in relations between Inkatha and the ANC-SA Communist Party (SACP) alliance, which began last year, has continued. (Survey 1980 p 53.) In response to an article published in African Communist criticising Chief Buthelezi, the Inkatha central committee held a meeting in July and said it doubted whether the SACP served the interests of the black liberation struggle. In another resolution taken at the same meeting, the committee said it was opposed to the 'manipulation of school children' for political purposes and condemned 'those who pursue the destruction of property as a strategy for liberation' - a reference to attacks by ANC guerrillas on military and economic installations.21 In June, Inkatha withdrew from a plan to call a national convention to draw up a constitution for SA. The plan involved bringing together political groups with widely divergent policies with the object of creating a democratic political system, based on one-man-one-vote, freedom of movement, a unified education system and the abolition of racial discrimination. (See Survey 1980 p 48 for Inkatha's conditions for attending a national convention.) Details of the plan were revealed on June 8 by the Sowetan which reported that representatives of Inkatha, the Soweto Committee of Ten, the Azanian Peoples' Organisation (AZAPO), the SA Council of Churches (SACC), the Indian Reform Party, the Labour Party and the PFP had attended a series of preliminary meetings organised by the Black Sash. All the organisations involved agreed that: SA should have a non-racial society; blacks should acquire land tenure rights, political rights, freedom of expression and freedom of movement; the pass laws should be abolished; and that there 'was room for participation in governmentcreated institutions'. Inkatha withdrew from the meetings after AZAPO and the Soweto Committee of Ten announced that they would not be attending the planned constitutional conference. AZAPO's public relations officer, Mr George Wauchope, described the exercise as 'an initiative by white liberals who want to do things for us blacks', while Dr Nthato Motlana of the Committee of Ten said the conference would be futile.22 Chief Buthelezi told the KwaZulu Legislative Assembly that the conference plan had been wrecked by 'political amateurs' who had leaked details to the . He accused some of the other organisations of being 'little groupings' which wanted to gain credibility at Inkatha's expense.23 The chairman of the Buthelezi Commission, Professor Deneys Schreiner, said he expected the commission to complete its work towards the end of the year. The commission was set up in 1980 (see Survey 1980 p 50) to examine the relationship between Natal and KwaZulu with a view to some form of power sharing. It is examining political, constitutional, educational, administrative and development problems facing Natal and KwaZulu. Specific matters being examined include: the advantages and disadvantages of subdividing Natal; ways of eliminating the shortage of teachers, especially in black schools; the question of educational integration; and the effect of the infrastructure on the development of KwaZulu and Natal.

28 Organisations which indicated they wished to submit memoranda to the commission included Inkatha itself, the Labour Party, the Indian Reform Party, the PFP, the Associated Chambers of Commerce, the Natal Black Agricultural Union, the Natal Chamber of Industries and the Institute of Consciousness Bankers. On the question of independence for KwaZulu, Inkatha reiterated its oppostion to the terms offered by the SA government. The Inner Council of Inkatha issued a statement in January rejecting the central government's policy of linking homeland economic development to independence, or to the concept of a constellation of states. Black Consciousness Black consciousness movements in SA experienced serious problems over the interpretation of black consciousness ideology. Much of the reassesment centred on whether the conflict in SA was a race struggle or a class struggle. At a symposium held in May and attended by some 200 representatives of black consciousness organisations, a compromise was reached in which it was agreed that race was a class determinant. One of the delegates said black consciousness in no way conflicted with notions of class struggle, but at the same time the acceptance of class analysis in no way meant an acceptance of Marxian analysis. The delegates reiterated their commitment to black consciousness ideology and once again agreed there was no place for whites in the movement. It was also agreed that the black working class, as the 'hub of the South African economy', should be politicised so that it could act as a vehicle for change in SA. The Reverend Buti Tlhagale of the Black Priests' Solidarity Group suggested that an umbrella body of trade unions that embraced the black consciousness ideology should be formed and AZAPO, one of the movements represented at the symposium, agreed to investigate the possibility of forming such a body.4 Black consciousness was severely criticised by groups opposed to its commitment to black exclusivism. At a meeting held in Lenasia to commemorate the events of June 16 1976 (see Survey 1976 p 53), speakers representing the Congress of South African Students (COSAS), the Azanian Students' Organisation (AZASO) and the General and Allied Workers' Union strongly attacked black consciousness. COSAS and AZASO speakers accused black consciousness bodies of being reactionary organisations which had links with US multinational corporations and the Central Intelligence Agency. Mr Reavell Nkondo of AZASO accused black consciousness adherents of being 'black liberals' who became involved only in publicity-catching symbolic events like funerals, forgetting the importance of more mundane political work.2" Efforts were made by the Committee of Ten and the SACC to achieve a reconciliation between black consciousness groups and nonexclusivist democratic groups committed to the principles of the Freedom Charter.26 The major black consciousness organisation in SA, AZAPO, continued to reject the SA Black Alliance (SABA) (see Survey 1980 p 55) as an organisation which was collaborating with the authorities. It did not condemn or endorse either the ANC or PAC, accepting the 'historical r6les of both organisations'.27 The attitude of AZAPO to SABA, the ANC and PAC seemed to reflect those of other black consciousness groups.

Azanian People's Organisation (AZAPO) AZAPO began the year with a commitment to a broad programme of political action. Publicity secretary Mr George Wauchope said the AZAPO executive would concentrate on organising rural and urban workers. Community development projects, literacy classes and courses in labour relations were planned, and AZAPO would co-operate with any other organisations in implementing projects of this nature, provided that the bodies concerned were committed to the broad principles of black consciousness ideology. In spite of wide differences, the delegates at the January conference did agree that the struggle for the re-possession of African land was central to AZAPO's political programme, that AZAPO would strive for a socialist society and that there could be no place for whites in the political struggle being waged by blacks. Other important developments at the conference included the delivering of a paper outlining an educational system to replace the existing one, and the expansion of the number of secretariats, enabling AZAPO to extend its activity into questions relating to health, rural and urban development, education, labour and culture. A new national executive was elected, only one of the outgoing members being re-elected. Mr Khehla Mthembu, a community worker from Soweto, was elected president.28 AZAPO spelt out its conditions for attending a national convention: 1 the convention would have to discuss the transfer of power to the indigenous owners of the country; 2 all political prisoners would have to be freed, all banning orders lifted and an amnesty granted to all exiled political leaders; 3 structural violence, such as influx control, detention without trial, migratory labour and resettlement would have to be abolished; 4 the historical political organisations, such as the ANC, PAC and Black People's Convention (BPC) would have to attend the convention; 5 military attacks against exiles in neighbouring countries would have to stop; 6 there could be 'no negotiations between non-equals'.29 The statement followed criticisms by AZAPO of political organisations such as the PFP and Inkatha for their involvement in plans to organise a national convention. (See section on Inkatha.) Publicity secretary George Wauchope said that plans for such a convention would remain a futile exercise until such time as blacks were in a position to negotiate with the government from a position of equality.3" Towards the end of March the local branch of AZAPO organised a meeting to protest against rent increases in the African township of Tembisa, near Kempton Park. A few days later rioting broke out in this township. Bottle stores and beerhalls owned by the East Rand Administration Board were looted, and a bus depot damaged. On the day before the rioting several AZAPO officials, including its president, Mr Khehla Mthembu, Mr George Wauchope and Mr Thabo Ndabeni were detained under the security laws. They were all later released. AZAPO organised what appears to have been a moderately successful boycott campaign against overseas artists performing in SA. The cam- 29 Azanian People's Organisation

30 paign achieved most success in Soweto, where tours by a number of black American artists had to be cancelled or cut short. AZAPO officials saw the boycott plan as part of a strategy to isolate SA in as many fields African as possible."1 It was reported that AZAPO had contacted the British acPolitics tors' union, Equity, in an effort to organise an international blacklist of overseas artists who had visited SA. African Student Activities African student groups participated in the anti-Republic Festival campaign. The Congress of South African Students (COSAS) formed a parent-teacher committee in Johannesburg to organise anti-Republic Festival activities.32 School pupils in Port Elizabeth were asked by the local branch of COSAS to stage a three-day boycott of classes in protest against the festival. At a meeting in Mamelodi near Pretoria, COSAS declared that its organisation was open to all races. It decided at the same meeting that COSAS would never co- operate with political organisations which worked within the framework of government-created institutions. The Azanian Students' Organisation (AZASO) still refused to co-operate with AZAPO. A split between the two organisations developed after AZAPO suspended its president, Mr Curtis Nkondo, in 1980. (See Survey 1980, p 56.) Soweto Committee of Ten The creation of this committee was described on page 35 of the 1977 Survey. It is a popularly-elected body consisting of -leading citizens of Soweto. During 1980 it instituted a court action to prevent the government-created Soweto Community Council from increasing rentals, and pending the outcome residents were advised not to pay the increased amounts. The court action was lost. Tensions between the two bodies were exacerbated when Mr David Thebehali, chairman of the Council, blamed the Committee for the low 6,84 percentage poll in a Council by-election. Mr Thebehali claimed that the committee had intimidated voters into boycotting the by-election. References 1 The StarMay28 2 Sowetan and The StarMay 29 1 Rand Daily Mail January 19 4 The Star February 23 1 Sunday Express June 14 6 The Star February 3 7 lbidJuly 20 8 Evening Post July 7 9 SowetanJune 17 10 TheStarMay 3 1 SowetanJuly29 12 lbidMarch 13 and April 28 13 TheStarFebruary 16 14 lbidMay 13 15 IbidJanuary 22 16 East London Daily Dispatch May 14 17 /bidMay 14

18 TheStarJuly 22 31 19 IbidJune 17 20 Ibid May 17 21 NatalMercuryJuIy 14 22 SowetanJune 8 African 23 Rand Daily MaiJune 9 Politics 24 IbidMay 26 25 IbidAugust 22 26 IbidJune 23 27 Ibid May 26 28 IbidJanuary 28 29 East London Daily Dispatch January 26 30 The StarJanuary 8 31 Sowetan February 26 32 The Star March 3

THE CHURCHES SA Council of Churches (SACC) As mentioned in previous issues of this Survey,_the SACC is composed, in the main, of the English-medium Protestant churches and a number of African churches. At its meeting in February the national executive committee of the SACC decided to decline a government invitation to visit the operational area in South West Africa/Namibia because such a visit might be construed as an endorsement of the warfare there. It advocated the boycotting of Republic Day festivals. Foreign investment in SA should be encouraged, the committee asserted, only if this promoted full human rights in a united South Africa.' A meeting had been arranged between the SACC and representatives of the SA Defence Force to discuss conscientious objection to military service and the threatened withdrawal of their chaplains by some English-medium churches. Following the raids into Mozambique and Angola by SA forces, however, the SACC cancelled this meeting.' Bishop Desmond Tutu, general secretary of the SACC, made a statement condemning the banning by the chief magistrates of several areas of memorial services for black South African members of the ANC who were killed when SA forces attacked ANC-occupied buildings in Matola, near Maputo in Mozambique, on January 30. (This raid is described in a subsequent chapter.) The Bishop is reported to have pointed out that while the men were regarded by some as terrorists, they were the sons, brothers or fathers of people in SA. Their deaths had caused a lot of hurt in the black community, and the services had been planned to assuage that hurt. According to various press reports3 in 1979 Mr Eugene Roelofse, a consumer ombudsman then employed by the SACC, wrote a confidential letter to Bishop Tutu expressing fear that the continuance of the Council's work could be endangered if its monetary controls were inadequate and if there was reason for suspicion. From 1978, the Council's books were kept by the SACC Accounting Service (SACCAS), a company the Council acquired to do this and also to provide accounting services for small black-owned businesses and to train blacks in accounting. SACCAS proved to be unsuccessful, and ceased to operate in May 1980. The SACC's Asingeni Relief Fund was separately administered, however, having been placed under the sole control of the then general secretary, Mr John C Rees. This was a fund to assist people who had been adversely affected by the country- wide rioting that began in June 1976.

(See Survey 1977 p 40.) Mr Rees reported in July 1977 that more than RI 200 000 had by then been raised, about RI 91 000 of it from within SA, and the bulk of the rest from overseas churches. Auditors identified problems in the SACC's accounts for 1977 and 1978. It decided to consult Mr Tim S Potter, a past president of the Transvaal Society of Chartered Accountants. In an interim report for the period 1976 to early 1978 Mr Potter stated that no funds had been misappropriated or used for personal gain during that period. The SACC's national executive then asked him to complete the study for 1978 and to examine the organisation's financial operations in 1979 as well. Mr Potter is reported to have found that there had been irregularity in the organisation's accounts for 1979. He stated later that at the time of this investigation he had not been aware of separate accounts that existed in the name of the general secretary. A bookkeeper who had been employed by the Accounting Service, Mr Elphas Mbatha, was subsequently prosecuted by the state on four charges of theft and 19 of fraud involving more than R35 000 of Council funds. The charges were stated to have been laid against him on the advice of Mr Potter. The person concerned had been given no authority to spend money on behalf of the SACC. He was acquitted during October in a Johannesburg Regional Court. The magistrate, Mr A H Barlow, found that evidence given by various SACC officials lacked reliability. The police investigating officer stated in court that more than R250 000 of SACC funds had been placed in 51 separate accounts operated in the name of the former general secretary, Mr Rees. The president of the SACC, the Reverend Peter Storey, told the press that some time previously, after inquiring into the operation of the Asingeni Relief Fund with the aid of an attorney, the SACC's executive had decided that the general secretary had acted with complete integrity and within his discretion in an area where it was important to maintain confidentiality. On October 28 the SACC announced that it would appoint a commission of inquiry into its financial affairs, headed by 'at least' a senior advocate. Advocate W H R Schreiner SC agreed in principle to chair the commission. Other commissioners were to be selected by SACC member-churches. The findings would be made public. A few days later, on November 3, the Prime Minister announced that the government was to appoint a judicial commission of inquiry into the receipt and appropriation of funds by the SACC and other related matters. The commission would be headed by Mr Justice C F Eloff. Official notice of the appointment of this commission was gazetted on November 20. The SACC stated that it would, nevertheless, still appoint the commission it had planned. As mentioned on page 616 of the Survey for 1980, the government confiscated Bishop Tutu's passport in March 1980, about ten days before he was due to address Protestant French-speaking churches in Switzerland. There were widespread protests in SA and overseas. The Bishop's passport was returned to him in January, and during March he left on a visit to the United States. While in the US Bishop Tutu had talks with the American ambassador to the UN, Mrs Jean Kirkpatick, and with the secretary-general of the UN, Dr Kurt Waldheim, and he addressed the UN Special Committee 33 SA Council of Churches

34 SA Council of Churches Against Apartheid. On these occasions he was highly critical of the policies of the SA government, and was widely reported to have expressed support for the imposition of full economic sanctions against SA and to have called for disinvestment by foreign corporations. Later, however, he denied that he had made explicit calls for boycotts and disinvestment.4 At a political meeting in Welkom the Prime Minister, Mr P W Botha, was asked why Bishop Tutu had been allowed to go overseas and express such views. Mr Botha replied: 'He approached the department for a passport to travel overseas. He was granted it as a favour from the state. I think he has exploited that favour and as far as I am concerned, when he returns his passport will be taken back.'5 Because of this threat the Bishop proceeded directly to Britain and Western Europe, which he had originally intended to' visit on a subsequent trip. He had high-level discussions with churchmen in Britain, and gave a radio interview during which he told British listeners that he was determined not to te gagged by the SA government. Subsequently, at a meeting with the Pope, he is reported to have said that he was enlisting international support for the promotion of peaceful change in SA. Before leaving Rome he told the Press that if Mr Botha made good the threat to seize his passport, this could be seen by the international community as a blow to the chances of such peaceful change. 'Internally, the young radicals might say that this is what happens when you seek such change through moderation.'" His passport was again seized on April 16, on his return to SA. Again, wide- spread protests followed, among others by leading churchmen overseas including the Archbishop of Canterbury, the head of the Anglican Church in Canada and the British Council of Churches. In October the Bishop was issued with a special travel document to enable him to attend his daughter's graduation ceremony in Botswana. During April a body calling itself the United Trade Union Council distributed pamphlets in Soweto, in which it was said that Bishop Tutu wanted blacks to suffer through boycotts while he lived in a 'tycoon' style. They claimed that boycotts would make blacks jobless. 'Boycotts will never make Tutu lose his job. We will suffer, he will not.' 'Tutu gets money from overseas to help the oppressed, but he just helps himself.'" This pamphlet received prominent coverage in two pro-government newspapers; but trade union bodies denied any knowledge of the existence of the union which had claimed authorship of it. Also in April the Bishop told pressmen at SACC's headquarters in Khotso House that he would not attend any further meetings between the SACC and the government until Mr P W Botha and his colleagues apologised for their constant attacks on the SACC and their unrelenting campaign of vilification and denigration. In May the annual conference of the SACC was held at Hillbrow, Johannesburg, on the theme: 'The poor, voiceless and suffering.' In delivering the opening address the president, the Reverend Peter Storey, was reported,' inter alia, to have addressed himself to the Prime Minister. The SACC, he said, was powerless in secular terms, posed no political threat, and could be closed down. 'Can you not believe then that the cry we raise comes not from some strategy but from the heart? Can you not see that, powerless as we are, our priests, ministers and lay leaders are in touch with more "grassroots" people than your racially exclusive party can ever be?'

Delivering his general secretary's address Bishop Tutu said people 35 could not be Christians and at the same time believe and practise apartheid. He called for the Church to speak up for 'the hungry, the homeless, the unemployed, the voteless, the uprooted and the dumped ones, the Roman disqualified ones and those who are endorsed out of cities.'9 The Bishop Catholic repeatedly called on the churches to abandon neutrality. The more radical members of the SACC argued that this body was Church simply 'part of the system,' that the churches, like the country, were controlled by a white minority with a vested interest in maintaining the status quo. The moderates countered with the argument that, instead of using fiery rhetoric, the SACC should approach the problems of SA in a sober and realistic way.'" The conference again expressed support for a boycott of the Republic Day Celebrations; made a plea to employers to take all possible steps to enable families of migrants to be with them where they worked and to accept the consequences arising from this breach of the law; called on the government to abolish the death penalty; and condemned the ruthless uprooting and relocation of black people." In June the security police detained the Reverend Sol Jacobs, director of the SACC's Ministry of Refugees, which was investigating conditions under which refugees lived in neighbouring countries. The SACC executive stated that the detention of Mr Jacobs was blatant interference by the government in the affairs of the churches.12 Also in June the Southern African Society of Journalists (SASJ), at its congress in Cape Town, named Bishop Tutu 'newsmaker of the year'. The citation said: 'He has been constantly in the headlines, not only because of what he himself has said and done but because of what has been said about him and indeed, done to him. His statements have been thoughtful and thought-provoking contributions to the moral and political debate in South Africa.' Roman Catholic Church Statements by the Southern African Catholic Bishops' Conference The SA Catholic Bishops' Conference issued a number of press statements during 1981 dealing, inter alia, with the matters described below. Republic day celebrations The Catholic church decided not to participate in the official celebration marking the twentieth anniversary of the establishment of SA. The Bishops believed that the vast majority of the people saw no cause for celebration, since they were deprived and oppressed in the land of their birth and had no meaningful say in the government of the country and in the discussions that affected them closely and intimately in their human dignity. The Bishops associated themselves with these feelings. They prayed for the realisation of the Christian vision in which love, compassion, forbearance, reconciliation and justice would be the motivating force in SA. Withdrawal of Bishop Tutu's Passport The withdrawal of Bishop Tutu's passport was deplored in the strongest

36 possible terms. The Bishops shared his dedication to a solution to SA's special problems that would avoid bloodshed, and agreed with him that white opposition to a desirable political evolution must be broken down. Roman The methods suggested by Bishop Tutu might be right or might be wrong, Catholic but the withdrawal of his passport was a confession of weakness, implying that because he could not be answered his influence must be Church restricted. Education The Bishops upheld equal multi-racial education. All Catholic schools, they stated, should be on a par with regard to the standard and quality of the school plant, facilities such as laboratories, and teaching. A subsequent statement dealt with the report by the De Lange Commission, appointed by the Human Sciences Research Council, on the 'Provision of Education in the Republic of South Africa'. (This report is described in a subsequent chapter.) The Bishops congratulated the commission, especially welcoming a recommendation in favour of an equal system of education for all, 'regardless of race, colour, socioeconomic content, ethnic context, religion, sex, or geographical location'. It was, however, noted with grave concern that the government had voiced its determination to maintain separate schools and separate departments for each population group. This decision, it was stated, could undermine the whole value of the report. The majority of the population would not accept that education which was separate could be equal. The government was urged to reconsider this matter. Migrant workers In October the Bishops stated: 'In principle we consider it unjust that people are prevented from taking up permanent residence at their place of work, for they should have the right to live where they contribute to the good of the community by their work'. Realising, however, that in Southern Africa the practice of migrant labour would not easily be abolished, the Bishops called for the recognition of a Charter of Rights for Migrant Workers which they had drawn up. (See chapter on Employment). Mixed Marriages A decision taken by the Presbyterian Church of'Southern Africa on the solemnisation of marriages across the colour line is described in a subsequent section of this chapter. Commenting on this matter in the Roman Catholic newspaper Southern Cross its editor, Father Donald de Beer wrote: 'The Church defends the right of any two Christians to marry who are not prevented by Divine or ecclesiastical law. It cannot, therefore, refuse to bless the marriage of two South African Christians on the grounds that their marriage is prohibited by the Mixed Marriages Act'. Any priest asked to perform such a marriage would make sure the couple understood the consequences - that, according to civil law, the marriage would be regarded as null and void, their children as illegitimate and thai they might not be able to live together without being guilty of an offence.

But if the couple insisted, and there was no churchly impediment, 37 the priest must and would marry them in the eyes of God and the church, though not in the eyes of the South African state. Church of Squatters the Province Horror was expressed at the 'inhuman manner' in which Africans were of SA evicted from the Langa single quarters and squatters removed from a settlement at Nyanga in the Cape (these matters are described in a subsequent chapter). The Bishops pledged their support for all those compassionate people who were endeavouring to help the Africans concerned. Sports boycotts The Bishops stated that they wished to encourage all attempts to bring about real change in SA by non-violent means. Sports boycotts, they considered, were an effective means of applying pressure for change. Boycotts could be seen as a short-term disappointment which could encourage sportsmen together with others to work for a changed society in which boycotts would be a ghost of the past, and SA sports would be enriched th rough links with sportsmen in all parts of the world. South West Africa/Namibia The Bishops' Conference assured the Namibian people that it gave its full support to their hopes and aspirations to become an independent nation. Church of the Province of Southern Africa The Most Reverend Philip Russell has succeeded the Most Reverend Bill Burnett as Anglican Archbishop of Cape Town and head of the Church of the Province of Southern Africa. A combined statement by the then Archbishop Burnett and the 13 Bishops and nine Bishops Suffragan was read from pulpits throughout Southern Africa on Christmas Day 1980. It began by making certain affirmations. 1 Every person is created in the image and after the likeness of God, and therefore has a great worth before God. 2 The new creation in Jesus Christ, His church, transcends all barriers of nation, race, tribe and class. 3 Because of our creation in the image of God and our re-creation in Jesus Christ, racial discrimination has no rightful place in church or society. Such discrimination is the fruit of our fallen state and is not in accordance with God's will. The Bishops then turned to ways in which they saw God calling the church in the present situation in Southern Africa. They said, inter alia: 'We are to bring healing and liberty to those who are wounded or oppressed by the sins of our divided society. .. 'God calls us not to be conformed to the pattern of this world, but to be transformed by the renewal of our minds. It is this which sets us against the unjust structures of the world and makes apartheid, in particular, intolerable to us. We are left no choice but to affirm our abhorrence of apartheid in all its forms (such as racially separate education, the uprooting and resettlement of people for ideological reasons, the

38 Church of the Province of SA Mixed Marriages Act, racially separate residential areas, and so on). It is essential that the present legislation in South Africa be changed where apartheid is enshrined within it. Where there is injustice in other nations in Southern Africa, this too needs to be changed. We must all be ready to play our part in bringing about necessary change. In particular, we must be actively concerned about those who are dispossessed or deprived. ..' The Bishops suggested to every diocese and parish that during 1981 this letter should be a focus for study, by individuals and in groups, with a view to action being taken. Groups that met together for prayer and study, the Bishops said, should be inter-racial. In November 1980 the church's Department of Mission issued a pamphlet which had been drawn up by the (SA) Provincial Standing committee, setting out five priorities for the three years 1981 to 1983. The first of these was renewal and evangelism. The second was total opposition to apartheid in church and society. 'Apartheid', it stated, 'is unjust and evil. The church struggles against injustice and evil. The church stands with the oppressed and poor . . . The church proclaims the Gospel by whose power alone all people, the oppressor as well as the oppressed, may find liberty from the bondage of Apartheid Society and receive grace to accept one another as full members, entitled to equal treatment in a society in which wealth and political power are shared.' A subsequent pamphlet, 'Call to Mission 1981', stated that 'in our land many are not able to live life to the full dignity desired by God. The inequalities are reaching crisis proportions in our land because of * relocation of people; * influx control * the break-up of family life.' Questioned by the Press on the subject of marriages across the colour line, after the decision by the Presbyterian Church described later, Archbishop Russell said: 'The Anglican Church's top policy-making body, the provincial synod, stated its mind on mixed marriages as long ago as 1950. The synod considered that the absolute prohibition of any mixed marriage was an unwarranted interference by the state'. The Methodist Church of Southern Africa During July the Methodist Church held a conference in Johannesburg on the theme 'Obedience 81' - i.e. obedience to God's Word in the Southern African situation and to the duty which this imposed on the church. Some 800 delegates from Methodist congregations, white and black, attended the conference. Conflicting views were expressed on some of the topics discussed. The incoming president, the Reverend Dr Simon Gqubule, said that conflict was inevitable because some of the whites were meeting Africans for the first time and did not know the problems the latter faced. This, he said, was the tragedy of the Group Areas Act, which allocated separate residential areas for the various racial groups, and made it impossible for most whites to know a black person. He denounced the permit system which controlled the right of Africans to remain in 'white' areas, and he tore up a permit which allowed him to be in Johannesburg for the conference. During debate the conference took uncompromising stands against apartheid and racial barriers in the church. It issued a 'Message to Fellow

Methodists', and a description of the concerns that challenged personal lives and the life of the church. Four points were made in the Message: 1 God has a vital and immediate task for the Methodist Church - to proclaim salvation in Jesus Christ and to demonstrate His Grace in visible social action; 2 God expects us to be whole people, healed by His forgiveness and filled with His Spirit; 3 God commands His church to be a pattern of His way of Love . . . demonstrating unity, expressing acceptance of one another in and beyond our cultural and racial group. This church, from its local congregation level, is to be an undivided community practising reconciliation at its deepest and most costly... 4 God seeks a free South Africa, delivered from the violence of oppression, revolution and war . . . What we have heard (from those who endure our land's apartheid laws and other discriminatory practices and attitudes) convinces us that every Methodist must witness against this disease . . . We call upon every Methodist to reject apartheid.' Among the 'Concerns' it was stated that 'the time has come . . . to form geographical circuits' . . . Experience had shown that 'integration opens the way to exciting ventures in fellowship and mission' . . . 'We need a concerted effort to eliminate all traces of racism...' Apartheid was condemned as a sinful denial of justice and human dignity. The church was seen as a community, committed to non-violent change and capable of saving South Africa from the very real possibility of violence and self-destruction. It was recognised, however, that the church as a body could only make a positive contribution in the sociopolitical sphere if it set its own house in order and exemplified in its own life the qualities which it expected in the life of the state. This 'Message' was passed to the annual meeting of the Methodist Conference, held in Grahamstown during October. Some 110 delegates endorsed it unanimously. They rose to their feet and recited together an oath to bring about a new society: 'We promise before Almighty God and each other that we will henceforth live and work to bring into reality the concept of an undivided church and a free and just Southern Africa'. The conference called on all Christians to support it in condemning apartheid as 'the sinful work of the devil'. Dr Gqubule told the press: 'In the meantime the church must act to create a new society in its own constituency'. Without dissent, the conference declared its support for the SACC in its opposition to apartheid and its commitment to non-violent change. Conference reserved the right to criticise or disagree with particular statements or actions of the council or its officers. Some of the resolutions passed on specific issues were as described below. Citizenship The conference reaffirmed repeated calls it had made to the SA government to express its commitment to a common citizenship for all South Africans in an undivided South Africa. Methodist Church

Methodist Church War and Military Service Concern was expressed at the rapidly growing military budget in SA and the proliferation of arms for government and private use. The conference reminded people that true security was 'to be found in Jesus Christ, the Prince of Peace, and not in weapons of war and preparations for war'. The government was called upon to increase its efforts to achieve a settlement in South West Africa/Namibia and to move rapidly away from discrimination, injustice, and oppression within SA. Renewed attempts would be made to persuade the Minister of Defence to recognise all forms of conscientious objection. The Methodist Church would support people who in Christian conscience refused to participate in military acts. (See Survey 1977 p 42). Conference reaffirmed a decision taken in 1978 to 'minister to both sides in the South African conflict'. Thus far, ways and means had still to be found of establishing a ministry 'to the other side'. Migrant Labour and Population Removals A call was again made for the phasing out of the pass laws. The conference condemned 'the iniquitous system of migrant labour which flouts the word of our Lord: 'Whom God has joined together, let no man separate'; which destroys the life of the families involved. It 'reaffirms its rejection of the policy of enforced population removals . . . and appeals to Christians to use every means consistent with the Gospel to prevent further removals and to support uprooted communities by prayer, action, and aid'. Education Delegates called for a move towards the introduction of a common education system for all South Africans. Passports The government's withdrawal of the passports of Bishop Desmond Tutu, general secretary of the SA Council of Churches, and other ministers was an abrogation of basic citizenship rights, the conference declared. Movement of Indians Conference again deplored the restrictions on the free movement of Indians through the Free State and Swaziland. Presbyterian Church of Southern Africa The annual General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church of Southern Africa was held in Johannesburg during the week commencing on October 18. It was opened by its newly inducted Moderator, the Right Reverend John Hawkridge, and was attended by more than 140 commissioners (delegates) from the church's twelve regions, which include Zambia and Zimbabwe. In the course of his opening address, Mr Hawkridge said that South Africa was faced with the world's gravest problems. 'It is here that there is the greatest possibility in all the planet for evil - or for good. The voices of the hungry and the homeless, and the jobless and the excluded' were saying that South Africa was on the wrong path.

Among other matters, the Assembly considered a report on the re- 41 lationship of the church to the state, compiled by the Reverend Douglas Bax, convener of its 'Church and Nation' committee. Reaffirming the Presbyterian Church's commitment to non-violence as a means of bring- Presbyterian ing about social and political change in SA, Mr Bax urged the church to Church review the seriousness of its desire for change. The ideology of separate development, he maintained, was a Christian heresy which threatened the church and its witness as well as society. The Assembly debated specific issues which had been raised in the report. Some of the decisions are described below. Quoting Banned People and Literature One resolution, passed by a substantial majority, read: 'The Assembly urges ministers, when preaching, to disregard restrictions on quoting persons or literature banned for political reasons, and instructs the Church and Nation committee to circulate material without regard for such restrictions wherever this is appropriate'. Solemnisation of Mixed Marriages A resolution passed by a majority of about 65% specified that, if two people of different races wished to marry, a Presbyterian minister should ignore the law and solemnise the marriage, provided that the couple, after having being warned by him of the consequences, wished to proceed with it. Although the church would recognise their marriage as valid before God, the state was unlikely to do so. Any children would in law be illegitimate, and the wife would have no proprietary rights. (In a press statement made in response, the SA Minister of Internal Affairs, Mr Chris Heunis, warned the Presbyterian Church that he would not hesitate to withdraw the marriage powers of clergymen who married people of different races in contravention of the law. He confirmed that children of mixed marriages would in law be illegitimate.) Military service The Assembly recognised the bona fides of Christians 'who in good conscience before God take up arms to fight either for 'liberation' or for 'law and order' in South Africa. It paid tribute to those who suffered or died in doing so. It also paid tribute to those who had taken a stand 'for peace and reconciliation' by refusing to do military service on grounds of conscientious objection, in particular Mr Charles Yeats, who was serving a sentence in detention barracks for refusing military call-up. Group areas It was decided to support church ministers who disregarded the Group Areas Act or Urban Areas Act by living in an area allocated to people of another racial group in order that they might be near their places of ministry. Removals Members would monitor all forced removals of people and make rep-

42 resentations to the Minister of Co-operation and Development whenever resettlements were enforced against the will of the people concerned. Presbyterian Employment and Congre- The Assembly urged all employers to subscribe to a code of employment gational practice (see the chapter on Employment), and to recognise representaChurches tive trade unions. Relations with other churches The question of unity with the United Congregational Church is described below. There was considerable debate on the affairs of the SACC, particularly its finances (see page 33 et seq); but the Assembly finally decided by majority vote to continue its affiliation to this body and to approve an affiliation fee of R1 000. The Assembly rejected a call that it withdraw from the World Council of Churches. It decided to invite the Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk to enter into a dialogue on race policies, and to maintain contact with Christians of other races. Proposed Union of the Presbyterian and Congregational Churches At its assembly in 1980 the Presbyterian Church of Southern Africa decided by majority vote to adopt a 'Scheme of Union' with the United Congregational Church of Southern Africa (UCCSA), and committed itself to a process expected to lead to union by 1984. Four of the church's 12 presbyteries opposed the decision, however, and renewed dissent by some of them was expressed at the 1981 assembly. One of the difficulties has been that, whereas the Presbyterian Church has a majority of white members, UCCSA has a majority of coloured and African people (see page 45). In the SA context, this has inevitably meant that the Presbyterian Church is financially richer. Unity would mean a sacrifice of standards by white participants. Furthermore, both churches cherish their histories and do not want these to be forgotten. But they share fundamental beliefs and have a similar church organisation. After considerable debate the Presbyterian Assembly accepted in principle the proposed timetable for eventual union, the voting being 106 votes to 11. The reservation was that a future assembly could amend the timetable if sufficient consensus over the union was not by then forthcoming within the churches. It was agreed that a draft constitution for a body to be called the United Church in Southern Africa (Presbyterian/ Congregational) should be presented to the assemblies of both churches in 1982. If it were accepted, a uniting assembly could take place by 1984. Earlier, UCCSA had agreed to the union. Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk (NGK) Basic Views The office of the General Synod of the Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk (NGK) contributed an article to this Survey in which it stated its belief that the preaching of the church is not designed to provide a blueprint of action for all spheres of life, but rather to proclaim relevant principles for the guidance of the experts in the various fields and to create a spiritual basis for a balanced development beneficial to all the peoples of South Africa. The NGK is convinced that in a multi-national situation, the church must preach the norms of God's Word for the mutual relationships of various groups of people and for the duties of the authorities in this situation, and it must warn when injustice is being done in the implementation of national policy and the application of laws. In carrying out its functions the state should act in accordance with Biblical norms, i.e. the love of God and of one's neighbour. The system of authority must never degenerate into a totalitarian system in which the state usurps the sovereignty of other institutions in their particular fields. As an institution the church submits itself to the authority and law of the state in so far as its participation in the normal processes of justice and the exercising of its civil rights are concerned, provided that the legal order does not conflict with the Word of God. The NGK does not believe that man has inherent rights in the sense of claims on the basis of his own merits. Human rights are those rights which God has bestowed upon man as the bearer of His image so that man may be able to fulfil his duties and calling as a human being. In order to fulfil this calling man has the right to life and the propagation thereof through marriage, to the creation of communities and associations, to property, and to feedom of religious practice and of conscience. The exercise of these rights can never be divorced from the community in which the individual lives his life. Privileges must at all times be accompanied by responsibility. General views on the situation in SA The NGK believes that there should at all times be channels for effective communication and consultation in the multi-national situation in SA. So far as education is concerned, as compared with the whites, the other population groups still have much leeway to make up, and it is the duty of the church and the state to assist them in doing so. The NGK must serve as a voice of warning to the nation, drawing attention to poverty, low wages, poor housing, and other socioeconomic problems which may arise among the various population groups. The church should bring to the attention of the authorities and all other relevant bodies the needs and distress that exist in the homelands. The NGK appeals to all its more privileged members to participate in the economic and industrial development of these homelands through, inter alia, the programme of industrial decentralisation. Although the migrant labour system is not considered by the NGK to be contrary to the teachings of the Bible, it should be eliminated as far as possible in SA to avoid its disruptive consequences in family life. Action taken by the NGK The NGK submitted a lengthy memorandum to the Rabie Commission, which was revising the security legislation of SA. In this memorandum 43 Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk

44 the Biblical principles applicable to this aspect of government were outlined. With regard to the Mixed Marriages Act, the NGK considers that Nederduitse while such marriages are undesirable, their prohibition is an extraordiGereform- nary measure and should be reviewed. eerde Kerk The NGK does not subscribe to the view that squatter settlements on the outskirts of towns are unavoidable. It has helped to minister to the material needs of squatters and in its magazine it openly criticised the pulling down of shacks by the authorities, especially in the cold and wet winter season. Every regional synod of the church was asked by the Plenary Executive to investigate and report on the squatter issue if and when this arose in their areas. Relations with other churches Regular meetings are held in plenary session between the moderamen of the mother church and of its independent daughter churches - the NG Sendingkerk (Coloured), the Reformed Church in Africa (Indian), and the Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk in Afrika (African). From these meetings an ad hoc committee of eight members (two from each church) has been formed to discuss in depth such topics of mutual interest as structural unity, the calling of each church to elucidate its relations to the other churches, deeds of mutual agreements, recognition of membership, licensing of ministers, the scriptural principles governing church relations, study documents, and the history, experience, and future of separate development. Joint inter-church conferences, services, communion, and days of prayer are held. Youth groups and women's auxiliaries from the four churches come together on various occasions. The NGK took the initiative in arranging for a multi-lateral church dialogue which was held in Pretoria during August. This first such meeting was planned as a reconnaissance dialogue, for the churches to get to know one another, to find out how much they had in common, and to stress their joint responsibility in safeguarding their common heritage. Points of difference were left for discussion at future meetings. The creation of another ecumenical structure was not envisaged, but the NGK believed that all members of Christ are common partakers of Him and of all His riches and gifts, and that everyone must know it to be his duty to employ his gifts for the advantage and salvation of other members. Those invited were the Church of England in SA, the Methodist Church, the Synod of the Midlands, the Hervormde Kerk in Southern Africa, the Presbyterian Church, the Baptist Church, the United Congregational Church, the NG Sendingkerk, the Reformed Church in Africa, the NGK in Africa, the Lutheran Church, the Church of the Province, the Gereformeerde Kerk, the Hervormde Kerk, the Synod of Soutpansberg, the Synod of the Southlands, the Tsonga Presbyterian Church, and the Reformed Presbyterian Church of Southern Africa. About 60 delegates and observers attended. Further such meetings are planned, and bi- and tri-lateral talks are envisaged, especially among churches which, with the NGK, are full members of the World Alliance of Reformed Churches and the Reformed Ecumenical Synod.

The NGK deplored the creation of the 'Broederkring' among the 45 Dutch Reformed Churches and of the Alliance of Black Reformed Christians in Southern Africa (described later), pointing out that these are bodies of individuals with no official standing in the churches to which Alliance of the individual members belong. Black Alliance of Black Reformed Christians in Southern Africa Reformed Besides the Presbyterian Church of Southern Africa, which is possibly Christians about 60% white, there are in SA three other much smaller African Presbyterian churches. * The Evangelical Presbyterian Church (formerly called the Tsonga Presbyterian Church) was founded by Swiss missionaries among the Tsonga Africans of the Northern Transvaal; " the Reformed Presbyterian Church was founded by the Church of Scotland, originally among Africans in the Transkei. (From the mid-1950s the government took over schools and hospitals that had been established by the founder churches, paying compensation); * the Presbyterian Church of Africa, one of the many African separatist churches. The NGK with its three black 'daughter churches', is by far the largest of the Afrikaans-medium churches. There are two other Dutch Reformed churches - the Gereformeerde Kerk and the Nederduitsch Hervormde Kerk. Together with the United Congregational Church of Southern Africa (UCCSA), these constitute the 'reformed' churches in SA, which follow the traditions and teachings inspired by Calvin. (The composition of the UCCSA is possibly about 90% coloured, 7% African, and 3% white.) There has been a feeling among certain black Christians that the Dutch Reformed churches have distorted the reformed confession. Their doctrine of multi- nationalism and racial exclusiveness is considered to be irreconcilable with the reformed tradition. Some black Christians have been critical, too, of the Presbyterian Church of SA, stating that since it is white-dominated, its perspective is a white one. Such people have wanted to find one another across white-created barriers of separate denominations. They want to assume more initiative; to come together on their own terms; to discuss the special problems of blacks in an apartheid society. In consequence, a decision was made to found the Alliance of Black Reformed Christians in Southern Africa (ABRECSA) which held an inaugural conference at St Peter's Seminary, Hammanskraal (near Pretoria), opening on October 27. All the reformed churches were invited to send delegates: only one or two sent official representatives, but invitations were also extended to individual members of the various churches, whose expenses were paid by the organisers (in the main, members of the Evangelical Presbyterian Church). About four white ministers from SA and two white observers from overseas attended in their individual capacities. The total attendance was about 60. Dr Allan Boesak of the NG Sendingkerk in Bellville, Cape, was elected chairman. (He is a prominent member of the Broederkring, the

46 Alliance of Black Reformed Christians unofficial body composed of individuals within the NGK, mentioned earlier.) The Reverend Franqois Bill of the Evangelical Presbyterian Church was appointed secretary. One of the objectives was to prepare a statement of the views of black reformed churchmen to be submitted in 1982 to a conference of the World Alliance of Reformed Churches in Ottawa. In a major speech, Dr Boesak said it was necessary to refute the claim that apartheid was Christian and based on Christian principles. The system, he said, was inherently violent and could not survive without brutality. The true representatives in SA of the reformed tradition were not the perpetrators of injustice, but those who resisted this injustice. This tradition would have a future in SA only if black reformed Christians championed the cause of the poor and the oppressed. Another leading speech was made by Dr Vonganjalo Goba, a lecturer in systematic theology at the University of South Africa. Although there had been a shift away from theological apartheid in the Afrikaans churches, he said, these churches were still committed to the policy. Even the English churches, which expressed opposition to apartheid, practised it subtly, reflecting the contradictions and evils of the SA society. White churches continued to dominate black churches because of the privileged white position. Christians, Dr Goba said, must play an active r6le by participating in the struggle for liberation and the creation of a better society. In a resolution passed on the final day the members of the conference said that black Christians were ready to extend the hand of true friendship, reconciliation, and forgiveness to the white people of SA. But dialogue with the white Dutch Reformed churches would not be resumed until the Afrikaans churches ceased to give a moral and theological justification for the apartheid policy; declared apartheid sinful; and confessed 'complicity in the suffering and oppression of our people'. Local and overseas white churches that still believed that they could enter into discussion with the NGK and other Afrikaans churches, it was stated, should realise that meaningful dialogue could take place only if and when these conditions were met. References I Rand Daily Mail February 26 2 IbidFebruary 19 Star and Rand Daily Mail October 13, Sunday Times October 18, Star October 20 and other Press reports Star October 23 5 Rand Daily Mail April 14 6 lbidApril 9 Sowetan April 9 8 lbidMay 5 Ibid 10 StarMay 6 11 Rand Daily Mail May 8 12 lbidJune 26

LAY ORGANISATIONS SA Institute of Race Relations The Institute held its 51 st annual conference in Johannesburg during June, the theme of the conference being "Resettlement". The following papers were delivered: * 'Processes, policies and African population relocation', by Gerhard Mar6 * 'The economic implications of African resettlement', by Dr Charles Simkins " 'Principles and guidelines of consolidation', by Dr C J Jooste, Director of the South African Bureau for Racial Affairs (SABRA) " 'KwaZulu and its stance and problems associated with resettlement in Natal', by Dr Oscar Dlomo The Presidential Address, entitled 'The Road to Tomorrow' was delivered by the Institute's out-going president, Dr Ren6 de Villiers. Various activities of the Institute are dealt with in subsequent chapters. Black Sash As mentioned in previous issues of this Survey, the Black Sash continues to operate in six regions and to run seven Advice Offices in various areas, which provide legal advice and assistance to the many Africans who fall foul of the country's laws, especially the pass laws. During 1981 proclamations issued under the Riotous Assemblies Act still prohibit the holding of open air public meetings anywhere in SA, except those of a bona fide sporting nature, or gatherings expressly authorised by the minister or by the magistrate of the district concerned. Outdoor public demonstrations thus continued to be virtually impossible; but the Black Sash again overcame this difficulty by holding single-person protests, the members taking it in turns to stand silently, displaying a banner. Such protests were held, inter alia, against bannings and detentions, punishment without trial, the banning of certain publications, and the relocation of Africans. They were backed up by letters and telegrams to cabinet ministers and letters to the press. Another on-going activity has been the lobbying of members of national and local authorities. Wherever possible members attended meetings of governing bodies. During a national conference held in Johannesburg during March the Black Sash's national vice-president, Mrs Jill Wentzel, gave an analysis of the presentation by the English-language press of news relating to 48 Lay Organisations black development. She maintained that the newspapers concerned had allowed themselves to be manipulated by the government. In evidence given to the Steyn Commission of Inquiry into the Mass Media, the Black Sash reiterated its total condemnation of official press censorship. With other organisations, the Sash rejected the SA Republic Day Festival, expressing its belief that twenty years of an apartheid Republic was nothing to celebrate. The organisation has been updating an information map on African removals and resettlement, and it showed a film entitled The Promised Land (produced by the SACC) to expose facts about removals, having concerned itself with such upheavals in areas as far-flung as Kliptown, Langa, Winterveld, Duncan Village, Syferkuil, Onverwacht, and Boons. Wherever possible, it offered assistance to families being removed. Together with other organisations, the Black Sash continued to press for a national convention or some on-going negotiation process to devise a mutually acceptable constitution for the country. SA Bureau of Racial Affairs (SABRA) In April, SABRA launched the H F Verwoerd Fund, aiming at raising enough money from the public to become independent of government financial support. The Chairman of SABRA, Professor Carel Boshoff, told a youth conference of his organisation that the conditions under which a constellation of states could be created in Southern Africa were still vague and needed to be clarified. Stating that the lack of job opportunities in the homelands was leading to a 'catastrophe', he urged the creation of jobs in all parts of the country. As mentioned earlier, SABRA's Director, Dr C J Jooste, addressed the annual conference of the SA Institute of Race Relations, advocating the faster development and consolidation of these territories. Urban Foundation Founded in 1977, the Urban Foundation aims at improving the quality of life in SA's black townships, largely by raising money from the private sector to initiate and stimulate self-help projects among the black communities. Addressing a press conference in May the executive director of the Foundation, Mr Justice Jan Steyn, said that SA should aim at achieving the following: * equal opportunity and the advantages of the free enterprise system available and accessible to all; * recognition of the dignity of the individual stimulated and sustained by appropriate social structures; * elimination of discrimination based on colour and sex; * the development of the value of self-sufficiency and the capacity for self help. It was reported in February 1981 that the Foundation had received pledges and cash totalling R33 275 million from 276 companies, institutions and individuals. This represented an increase of R3 756 million over the funds raised by the end of the previous year, and an increase of 72 in the number of companies supporting the Foundation.

During the period March 1, 1977 to February 28, 1981, by making use of its own funds and moneys it had mobilised or was administering, the Urban Foundation approved projects in the following fields: Project Housing Education and training Community facilities Health services Research and feasibility studies Number of projects 44 158 140 23 71 Total cost R 8 072 000 8 169 000 4 568 000 1 206 000 1 484 000 of total 34 34 19 5 6 49 Urban Foundation Total 436 23 499 000 98 The total expenditure to the end of February 1981 from the sources mentioned above had been: Total expenditure % Project R of total Housing 5498000 30 Education and training 6 625 000 36 Community facilities 4 220 000 23 Health services 342 000 2 Other 1 315 000 7 Total 18000000 98 The organisation's budget for the 1981-82 financial year was as follows: Housing/home improvements Education Business development/employment Community facilities/projects Health services Responsive/discretionary Investigations/research Project commitments at beginning of financial year R'000 1 832 6 490 380 2 457 92 131 6 Projects planned for authorisation and/or commitment during 1981/82 R'000 21 888 485422831398 130 776 118 Total project budget 11 388 31 447 42 835 100 Total administration overheads 1 461 Total project management expenses 1 245 Total budget 1981/82 45 541 R'00 23 720 11 344 2 663 3 855 222 907 124 Total 55 26 6 9 1 2 1 Women For Peaceful Change Now The organisation named Women For Peaceful Change Now (WPCN)

50 which was created after the country-wide riots in 1976 now has a membership of over a thousand women of all racial groups. It stands for: Women for 0 the elimination of discrimination; * the promotion of equal opportunities for all people in SA and for Peaceful the recognition of their human dignity; Change * the promotion of increased awareness among women of their power and of the use of this power; * helping people to understand and to accept change that will bring about a just society. WPCN has an elected executive committee and sub-committees which deal with education, social contact, local amenities, housing, labour, and awareness. By the end of 1980 the organisation had published 1 000 booklets on the rights of black urban workers. It submitted a report entitled 'Fatherless Children of Migrant Workers' to the International Year of the Child symposium which was held at the University of Natal. A petition carrying 7 000 signatures on the integration of libraries contributed largely to the opening of libraries to all races in Durban. An investigation was made of aspects of accommodation for domestic workers with a view to upgrading the standard types of rooms. Film shows, cultural evenings, and picnics were arranged for members. Contact was maintained with similar-minded groups to discuss problems, air views, and plan for the future. During 1981 WPCN hosted a symposium on black education at the University of Natal. The other organisations that participated were Women for Peace (Johannesburg), Women's Movement for Peace (Cape Town), and People for Peace (Port Elizabeth). Each organisation presented a paper on some aspects of black education. A petition, for which 300 signatures were obtained, was organised for the integration of buses in Durban. WPCN joined forces with the Black Sash, the National Council of Women, the SA Institute of Race Relations, Diakonia, and the Human Awareness Programme to form the Durban Housing Co-ordination Committee, which has been particularly concerned with the forced removals from St Wendolins (described in another chapter) and organised a petition against these removals. As part of an awareness programme for whites, a slide-tape show on education was produced. This has been shown to white schools and other organisations. Following the success of booklets published on career guidance for blacks, a career guidance counselling office was opened in Durban with qualified voluntary counsellors. In order to keep the office open permanently, a trust was established, but further funding was still necessary. The Urban Foundation was approached, and an agreement was reached in June 1981 which led to the opening of the 'Careers Information Centre' in Durban. This is an autonomous body with its own constitution. It provides information to black students on careers and job-availability. Aptitude tests and counselling are available. A special training project including secretarial work is envisaged. Workshops are arranged, and speakers invited to share their views. Information gathered is disseminated to schools in order to generate a self-help campaign. Teachers are encouraged to start groups to discuss careers. The director of the Centre and the person involved in assessment are full-time workers, while part-time workers are occupied with filing and up- dating information, and keeping records of jobs that are advertised. (NB. It is regretted that reports were not sought on the other organisations mentioned in this section - Ed.) 51 Women for Peaceful Change

POPULATION Preliminary results of the 1980 census showed the population of South Africa to be: African 15 970 019 White 4 453 273 Coloured 2 554 039 Asian 794 639 Total 23 771 970' These figures exclude Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda. Since July 1978 the Department of Statistics has been conducting current population surveys on a monthly basis. According to the Department's Statistical News Releases, the estimated de facto figures for the coloured and African population groups as at April 1981 were as given below. These also exclude Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda: Coloured 2 646 0002 African 17 500 0003 No figures are available for the white and Indian groups. The conduct of the census in 1980 was severely criticised during that year.' Speaking in the no-confidence debate in Parliament in 1981 Mr H van der Walt (National Party), said: 'Without offending the Department of Statistics, I want to say that we do not know how many black people there are in South Africa. There are many more black people than our statistics reflect'.' Professor J L Sadie has made the following population forecasts for the year 2000 for SA (in'cluding the territories of Transkei, Venda, Bophuthatswana).b Number %of Total African 34 900 000 77,6 White 5 300000 11,8 Coloured 3 700 000 8,2 Indian 1 100000 2,4 Total 45 000 000 100,0 Addressing the Science Committee of the President's Council on October 21, Professor Sadie is reported to have said that white birth rates in

SA had been declining since the beginning of the century. Asian and 53 coloured birth rates were dropping too. Africans, in contrast, were just passing the peak of a population explosion. He gave statistics indicating the current situation. Population Per 1 000 of population Birth Mortality rate rate Whites 17 8,2 Asians 20 6,1 Coloured 31 10,3 Africans 39,1 11 There was no way, Professor Sadie said, in which whites could expect to improve their numerical ratio in the country's overall population, even if immigration were stepped up. The annual increment in the white population was currently only 48,8 per 1 000, while that of Africans was 574 per 1 000. Speaking at the annual congress of the Afrikaanse Handelsinstituut on the economic implications of SA's economic growth, Mr P Steyn, general manager of Sanlam, said that solutions to population growth problems could be found in more rapid development of the African homeland areas, a high rate of economic growth, and family planning.' Legislation The Population Registration Draft Bill, which set out to amend the Population Registration Act (Act 30 of 1950), was published for general information and comment in January. The main provisions of this bill are: to include the fingerprints and/ or palm prints of members of all population groups in the population register; to provide for the issue of a uniform identity document to all persons registered; and to set up machinery to record the identity of the holders of identity documents and their registered residential and postal addresses. Members of all population groups will be required to furnish the same personal particulars. Population of the homelands The de facto population figures in 1980 for the homelands (independent and non- independent) were given in last year's Survey p 69. The Bureau for Economic Research: Corporation and Development (BENSO) estimates that the de facto population of the Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda was as follows in 1981 :1 Territory De Facto Population Transkei 2 621 700 Bophuthatswana 1 287 814 Venda 342 759 African population figures for each of the homelands and for the rest of SA in 1981, as estimated by BENSO, are set out in the chapter dealing with the area and population of the homelands.

54 Population According to a study published by the Southern African Labour and Development Research Unit (SALDRU), of the University of Cape Town, 40% of the African population was resident in the homelands in 1960. By 1980 this figure had risen to 54%.9 The figures refer to the de jure population and include Transkei, Venda and Bophuthatswana. Mr C Simkins of SALDRU cited the redrawing of boundaries to include African townships situated near white-controlled cities into the homelands as a reason for the increase in de jure homeland population figures. Examples were the inclusion in KwaZulu of KwaMashu (a dormitory township of Durban with a population of 115 000) and Umlazi (230 000 people) and the inclusion in Ciskei of Mdantsane (near East London). The SALDRU study also concluded that since 1960 there had been a net immigration into metropolitan areas of African men and women in the economically active 15 to 29 age group. In the same period the total African population in these areas declined by 20%. Mr Simkins concluded that 'this accords with a policy of minimising the number of not economically active Africans in the (white) urban areas'." Vital statistics The value of the following figures, extracted from Statistical News Releases," is subject to the qualification that from 1979 the estimated de facto population of Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda has been excluded. The figures in respect of Africans are underestimates because many Africans fail to register births and deaths. Year White Coloured Asian African Year White Coloured Asian African Natural increases rate per 1 000 population 1975 1976 1977 1978 10,6 9,7 8,9 8,5 17,1 15,7 16,3 17,721,3 20,0 18,8 18,8 NOT AVAILAB.LE Infant deaths 1975 19761608 14517021 7420705 652107569269 1977 122958155299670 1979 1 8,3 19,1 18,3 29,03 1978 1 1295 152335433 25 59927 1980 8,7 15,7 18,2 28,0 979 325 856 538 990 Immigration and emigration Recent migration figures were as follows:12 Immigrants Emigrants Net gain 1980 29 365 11 363 18 002 The country experienced a net gain in the following occupational groups:3 Professional, technical and related workers Administrative and managerial workers 2 042 517 i

Clerical and related workers Sales workers Agricultural workers Production and related workers 1 484 674 212 2 106 Available comparisons between 1980 and 1981 were as follows:" Immigrants Emigrants Net gain 55 Immorality and Mixed Marriages January-March January-March 1980 1981 5 727 9 860 3 617 2 469 2 110 7 391 Of the total number of persons who immigrated into SA in 1980, 42 % came from Zimbabwe. 1 The Immorality Act and mixed marriages Questioned in the Assembly," the Minister of Justice gave the following information relating to the number of cases under Section 16 of the Immorality Act 17 that were referred to each Attorney-General during 1980 and the number of persons who were prosecuted or convicted or were still awaiting trial at the end of 1980 on charges under this section: Attorney General Pretoria Cape Town Grahamstown Kimberley Pietermaritzburg No. of cases referred 41 33 30 14 16 29 No. of prosecutions 59 No. of convictions 18 11 22 18 7 22 No. awaiting trial 38 6 6 2 5 8 The SA Indian Council is reported18 to have stated that during 1980 the government granted permission for some Indians who had married white women overseas to live with their wives and children in SA. Mr Abramjee, Transvaal chairman of the council, warned couples not to infer that the government had changed its policy towards mixed marriages. A Nationalist MP, Mr J Olckers, stressed that he fully supported a statement by the Prime Minister in which he described mixed marriages as basically undesirable in the particular circumstances prevailing in SA.19 The Prime Minister had indicated, however, that individual cases would be treated on merit. Race classification The report of the Department of the Interior stated that the racial classification of 152 South Africans was changed during 1980.20 Details of the changes in classification were as follows:

56 1980 Cape coloured to white 133 Indian to white Race Chinesetowhite Classification White to Cape coloured 1 Indian to Cape coloured 4 Chinese to Cape coloured White to Indian Malay to Indian 3 Cape coloured to Indian 6 White to Chinese 3 Cape coloured to Chinese Whiteto Malay 1 Indian to Malay 1 Total 152 References I For a comparison with 1970 figures, see Survey 1980 p 67 2 Statistical News Release June 29 3 lbidJuly 15 4 Survey 1980 p 67 Hansard 1 col 376 January 29 6 Statistics supplied by Professor Sadie, November 12, and StarOctober 22 7 Star May 15 8 Information from BENSO August 12 9 Rand Daily MailApril 25 10 C Simkins The Distribution of the African Population of SA by Age, Sex and Region-type, 1960, 1970 and 1980. Saldru Working Paper No 32 Statistical News Release March 12 and 23. Also see Survey 1980 p 69 12 Statistical News Release March 11 13 lbid 14 IbidJunel 1 15 Hansard 2 Q col 46 February 5 16 Hansard 3 Q cols 113,114 February 11 17 This Section of the Act prohibits carnal intercourse between whites and blacks 18 Sunday Tribune June 21 19 Rand Daily MailApril 25 20 Report of the Department of Internal Affairs, 1980. RP 46/1981

DEFENCE Covert and overt action in South Africa's Defence Guerrilla activity intensified during 1981 in Namibia and SA. The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr R F Botha, made it clear that SA would 'continue to combat and eliminate the threat of terrorism'. Neighbouring countries which supported terrorists would have 'to bear the consequences'. In the final chapter of this Survey accounts are given of the continuing war on the border between South West Africa/Namibia and Angola; of incursions by Swapo into SWA/N; of retaliatory attacks by SA/SWA forces on Swapo bases within Angola; and of the raid by the SADF on buildings being used by the ANC-in- exile in Matola, a town some 16 km distant from the capital of Mozambique. Beside making these military attacks on guerrilla bases in Angola and Mozambique, the SADF was accused of having given covert support to small terrorist groups in attempts to de-stabilise the governments of Mozambique, Angola and Lesotho. Some of these groups and their activities are described below. The Mozambique National Resistance Movement (RNM) Said to have been created by the Smith regime's Special Branch during the Zimbabwean war, the organisation is controlled by Portuguese colonists who fled Mozambique shortly after independence in 1975. African soldiers who served in the Portuguese colonial armies during the Mozambican war of independence make up its forces. After Zimbabwe gained its independence, escaping members of RNM were reportedly given sanctuary in SA. The scale of its operations diminished drastically after the demise of the Smith-Muzorewa regime, and in June 1980 some 1 000 RNM terrorists were reported to have been killed and 500 captured in a Mozambique defence force (FPLM) attack on its main base in Mozambique. Most of the equipment captured in the attack was said to be of SA origin.' On several occasions, RNM terrorists blew up powerlines carrying electric power from the Cabora Bassa Dam in Mozambique to SA, causing serious power cuts in SA. (This scheme had originally been financed jointly by Portugal and SA.) Mr Graham McIntosh (PFP Maritzburg North) said an 'incompetent ass' in either the Department of Defence or the National Intelligence Service had helped to cause the power cuts by giving assistance to the RNM.2

58 The National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) One of the three movements which fought against the Portuguese colonial administration, UNITA retired into the bush after the MPLA (PopCovert ular Movement for the Liberation of Angola) seized power in 1976 with defence the aid of Russian arms and Cuban troops. UNITA had been receiving action covert assistance from the US Central Intelligence Agency, and during the 1975-76 war was actively assisted by the SA Defence Force. Thereafter, UNITA apparently dominated much of the southern part of Angola, and made periodic attacks on targets further north, in particular the Benguela railway line. Its leader, Dr Jonas Savimbi, told the Washington Post during July that SA assisted by supplying medicines and certain other items, but did not provide weapons, nor were joint operations undertaken. The Lesotho Liberation Army (LLA) The Lesotho Liberation Army is the military wing of the opposition Congress Party in that country. According to the reports in the Rand Daily Mail, the Lesotho government accused the SA government of arming and training LLA forces after an upsurge of LLA activity in August and September, and of being involved in a mortar attack on a paramilitary unit near Maseru in October. The SA Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr Pik Botha, said in a letter to the UN Secretary- General that Chief Leabua Jonathan had suspended the constitution in 1970 when he was defeated in the country's first and only election since independence. 'The smouldering opposition which has persisted since then has recently grown in intensity and become more sophisticated and better organised.' The Lesotho government, he continued 'should look closer to home' for the people responsible., A subsequent report, in The Star of December 4, quoted the Lesotho Foreign Minister, Mr Mooki Molapo, as having said that at a meeting he had had with Mr Pik Botha on August 19, it had been agreed that SA would curb the Lesotho Liberation Army if Lesotho expelled members of the African National Congress. If this report was correct, it was the first indication of a public admission by SA that the LLA was operating from its soil. Mr Molapo said he had produced photographs of an LLA training camp in QwaQwa. He stated that Lesotho would continue to grant asylum to refugees provided they did not use the country as a springboard for attacks against their home states. Mr Molapo admitted that, after a subsequent investigation, he had found that certain ANC members had violated their conditions of asylum by printing a leaflet exhorting people in SA not to go to work on a certain day. Expenditure on Defence Defence expenditure for 1981-82 was increased by R575 000 000 to R2 465 000 000, a 30% increase over the sum budgeted for 1980-81. An additional Ri 72 000 000 was transferred from surplus revenue to the special defence account, making the total increase R747 000 000. In the last ten years defence expenditure has increased by 860%. Expenditure was only R257 000 000 in 1971. The largest increases in the budget were clearly the result of the intensification of the guerrilla war in SWA/Namibia.4

Defence Personnel The Military Balance, a publication of the International Institute for Strategic Studies, estimated that in 1981 SA had a standing force of 86 050 men, and was capable of fielding 404 000 men in the event of fullscale mobilisation. Army strength was estimated at 71 000, the air force at 10 300, and the navy at 4 750. According to the Economist, the SADF had 73 000 men fighting in SWA/Namibia in the latter part of 1981.1 In April, the Prime Minister said he supported the introduction of compulsory national service for women in non-combatant units. The Minister of Defence issued a statement during March saying that immigrants between the ages of 18 and 25, who had arrived in SA before April 18, 1978, had to register for national service after being domiciled in SA for five years. Immigrants who arrived in the country after April 18, 1978 automatically became citizens after two years in SA unless they (or their parents in the case of minors) declared that they did not so wish - in which case they were classified as aliens. General Malan also said that wherever possible, the SADF strove to create separate training facilities for different race groups, in accordance with government policy. Existing SADF infrastructure was based on treating whites and other races as separate groups, and integration was avoided wherever possible. Limited numbers and operational requirements sometimes required mixed training facilities, but this only happened exceptionally.6 Ninety-six white soldiers walked out of a camp near Pretoria in April in protest against alleged poor food and unhygienic living conditions. The men received suspended sentences after being convicted of being absent without leave. In a statement issued after the incident, the SADF said that the protest was technically a mutiny, and any future protestors would be treated as mutineers. Incidents of this nature undermined the discipline of the armed forces, and would not be tolerated in future, the statement said. As at February 25, 289 servicemen were in detention, of whom 137 were being punished for reasons of conscientious objection to doing citizen force or commando duty. The next largest category of detainees were those who had been absent without leave, of whom there were 114. None of the conscientious objectors was in solitary confinement.' The Defence Act of 1957, which lays down the SA policy in regard to conscientious objection, is described on page 42 of the 1977 Survey. Several church leaders called for a revision of this policy after Mr Charles Yeats was sentenced by a military court in April to 12 months' detention for refusing to do military service. He had requested permission to do non-combatant service although he was not a member of a religious denomination which was on principle opposed to participation in war. He said he did not believe in military service when war in SA could be averted if the government negotiated with representative black leaders. The churchmen called for forms of national service other than military service for all conscientious objectors.2 While in detention barracks Mr Yeats served 35 days of solitary confinement for refusing on three separate occasions to wear brown military overalls. He claimed the right to wear the blue overalls permitted for Jehovah's Witnesses, whose status as conscientious objectors was officially 59 Defence Personnel

60 Defence Equipment recognised. On December 15 he was discharged from the SA Defence Force 'with ignominy' and sentenced to civil imprisonment for a year. It was reported in September that a SA agent, Mr Colin Westgaard, had succeeded in infiltrating the SA Military Refugees Aid Fund (SAMRAF), a New York-based anti-military draft organisation. According to documents stolen by Mr Westgaard and handed over to the SADF, SAMRAF had links with the SA Liberation Support Committee (SALSCOM), SWAPO and the ANC. SALSCOM was reported to be organising a campaign to undermine the morale of white soldiers and to encourage them to resist military service."° Figures provided by the Minister of Defence in February showed that 238 servicemen had died in accidents during 1980. It was reported in June that since 1961, 841 SADF personnel had died in clashes with guerrillas, in training or during other military activities." Defence Equipment and Arms According to a report published in the Financial Mail during April, the International Institute for Strategic Studies gave the following estimates for SADF weapons: Army 310 tanks 1 600 AML Eland armoured cars 230 scout cars 1 280 armoured personnel carriers 500 light armoured personnel carriers Air Force 97 Mirage jets 6 Canberra bombers 6 Buccanneer bombers 196 Impalas Navy 12 Israeli designed attack craft 3 submarines 3 frigates 10 minesweepers 5 patrol boats12 Armscor (Armaments Corporation of SA), the state-owned corporation responsible for SA's procuring or producing armaments, was reported by 1981 to be the largest industrial undertaking in SA with assets of RI 200m, compared to its 1974 assets of only R200m. Itemployed 29 000 people, compared to 12 000 in 1974. Some 90 000 people were employed in both the state and private sectors of the armaments industry. It was estimated that during 1981 Armscor would procure R1 400m worth of defence equipment, including guided missiles, combat aircraft, heavy artillery, armour and advanced computers, communications and steel technology systems. Private contractors accounted for 60% of

Armscor's production, while a considerable part of its research was contracted out to private companies.1" US intelligence agencies are reported to have gathered evidence that Pretoria was conducting secret nuclear tests after another nuclear-type flash was detected in the South Atlantic in December 1980. A similar flash was recorded in the same area by a US satellite in 1979 (see 1980 Survey p 120). US Defence Intelligence Agency experts believed the flash was consistent with a nuclear explosion of between one and three kilotons. An unusual gravity wave of the type which usually accompanies nuclear explosions was detected emanating from the vicinity of the flash. Even more significant was the fact that the SA Navy carried out secret manoeuvres in the area at the time Central Intelligence Agency experts told US congressmen that the SA Navy might possess missiles capable of delivering nuclear warheads. The possibility existed that , Taiwan and SA were co- operating in the development of missile delivery systems.4 Legislation relating to defence Marine Traffic Act No 2 of 1981 This is a new Act. A. Purpose The Act is aimed at preventing foreign vessels travelling through South African territorial and internal waters from using electronic surveillance equipment to gather intelligence information about South Africa, and to prevent vessels from landing military equipment and insurgents on the South African coast. B. Definitions, Powers and Penalties It gives the Minister of Transport wide powers to control shipping in South African waters. He is empowered to obtain, search and seize ships, their cargoes and equipment, and to arrest anyone on board such ships, if he believes they constitute a threat to state security. Section 1 (viii) (a) and (b), section 7 (1) and section 14(a) impose drastic restrictions on shipping movement through South African waters. Section 1(viii) (a) defines passage through South African waters as navigation in a 'continuous and expeditious manner', on a 'normal and customary' route, for the purposes of reaching or leaving harbours, or reaching offshore installations in territorial waters. Section 1 (viii) permits stopping and anchoring only if this is a normal and necessary part of navigation, or is made necessary by rescue operations or cases of distress. Section 7(1) is very far-reaching and allows the minister temporarily to suspend all shipping in certain South African waters if he feels the security situation warrants it. It will be an offence wilfully to navigate in such waters, punishable in terms of section 11(c) by a maximum fine of Ri 000 or three months' imprisonment or both. Section 14(a) allows the minister to control sea traffic in South African waters by prescribing sea lanes and traffic separation schemes. Although this section specifically aims at controlling ships carrying Marine Traffic Act

62 Marine Traffic Act nuclear material and other dangerous pollutants, it also refers to 'ships in general', implying a wider concern about security. Section 3(2) makes it an offence for a foreign underwater vessel to travel under water in SA waters or to travel on the surface without displaying its flag. A fine of R5 000 or maximum imprisonment of twelve months or both is provided for breaches of this section. Section 4(2) makes it an offence for any ship or foreign underwater vessel to leave or enter South African waters other than at a harbour or port. Contraventions are punishable by a maximum fine of RIO 000 or two years' imprisonment or both. Section 5(1) (a) and (b) makes it an offence to stop or anchor a ship for repairs or refitting, or to stop a fully powered and manned ship anywhere except in a port, unless permission is given by the minister. Contraventions are punishable by a fine of RIO 000 or a maximum of two years' imprisonment. Section 9 (1) empowers the minister to order the captain of a ship to take one or more of the actions listed below if he believes its passage is not innocent: * stop or anchor; * declare its name, flag, type, tonnage, destination and cargo; * move the ship to a place specified by the minister; * produce its documents for inspection by an authorised person; " allow authorised persons to inspect the ship's cargo and equipment; * hand over, for arrest, any person who has on board any apparatus which the minister believes threatens state security. Section 9 (2) allows the minister to use force, even if this means calling in the navy, to deal with ships which do not heed any of the orders made by him. Section 9 (3) allows him to detain the ship, its cargo or part of its cargo for up to seven days, or for any period ordered by a division of the Supreme Court. Section 9 (4) (b) allows the ship or any part of its cargo to be seized and section 9 (5) provides for the sale of seized ships and cargo. Arms Embargo A UN seminar organised in the United Kingdom during April found that lack of co-operation on the part of Western countries made it difficult to enforce the arms embargo against Pretoria imposed by the Security Council in 1977 (see 1977 Survey p 576). Many Western countries did not enact legislation prohibiting arms trade with Pretoria, and often gave a very narrow interpretation of what constituted arms. Consequently military and nuclear co-operation between Pretoria and Western countries such as the UK, US, West Germany, France and Israel had made possible the further development of SA's military and nuclear programmes. Speakers at the seminar said it was necessary to stop the supply of components and licences to the SA arms industry. There was also need to mobilise trade unions, governments, religious institutions and student and youth movements against military cooperation with Pretoria."5 In February a US journalist citing CIA and diplomatic sources reported that Peking was supplying Pretoria with uranium that could be used to 63 produce nuclear weapons. A spokesman for the SA Atomic Energy Board refused to comment on the reports. 16 In August the new socialist government in France announced a ban Arms on all arms sales to Pretoria. No more spare parts for military equipment Embargo would be supplied either, although arms contracts negotiated by the previous French government would be honoured.11 References New Africa December 1980 2 Hansard 5 col 2975 September 4 3 Rand Daily Mail September 10 and October 10 4 IbidAugust 12 Financial Mail May 17, The Star September 25 6 The Star March 20 7 Rand Daily Mail April 27 8 Hansard 5 Q col 240 February 25 " Rand Daily Mail May 14 C) lbidSeptember 11 IbidJune 7, Hansard 5 Q col 200 February 23 2 Financial Mail Apri 117 13 Ibid September 11 14 The StarMarch 9 T5 Rand Daily MailApril 7 16 Ibid February 27 17 lbidAugust 24

ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE, POLICE AND PRISONS JUSTICE Criminal statistics and comment on crime A survey by Mana Slabbert published in 1980 by the Institute of Criminology at the University of Cape Town' showed SA had the highest crime rate out of 46 Western and Third World countries, with 440 prisoners per 100 000 of the population. The US followed, with a figure of 189. The survey said the poor quality of life in black townships, the destruction of family life by group areas removals, unemployment and rising food and transport costs were the main causes of the high crime rate. Even if influx control offences, which made up 40% of the black prison population in 1978-1979, were excluded, the SA crime rate still remained the highest. Commenting on the report, Professor J H Van Rooyen of the University of SA said the two million crimes reported to the police annually represented only 30% of all crimes committed. Professor D McQuoid-Mason of the University of Natal said extensive legal reforms were needed to reduce the rising crime rate and prison population. In an article published in the SA Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology in April, he said the crime rate and prison population could be reduced by: (1) decriminalising petty and victimless crimes (influx control offences, prostitution, homosexuality between consenting adults, drug abuse, gambling, vagrancy and public drunkenness belonged to this category, and were social problems better dealt with by social welfare agencies rather than by the courts. More than 80% of the daily prison population consisted of petty offenders falling into categories like these); (2) extending legal aid to accused who might face imprisonment; (3) informing accused they could apply for bail; (4) relaxing restrictions on press coverage of prison conditions; (5) improving housing, town planning, education and recreational facilities.2 Crime in densely populated areas Soweto There were calls for a commission of inquiry into the rising crime rate in Soweto after the Minister of Police, Mr L Le Grange, provided statistics on crime in Soweto. Mr Le Grange told Parliament in February3 that the 65 following numbers of crimes were reported in the period July 1979 to June 1980: Crime in Serious assault 8 084 Soweto Murder 781 Rape 1 263 Only 592 of the rape cases and only 307 of the murder cases were brought to trial. According to figures provided by the Rand Daily Mail in January, 1 221 people died violently in Soweto during 1980, a 10% increase over the 1979 figure of 1 094. This compared unfavourably with New York, where 1 733 people out of a population of 7,4 million were murdered in 1979.4 The average murder rate in Soweto was 27,7 per 100 000 people, it was stated, compared to a rate of 9,7 per 100 000 people in the US. The following table provides a comparison of figures for crimes committed in Soweto with figures for other densely populated areas of SA for the same period.5 Murder Assault ArmedrobberyRapeSoweto 108 678 8 125 Witwatersrand 38 228 28 58 N. Transvaal 55 1 026 22 160 Port Natal 154 883 25 135 Bloemfontein 38 737 6 67 W. Cape and Peninsula 83 685 66 111 A police spokesman blamed the high crime rate in urban areas on the parole system. A Sowetan social worker said it was impossible to attribute the crime figure to one particular cause. Social disorganisation, poverty, overcrowding and discriminatory laws were major causes, he said .6 In what a Soweto police spokesman described as a relatively quiet Christmas, at least 50 people were reported killed in Soweto between Christmas Eve and New Year last year. At least 34 people were reported murdered during the last weekend of September 1981, bringing the total for the month to at least 95.7 Makgotla Vigilante Groups Over the years vigilante groups have been formed in African townships to combat crime. In Soweto these vigilante groups or makgotla continued to fine and flog people allegedly responsible for criminal offences. Makgotla groups were criticised on several occasions for inflicting injuries on alleged criminals. Mr S Manthata, the leader of a Soweto makgotla group, held discussions with Soweto police in June in an effort to have the activities of his group legalised. Mr Manthata said the Soweto Community Council had advised the government not to recognise makgotla groups. Yet Soweto community councillors operated similar groups, he said. Mr

66 Capital Punishment David Thebehali, the chairman of the Soweto Community Council, operated a group called the All Nation Guard. Mr Thebehali denied that his group flogged or fined people.8 Another Soweto councillor and leader of the Diepmeadow makgotla, Mr D Mabunda, called on the government to give makgotla and community councillors the power to sanction marriages. He admitted that some makgotla 'peace officers' engaged in criminal activities such as robbery and theft." In December 1980 the police ordered the Roots vigilante groups in Port Elizabeth African townships to disband after the group launched an anti-crime drive to coincide with the festive season. Police were reported to have told Roots leaders that many of their followers were criminals and that a chaotic situation would develop if unofficial 'police forces' were allowed to spread. The police order came after several Roots members had been arrested for being in possession of dangerous weapons.10 In contrast to SA Police policy, in June 1981 the SA Railways gave Mr Manthata's makgotla permission to patrol railway stations and trains. However, an SAR spokesman said the group would not be regarded as an extension of the SA Railways Police.' Capital punishment The Minister of Justice, Mr H Coetsee, told Parliament in August that 57 people had been hanged in the first six months of 1981. The minister refused to answer questions put to him by the Progressive Federal Party MP for Sandton, Mr D Dalling, about the details of executions in SA. Mr Dalling had asked: " how long condemned prisoners had to wait after arriving at the gallows before they were executed; " whether condemned prisoners were sedated, and if so, how were they sedated and what form of sedation was used; * how often it was necessary to use physical force or teargas to force condemned prisoners to the gallows; * whether more than one prisoner could be executed at one time, and if so, how many, and how many such multiple executions had taken place in 1980 and the first six months of 1981. The minister said he did not want to answer the questions because they were 'too gruesome'. Mr Dalling said it was strange that a government which hanged more people for a wider variety of crimes than any Western country should be squeamish about providing details about hanging. Mr Dalling said the purpose of his questions was to make the public aware of the brutality and terror of capital punishment. Now that the Western world was moving away from capital punishment, it was time the authorities in SA re- assessed their attitude to this form of punishment.3 Mr Coetsee told Parliament in February that the following numbers of people had been executed in 1980: Murder Murder and rape White African 1 59 Coloured Indian 40 1 2

White African Coloured Indian 67 Rape - 1 Murder and robbery - 16 - Robbery and rape - 1 - - Hoexter Housebreaking and rape - 1 - - Commission Housebreaking and murder - 1 Total 1 85 43 1 All 130 people executed were males. Hoexter Commission of Inquiry In September an interim report of the Hoexter Commission of Inquiry into the structure and functioning of the courts reported that the administration of justice in SA had 'reached breaking point' because of the serious shortage of staff. Only 2 447 posts out of 4 739 for whites were adequately filled while only 400 of 737 posts for blacks were filled. The Commission said little was being done to ensure the Department of Justice retained its skilled staff. A critical situation existed in the lower criminal courts which could not be allowed to escalate. The crisis was clearly the result of low salaries paid to public prosecutors, and the cabinet should treat the improvement of salaries as a most important priority. The outflow of trained personnel had resulted in a serious decline in the experience levels of department offices. State advocates required to prosecute in supreme courts had on average only one year's experience. Experience levels in the lower courts were even worse. The possibility existed of accused being wrongly convicted or facts to the advantage of the accused not being brought before the court. The Minister of Justice told Parliament that a collapse in SA's judicial system had been avoided. He believed the staff shortage was the result of the general labour shortage created by the economic boom.15 Evidence presented to the Commission The Director General of Justice, Mr G P G Coetzer, told the Commission that an independent lower court system should be created by removing certain judicial offices from the public service. In the light of the principle that the judicial arm of the state should be kept separate from the executive, it was incorrect that magistrates as public servants and as members of the executive should perform judicial functions. As a public servant, a magistrate was subordinate to the Minister of Justice and the Department of Justice, and was therefore subject to pressure from the executive. Mr Coetzer said both regional and district court magistrates should be excluded from the public service to make them as independent of the executiN* authority as possible. Magistrates should be appointed from both the public and private sector, and should have jurisdiction over cases involving penalties of two years' imprisonment or a fine of R2 000. Regional magistrates, drawn from the public and private sector as well, and appointed by the State President on the recommendation of a board chaired by a judge, should have jurisdiction over cases involving up to 10 years' imprisonment or fines of RIO 000. In addition they should have ju-

68 Hoexter Commission risdiction over murder cases which the Attorney General felt did not warrant the death sentence. Their jurisdiction in civil matters should be extended to cover divorces and other family matters. By strengthening the lower courts in this way, the Supreme Court's position would be strengthened as well, Mr Coetzer said.,, He also suggested the use of black magistrates and public prosecutors to reduce the labour shortage, the improvement of salaries, and the removal of the heavy administrative burden on magistrates. Existing salaries were too low to retain graduates in the magistrate's division, and a serious shortage of magistrates was developing, Mr Coetzer said. Professor D McQuoid-Mason of the University of Natal, Faculty of Law said it was imperative the prison population be reduced by abolishing legislative controls on African workers' movements. Their movement should be governed by the market forces of the economy. Other ways of reducing the prison population would involve: (i) reducing the number of criminal offences; (ii) reducing the number of awaiting-trial prisoners; (iii) reducing the numbers of sentenced prisoners. De-criminalisation of certain forms of conduct was an effective way of reducing the number of criminals in society. Some 80% of offenders were petty offenders. The number of Africans arrested for influx control offences in 1979, for instance, was 203 266. Africans should be allowed to pay fines if unable to produce their reference books after a specified period. Awaiting-trial prisoners also had to be informed they could apply for bail, the professor said. Shorter sentences would improve the situation. Another factor which contributed to the high prison population was the number -of accused without legal representation. Unrepresented accused were more often convicted than were accused who were represented, Professor McQuoid-Mason said.17 African leaders reacted angrily to a suggestion by one of the commissioners that Africans be made to wear discs around their necks instead of carrying reference books (passes). Bishop D Tutu, secretarygeneral of the SA Council of Churches, compared the suggestion of the commissioner, Professor A G Middleton, to the yellow star system used by the Nazis to identify Jews. Professor Middleton made the suggestion while examining a witness who suggested policemen should be compelled to study anthropology 'so they would fully understand the importance of forging good race relations'. 18 Another witness, Mr G Mokgana, told the Commission that corruption was widespread in the commissioners' courts. It was mostly African officials who insisted on bribes. Mr Mokgana also attacked the makgotla vigilante system which existed in some areas. These organisations were unlawful and unregistered, and consisted of people who took the law into their own hands. These organisations were responsible for barbaric acts like flogging, Mr Mokgana said. (See the section on the makgotla system.)" A Sunday Times journalist, Mr M Welz, told the Commission that the commissioners' courts were firstly an instrument of Nationalist policy, and secondly an instrument of justice. Mr Welz said some 60% of commissioners' courts' cases revealed irregularities. He named several people with little or no legal training who presided over the commission- ers' court cases. One presiding officer had at one stage been receiving psychiatric treatment. More than half the files kept by commissioners' courts were incomplete, and when inspected were shown to contain many irregularities.-' The commissioners' courts are administered by the Department of Co-operation and Development. Professor J Dugard recommended to the Commission that a special criminal court consisting of three judges be created to hear political trials. Cases involving offences committed under the Terrorism Act, the Internal Security Act, the General Laws Amendment Act, the Riotous Assemblies Act, the Official Secrets Act, the Defence Act, the Police Act, the Prisons Act and the Publications Act could be heard by this court. Professor Dugard also drew attention to the fact that although there were 33 judges and acting judges in the Transvaal, it was only a small group of judges who regularly presided over political trials. Report of the Commission In the report submitted to Parliament in January, the Hoexter Commission drew attention to the backlog of appeals pending in the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court. In its report submitted to Parliament in October, the Commission recommended that the Appellate Divisions of the provincial divisions of the Supreme Court be extended, and that the right of appeal be limited in order to overcome the backlog in work. The Commission felt this recommendation would leave the structure of the courts unchanged. The Commission recommended that: (i) in all civil and criminal proceedings instituted in the Supreme Court no appeal be noted against judgements or orders of a single judge or against judgements or orders of a court consisting of two or more judges of a Provincial or Local Division except with leave of the trial court or failing such leave, with leave of the Appellate Division; (ii) in granting leave to appeal against the judgement of a single judge, the Appellate Division should decided whether the appeal is to be heard by it or by the full court; (iii) appeals against the judgement of a single judge, as described in (i), be heard by a full court as described in point (v), unless (a) the trial court in granting leave to appeal certifies that the appeal should be heard by the Appellate Division AND the Appellate Division approves the issue of the certificate; OR (b) in granting leave to appeal against the decision of a trial court the Appellate Division orders that the appeal shall be heard by the Appellate Division; OR (c) the trial court in a criminal trial has sentenced the accused to death; in which cases the appeal should be heard by the Appellate Division; (iv) against the decision on appeal of a full court, as described in (iii), a further appeal should lie to the Appellate Division only with leave of the full court or, failing such leave, with leave of the Appellate Division; (v) a full court should consist of three judges of any provincial division of 69 Hoexter Commission

70 the Supreme Court and they should be designated by the Judge President. of the Provincial Division in which the proceedings were instituted; (vi) for the hearing of an appeal by the Appellate Division there should Police be a quorum of at least five judges of appeal; (vii) an application for leave to appeal to the Appellate Division be made by way of petition addressed to the Chief Justice; (viii) any application for leave to appeal filed with the Appellate Division be considered by three judges of appeal designated by the Chief Justice; (ix) the trial court certificate described in (iii), together with the judgement of the trial court, should be submitted forthwith to the Appellate Division for consideration by three judges of appeal; and the Appellate Division should be empowered to order that the complete record of the proceedings before the trial court be placed before the Appellate Division; (x) a trial court, as described in (i) should not grant leave to appeal unless in its view the applicant has a reasonable prospect of success on appeal; (xi) a full court, as described in (v), should not grant leave to appeal to the Appellate Division unless in its view (a) the case raises a substantial question of law; OR (b) the case involves a complicated and intractable question of fact, the determination of which is of substantial importance to the parties or the third parties or the society.22 POLICE General In his annual report for the year ended June 30 1980 the Commissioner of Police said that guerrilla attacks on the Orlando, Soekmekaar and Booysens police stations were part of the attack against 'the established authority' in SA. In a reference to the school boycotts, he said the police would not tolerate 'threats against human lives and the destruction of others' property' irrespective of the validity of the grievances against the educational system. 23 Personnel Figures provided by the Commissioner in his annual report showed there were 18 370 white and 15 901 black members in the force at the end of this period. The Commissioner reported that recruitment had not been as successful as planned because many potential recruits had been drawn away by the economic revival. According to figures provided by the Minister of Police, 2 485 policemen resigned in 1980, leaving 7 698 vacancies in the force .2 By the end of February 1981 more than 100 policemen had resigned, bringing the shortage up to warrant officer level to 24%.-' In September the minister announced plans to create a junior police reserve force consisting of schoolboy volunteers of 16 years and above. Members of this reserve force would receive basic police training, in- cluding firearms training, but would not carry firearms. Junior reservists 71 'would usually' be under the supervision of experienced members of the force, and they would only be used during school holidays to ease the administrative burden on permanent members. The objective of the force Police was not to uphold white authority, and membership would be open to all races. They would not have powers of arrest. The Progressive Federal Party spokesman for police affairs, Mr R Swart, said it was quite wrong for 16-year-olds to be involved in police activity. Boys of that age would not be accepted as law enforcement officers by adults, Mr Swart said.2'1 For the first time in SA police history three black policemen were promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel, and the first black station commanders were appointed in the Eastern Cape in February.2: By June 1980, 63 police stations were manned and controlled exclusively by blacks. In April the minister told a political meeting that the Department of Police had an internal ruling which allowed black policemen to arrest whites only when serious crimes were committed. The HNP criticised a departmental ruling gazetted in February which gave black members of the force authority over lower-ranking white members. The minister responded to the criticism by saying that situations in which black policemen exercised authority over white policemen would occur infrequently, because of the principle that white and black policemen would serve their own communities.2 Conduct Compensation to the value of R370 000 was paid to victims of unlawful arrest, injury and damage by members of the Police Force during the 1979-1980 financial year.29 Several individuals received large payments for injuries inflicted by the police. In February Mr Friday Mavuso received R74 773 when it was found he had been wrongfully shot in the back and permanently disabled.' Another paraplegic, Mr Lucas Ngoako, received R30 600 in an out-of-court settlement. He was disabled when police fired into a crowd at a party, killing one person and injuring Mr Ngoako and two other people. A Port Shepstone widow, Mrs Letlah Madlala, was awarded Ri 5 000 in damages when a court found her husband had been wrongfully killed. The court rejected the police contention that Mr Madlala was lawfully shot while resisting arrest." It was reported in September that a detective sergeant who had tortured Mr S M Mogale during an interrogation session in 1978 had since been promoted to warrant officer. The Appellate Division found that the man concerned, Warrant Officer J D Mathee, had punched Mr Mogale, subjected him to electric shocks and pulled two of his teeth out with a pair of pliers. Mr Mogale, a former member of the banned Soweto Students' Representative Council, was sentenced to seven years' imprisonment after being convicted on charges of culpable homicide, arson, assault and one charge under the Terrorism Act. His sentence was set aside in June, after he had spent two years on Robben Island. A spokesman for the Police Directorate of Public Relations said Mathee's conduct had been investigated and a docket had been sent to the Attorney-General, but he had declined to prosecute. As a result, no internal disciplinary action had been taken against Mathee.12

72 Police conduct in the suppression in June of protests by school children in Western Coloured Township was severely criticised for being brutal and violent. The children were protesting against the detention of Police one of their leaders, Aziz Jardine, and against the Republic festivities. Riot police attacked the pupils with teargas, rubber batons and sjamboks (quirts or long rubber whips), and arrested 59 of them. Residents accused the police of indiscriminately teargassing primary schools, homes and the Coronationville Hospital. Riot police, assisted by military units, later conducted house-to-house searches, arresting several people." A request that the police conduct be investigated by a judicial inquiry was rejected by the Minister of Police, but he agreed to probe reports of police brutality. The Attorney-General of the Transvaal, Mr J E Nothling, decided not to prosecute after dockets containing allegations of police brutality had been forwarded to him. He declined to-give reasons for his decision. 1 Police attacked the Regina Mundi Cathedral in Soweto on June 16 and disrupted a service held to commemorate the start of the 1976 township risings. Several people were shot by the police, but no one was seriously injured. Black church leaders condemned the attack as an act of sacrilege. 1 At an inquest into the deaths of 24 people shot by police in Elsies River in the Cape during anti-government riots in May and June 1980 it was found that the police had committed justifiable homicide.16 About 2 000 people were arrested in August in a police raid on the Nyanga squatter camp outside Cape Town. A march organised to protest against the action against the squatters was peacefully dispersed by Cape Town riot police. The 600 marchers had intended to march to Parliament and protest to the Minister of Co- operation and Development over his Department's treatment of the squatters. " In July police teargassed about 1 000 people outside the Langa Commissioners' Court who had gathered to protest against the eviction of hundreds of people from Langa Township."8 Legislation Police Amendment Act, No 47 of 1981 Section 1 amends section 33 of the Police Act of 1958, which established a medical scheme for white, coloured and Indian policemen and their families, for retired policemen and their families, and for the families of deceased policemen. Under the old scheme, policemen and their dependants received free treatment at provincial hospitals at state expense, but had to pay 1/7 of specialist and other costs. Now they pay 1/10 of costs, and have a choice of practitioners and hospitals. Black policemen are excluded from the scheme. They continue to receive allowances paid by the Treasury as before, but now the allowance benefits will be extended to retired black policemen and their legal dependants. The South African Transport Services Act, No 65 of 1981 This Act contains provisions similar to those of the Second Police Amendment Act of 1980. Section 45(8)(a)(i) makes it an offence for any- one to publish any information about the constitution, movements, de- 73 ployment or methods of Railways Police units involved in combating guerrilla actions as defined in section 2 of the Terrorism Act of 1967, without the permission of the minister, the commissioner, or anyone auth- Police orised by them. Section 45(8)(a)(ii) makes it an offence to publish any information about an individual or group of individuals against whom counter-insurgency action is being taken, or to publicise any action taken by such individuals, except with the permission of an authorised person. Section 45(8)(a)(iii) prohibits the publication of information about joint counter-insurgency actions involving the Railways Police, the SA Police and the SA armed forces without the necessary authorisation. Clause 8(b) exempts information provided by the minister or any other authorised person from these provisions. The penalties provided for in 45(8)(c) are extremely severe. Contraventions of the provisions of section 45(8)(a) provide for a maximum term of imprisonment of eight years, or a maximum fine of RI 5 000, or both. Newspaper comment on this part of the Act has been critical, identifying its provisions as additional restrictions on the press and the public's right to know. The official opposition opposed this section in the committee stage, saying it could encourage abuse of power by diminishing public scrutiny of the Railways Police. These provisions come against a background of increasingly frequent guerrilla actions against SA Railways installations, and as government speakers made clear, the provisions are directed at preventing the demoralisation which necessarily accompanies guerrilla actions of this nature. Convictions of Policemen During the first six months of the year the following numbers of policemen were convicted of the following crimes:' White Black Common assault 23 53 Assault with intent to do grievous bodily harm 3 9 Culpable homicide 1 3 Murder PRISONS Expenditure The Prisons Department budgeted for an expenditure of R99 793 000 for the year July 1 979-June 30 1980, an increase of 8,25% on the preceding year's figure. The budget approved for 1981-1982 was RI 34 305 000. This amount will not necessarily be spent. Personnel A high staff turnover and a shortage of personnel were two of the many problems affecting the Prisons Department. A spokesman for the Depart-

74 ment said in June that there was a staff shortage of 9,4%, mostly of trained or semi-trained staff. During the first five months of the year, the Department lost staff at an average rate of 200 per month. The number of Prisons vacant posts stood at 1 292 at the beginning of the year, and by June had risen to 1 586.1) The Department continued to assist the prison departments of 'independent' homelands, providing training courses for the prison services of the Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda. Planning for an adult teaching programme for African adult prisoners was initiated.41 Prison population and conditions of imprisonment In July, a survey by the Cape Town-based Institute of Criminology entitled Repetitive Cycles showed that SA had the highest prisoner to population ratio in the Western world. There were 440 prisoners for every 100 000 people, compared to 189 in the US and 165 for Kenya. The figures for West European countries were even lower, with 75, 52, and 21 per 100 000 for the UK, France and the Netherlands respectively. The survey said the high prison population was a cause for alarm, and said a new sentencing policy was needed to reduce the prison population.2 A University of Natal Law lecturer, Mr N C Steytler, presented a study which showed that 250 000 awaiting trial prisoners were needlessly jailed every year. His figures showed that 75% of awaiting trial prisoners were not returned to prison after the completion of their trials. During 1978-1979 unsentenced prisoners made up 15% of the daily prison population, and they remained in custody for an average of 19,5 days. Convicted prisoners often had to wait up to four weeks before 'SAP 69' forms proving previous convictions were produced by the police. Cases would often be remanded two, three or more times before such forms were produced, underlining further the inefficiency of the police. In only 20% of cases where 'SAP 69' forms were produced were previous convictions proved." The Annual Report of the Department of Prisons for the period July 1979 to June 1980 showed that the daily prison population in SA had risen above 102 000 following a 2,42% increase on the figure for the previous year. Of the 495 476 prisoners incarcerated during that period, 241 441 were awaiting-trial prisoners. Of the prisoners admitted, 77,87% received sentences of six months or less, while 10,73% faced sentences of between six months and two years. About 6,26% received sentences of more than two years." In June, 93 prisons were overcrowded, according to figures given to Parliament by the Minister of Justice. Nine of the prisons were overcrowded by more than 200%, while a further 22 were overcrowded by more than 100%. The most overcrowded prison was in Kokstad, which was 306% overcrowded. The Progressive Federal Party spokesman on justice said the figures were shocking and alarming.15 According to figures presented to the Hoexter Commission of Inquiry in February by the Chief Deputy Commissioner of Prisons, Lieutenant General M Brink, available prison accommodation could cater for a prison population of 70 606. General Brink said white prisoners needed 40% more cells, while blacks needed 50% more. In 1978-1979 about a third of the prison population consisted of Africans jailed for influx control offences.4 >

According to the Minister of Justice, this figure declined to about 75 25% of the prison population during 1979-1980. General Brink told the Commission that many prisons were 90 to 100 years old and were not suitable for today's prisoners. They were un- Prisons safe in terms of security, and insufficient floor space and ventilation could lead to sickness and epidemics.17 Progressive Federal Party MPs responded to General Brink's revelations by calling for a modernisation of the prison systems and for the abolition of influx control.4 A paper published by the Cape Town-based Institute of Criminology detailed the existence of an extensive network of prison gangs which exercise considerable power over prisoners. In the Western Cape alone, prisoner gangs were responsible for 41 murders between 1974 and 1978. Seventy-one individuals received the death penalty as a result. The study claimed that prison authorities have admitted they cannot guarantee the safety of prisoners threatened by gangs. A system of dual authority exists, according to the paper, with the power of the gangs undermining the power of prison officials. Homosexuality was reported to be widespread." Professor B Van Niekerk of the University of Natal (Professor Van Niekerk died in June) said in an article published after his death in August that only 24 judges and 338 magistrates had made unannounced visits to inspect prison conditions during the period July 1 1978 to June 30 1979. He said unannounced visits should be made regularly, but at unpredictable intervals, and should take place at any time of the day or night. Sealed boxes for receiving prisoners' complaints, to be opened by authorised judicial officials only, should be provided.3'1 In the period between July 1 1979 to June 30 1980, the following numbers of sentenced prisoners died. The causes of death were: Assault by other prisoners 19 Assault by Prisons' staff 1 Accidents 10 Killed escaping 5 Suicide 10 Drowning 1 Natural causes 200 Unknown causes Lightning 1 Poisoning 1 Suffocation 2 Snakebite 1 251 Of the 25 unsentenced prisoners who died, 22 died of natural causes, one committed suicide, another after being assaulted by other prisoners and one of injuries received before his admission. References 1 Repetitive Cycles by Mana Slabbert, 1980 2 SA Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, Vol 5 No 1 April 1981 3 Hansard 2 Q col 43 February 2-6

76 4 Rand Daily MailJanuary 3 5 TheStarApril 21 b Ibid I Rand Daily MailOctober 2 Prisons 8 Sunday TimesJune 14 9 lbidJuly 12 10 Evening Post December 30 1980 11 Rand Daily Mail October 8 12 Hansard 3 Q col 83 August 17-21 13 The Citizen August 17 14 Hansard 3 Q cols 113-4 February 9-13 15 Rand Daily Mail September 5 16 IbidApril 4 17 TheCitizenJune 30 "I Sunday Tribune June 14 19 TheStarJune 12 20 lbidAugust 3 21 BeeldJuly 9 22 Third Interim Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Structure and Functioning of the Courts 23 Annual Report of the Commissioner of Police, July 1979 to June 30, 1980 24 The StarJune 4 25 The Citizen March 27 26 Rand Daily Mail September 14 27 Eastern Province Herald February 19 28 Cape Times March 25 29 The Star February 11 30 Rand Daily Mail February 10 31 The StarJanuary 10 32 Sowetan September 21 33 Rand Daily MailMay 4 and 5 34 Sowetan August 20 15 IbidJune 19 36 BeeldJune 24 37 Sowetan August 21 18 Rand Daily MailJuly 17 39 Hansard 2 Q col 64-5 August 10-14 40 Rand Daily MailJune 22 41 Department of Justice Report, July 1, 1979 to June 30, 1980 42 Repetitive Cycles by Mana Slabbert, UCT Institute of Criminology 1980 43 Daily News August 1 7 44 Department of Justice Report op cit 45 Hansard 6 Q cols 362-4 September 7- 11 46 Sunday Express February 8 47 Rand Daily Mail February 5 48 The Star February 6 49 Sunday Express July 5 50 The Star September 16 11 Department of Justice Report op cit

ADMINISTRATION OF SECURITY LEGISLATION General There was a sharp escalation of guerrilla activity in 1981. The Minister of Defence, General M Malan, said in October that there had been a 200% increase in 'terrorist' operations in the first six months of 1981 compared to the last six months of 1980. Earlier in the year the minister said fighting could be expected to increase and that the revolutionary threat had reached an extremely dangerous phase.' Other government spokesmen warned that the 'total onslaught' against the established order in SA would not only take a military, but also a political, ideological and psychological form. The nature of the revolutionary onslaught made it imperative that all sections of SA society be drawn into the government's 'total strategy' plan for defeating the threat. In February the former head of the Bureau for State Security (BOSS), General H van den Bergh, criticised the government for basing its 'total strategy' policy on the assumption that the revolutionary threat was externally based. General van den Bergh, whose knowledge of security matters is widely respected, said the threat of revolution lay within the country, especially with urban Africans. He said the government's policy on urban Africans had always been a serious weakness and a possible security threat.2 By early October, more than 40 African National Congress (ANC) attacks had been recorded in the urban areas alone, and it appeared the ANC was transforming its campaign of sporadic, scattered attacks into a sustained, low intensity guerrilla war.3 Several studies presented in the course of the year concluded that a revolutionary situation was developing in SA. The Rockefeller Foundation-funded Study Commission on US Policy towards South Africa concluded that the revolutionary process in SA would take the form of a gradual undermining of the present order rather than a sudden, short upheaval. The Commission reported a growing interest among blacks in Marxian thought and a tendency among black political movements to see the struggle in SA either as one involving class as well as racial factors, or simply as a class struggle. Black working class militancy was growing, with labourers becoming more educated and politicised. Although only 2% of the African labour force was unionised, unions were growing rapidly. Labourers were moving beyond demands for better pay and working conditions and were using their economic power to demand political reforms, the Commission reported.

78 The township risings in 1976 and subsequent years had radicalised not only Africans, but coloured and Indians as well. Police action against coloured and Indian school children involved in school boycotts had Political been important in causing this radicalisation. violence The Commission reported that the most significant development of all was the sudden resurgence of the ANC. Security trials involving hundreds of people indicated that guerrilla infiltration had increased sharply, while ANC military operations were considerably more effective now than in the early 1960s.4 Left-wing political violence In the period betwen January and October 1981, at least 40 African National Congress guerrilla attacks occured in urban areas alone. Police stations, electrical power stations and railway lines were the main targets of these attacks. In contrast, only 17 guerrilla actions were recorded between July 1979 and June 1980. Power stations in Natal and the Eastern Transvaal were sabotaged on several occasions, resulting in damage running into millions of rands. Some of the major attacks are listed below: * On April 14, 20m of railway track was destroyed on the railway line between Richards Bay and Vryheid, derailing a goods train. * A week later, two transformers at a Durban power station were blown up. * During May, several ANC attacks were launched to coincide with the Republic festival celebrations. On May 6 a section of railway line was blown up near Hoedspruit in the Transvaal. Four days later, a guerrilla killed a railways policeman in a hand grenade attack in the same area. The Cape Town railway line was blown up near Port Elizabeth on May 21. Several attacks were launched on May 25. Guerrillas attacked an East London police station, while sections of railway line were blown up in Soweto and near Durban. Power lines in the Free State were also cut. On May 27, a SA Defence Force recruiting office was blown up in Durban. " A portion of railway track was blown up on the Durban- Empangeni railway line. * Several million rands damage was caused when two Eastern Transvaal power stations were damaged by limpet mines planted on July 21. " The showrooms of two car companies were wrecked in Durban on July 26 by bombs. * In the most daring attack yet on a military installation, the military base at Voortrekkerhoogte was subjected to a rocket attack on August 11. * Early in November a group of guerrillas attacked a police station in Sibasa, Venda, killing two policemen and destroying the police station.' Right-wing political violence Opposition groups and individuals were victims of several bomb attacks launched by extreme right-wing groups during the year. In January the office of Mr D Watterson, a member of the New Republic Party and a member of the Natal Provincial Executive Council, was bombed by the

Witkommando (White Commando) group. Shortly after this attack, the police detained several members of the group and discovered a large cache of arms and explosives. During the 18 months of its existence the group had bombed the offices of Professor F Maritz of the University of Security SA and Professor G Lombard of the , and attempted to set fire to the offices of the SA Institute of Race Relations.6 Police In June a group calling itself the SA Liberation Support Cadre, and purporting to be a left-wing organisation, damaged four Progressive Federal Party offices in Johannesburg. Several PFP spokesmen expressed suspicions about the organisation's left-wing claims. Spokesmen for the ANC and the Anti-Apartheid Movement in London said the organisation was unknown to them. An Anti-Apartheid Movement spokesman said the organisation appeared to consist of right-wingers masquerading as opponents of apartheid. Towards the end of July a former Rand Daily Mail journalist who fled SA shortly after the attacks, Mr Arnold Geyer, claimed responsibility for them. Mr Geyer, who had links with a number of SA Intelligence Service agents, was widely suspected of being an agent provocateur.7 Part of the Cape Town house of the leader of the opposition, Dr F van Zyl Slabbert, was damaged by fire after the general election. Several other organisations and individuals opposed to the racial order in SA received death threats. Security Police and National Intelligence Service Towards the end of the year Professor J van der Vyver of the University of the Witwatersrand told a conference on reform in SA that the security police had become a law unto themselves, and that the framework of a police state already existed. He said powers to detain people and to refuse to disclose any information about certain categories of detainees meant that people could simply vanish without trace. Legislation had insulated the security police from public scrutiny, raising the possibility of abuse of power., In August the Minister of Police, Mr L le Grange, defended a security policeman who had drafted a plan in 1980 to destroy the largest unregistered trade union in SA, the SA Allied Workers Union (SAAWU). The officer drew up a detailed plan to weaken or destroy all unregistered unions, and to encourage conservative registered unions affiliated to the Trade Union Council of SA (TUCSA) to compete with unregistered unions for membership. It was reported that the security policeman had paid several visits to employers in the East London area advising them against recognising or negotiating with SAAWU. In his report on SAAWU activity, the officer estimated that unregistered unions controlled 90% of trade union activity in the East London area. He suggested that legislation should be introduced forcing unions to recruit members in only one industry. Alternatively, unions should be made to register. (For the implications registration has for union activity, see the section on Trade Unions and Labour Relations.) He also suggested that lists of unemployed workers who could serve as 'reserves' to break strikes should be supplied to employers. A conference of employers should also be organised, at which a uniform response to SAAWU could be planned, and companies could be discouraged from negotiating with SAAWU.9

80 Police informers Significantly, pamphlets signed by a fictitious body calling itself 'Free Democratic Trade Union Council' which called on labourers not to join SAAWU, were distributed in East London during August. In the course of 1981, several pamphlets signed by fictitious bodies and containing attacks on the secretary- general of the SA Council of Churches, Bishop Desmond Tutu, were distributed in several Reef townships."° Following disclosures in 1980 that the Swiss-based International University Exchange Fund (IUEF) had been infiltrated by a SA security police agent, the organisation closed down early in 1981 leaving debts totalling R1 34 000. The IUEF was set up to help Latin American and Southern African student exiles who had fled their countries for political reasons. The security police infiltrator was Captain Craig Williamson, a former member of the executive of the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS). In an interview published in The Star in February, Captain Williamson revealed how, in the course of the 10 years he worked as a secret agent for the SA security police, he succeeded in infiltrating NUSAS by masquerading as a Marxist, and then the IUEF after he 'fled' SA after his passport was 'seized' by the security police. Information gathered by Captain Williamson reportedly led to the detention of Black Consciousness leader , as well as several members of NUSAS. As a state witness in the political trial of Mr Guy Berger, a journalism lecturer, and Mr Devan Pillay, a journalism student, Williamson presented evidence he had gathered while working for the IUEF. (See the section on Political Trials.) Williamson is also reported to have gathered information on the ANC, PAC and the SA Communist Party." A South African security police informer, Mr Berend Schuitema, was deported to SA from Zimbabwe after claiming to have received training in Algeria 'to do intelligence work for Umkhonto weSizwe, the armed wing of the ANC. The ANC rejected his claims. According to the SA security police, it was Schuitema who supplied them with information which led to the capture and conviction of exiled Afrikaans poet Breyten Breytenbach in 1975. Mr Schuitema returned to SA in 1980 and was 'detained' by the security police for 100 days. In June it was reported that he had set up a right-wing organisation called the 'Brandstigters' (Arsonists).12 The head of the ANC office in Zimbabwe, Mr Joseph Gqabi, was assassinated in July in mysterious circumstances. In a report published in The Star a few days after the assassination, the Washington-based Transafrica organisation claimed that Mr Gqabi had been assassinated by a special SA Defence Force squad. A spokesman for Transafrica said classified US Defence Department documents revealed that an assassination squad had been formed by Pretoria to operate in the Frontline states against ANC leaders. The US Defence Department said it was studying the claims but refused to comment. The SA embassy in Washington also refused to comment on the claim.3 In a book published in September called Inside BOSS, a former BOSS agent now living in Eire, Mr Gordon Winter, claimed an assassination squad had been set up by Republican Intelligence, the forerunner of BOSS, in the early 1960s. The objective of the unit was to murder exiled political leaders who were considered a serious threat to the established order in SA. Winter also claimed to have spied on left-wing opponents of the government while he worked in SA as a journalist for the Sunday Ex- 81 press and The Citizen, a newspaper created and initially funded by the former Department of Information.4 Security trials SECURITY TRIALS General Figures provided by the Minister of Police, Mr L le Grange, in Parliament in January showed that 31 people were charged under the Internal Security Act during 1980. Of these 16 were summarily charged, three were released without being charged, three were acquitted and three were convicted of lesser offences. The minister said 13 people were still awaiting trial. The following table gives the numbers of days those detained under the Act were held before being charged or released:"S 1 held for 12 days 4 held for 14 days 1 held for 72 days 1 held for 92 days 1 held for 110 days 1 held for 124 days 1 held for 125 days 1 held for 165 days 2 held for 180 days 2 held for 194 days Berger-Pillay A NC trial A Rhodes University lecturer, Mr Guy Gough Berger (24) and a sociology student, Mr Devan Pillay (20), were convicted in the Port Elizabeth regional court in March of being members of the ANC, of furthering the ANC's aims and of being in possession of and distributing banned publications. Mr Berger and Mr Pillay pleaded not guilty to charges under the Internal Security Act of being members of the ANC, of furthering its aims and of furthering the aims of communism. They also pleaded not guilty to three charges under the Publications Act. Mr Berger pleaded not guilty to a seventh charge under the Internal Security Act of obtaining information about trade union affairs in SA for use by the ANC against the Federation of South African Trade Unions (FOSATU). Both were acquitted of furthering the aims of communism and on one charge under the Publications Act. Mr Berger was acquitted of gathering information about trade unions for the ANC. Their activities were said to have included communicating with senior ANC members in East London and at Rhodes University and the organisation of discussion and 'indoctrination' groups. A state witness who worked as a National Intelligence Service agent said he had succeeded in infiltrating the ANC in 1977 and was entrusted to organise a courier system betwen ANC members in SA and Botswana.

82 Communist Party literature was brought into the country via the network for distribution. The agent said he had joined NUSAS so he could be absorbed into the ANC. He was also given the task of distributing funds Security from the International University Exchange Fund for projects in SA. The trials witness said even though he believed Mr Berger suspected him of being a government spy, he was able to continue his work because Mr Berger continued to maintain good relations with him. Mr Berger was sentenced to five years' imprisonment and Mr Pillay to two years. Oscar Mpetha and 18 others Mr Oscar Mpetha (72), the chairman of the Nyanga Residents' Association and a former ANC member, appeared in the Cape Town Supreme Court in March with 18 others on two charges of murder and several charges involving terrorism. All the accused pleaded not guilty to the charges. The other accused were: Messrs Lawrence Lerotholi (18), Morgan Makubala (19), Aaron Tshangana (20), Peter Kube (18), Alton Saluwa (18), Fumanekike Booi (18), Vuyisile Mzaza (19), Makawa Talavu (30), Jeffrey Baardman (20), Vuyisile Diba (21), Richard Mapondo (19), Webile Mazotana (21), Johannes Hlapo and five minors. The accused were charged with the murder of two whites who died when their vehicles were stoned at roadblocks stated to have been erected by the accused during unrest in Cape Town's Nyanga township in August 1980. Rioting broke out after police attempted to stop taxi operators from transporting township people participating in a boycott of the Cape Town bus service. Terroristic acts allegedly committed involved throwing stones and petrol bombs at vehicles, assault, marching in public roads armed with sticks and stones, and forcing the closure of schools. Meetings to encourage others to participate in these activities were also alleged to have been held. When the trial opened in March, a crowd of several hundred demonstrators marched through the streets of central Cape Town in protest. A few days later police baton-charged a large crowd of demonstrators outside the Supreme Court building. Six people carrying placards denouncing the Prime Minister, Mr P W Botha, as a 'terrorist' and calling for the release of Mr Mpetha and Mr Nelson Mandela, were arrested. In April the state applied for the case to be heard in camera after a 15-year old state witness claimed she and her family would suffer reprisals if the public were allowed to attend the proceedings. The application was granted. The witness alleged that the driver of a vehicle was killed when his vehicle was stoned at a roadblock erected by the accused. Shortly after this, according to another state witness, the accused attacked another vehicle, killing its driver. The witness said he had seen Mr Mpetha stone the dying driver after he had been stabbed several times, hit with an iron instrument and stoned. He alleged Mr Mpetha had incited a crowd at a meeting to riot. According to the prosecutor, Mr Mpetha had been the organiser of the bus boycott, as well as the instigator of the plan to attack vehicles at roadblocks.

Mr Mpetha turned 72 in August. The court proceedings were inter- 83 rupted in July when he had to receive hospital treatment for diabetes. After his discharge from hospital he appeared in court supported by crutches. Security The case is still proceeding and will resume next year. trials SASOL II and Booysens police station treason trial Three ANC guerrillas found guilty of high treason were sentenced to death by the Pretoria Supreme Court in August. They were Anthony Tsotsobe (25), Johannes Shabangu (26), and David Moise (25). They had pleaded not guilty to a charge of high treason and alternative charges of terrorism, robbery and attempted murder. The court found they had been responsible for an attack on Booysens police station in Johannesburg, an attack on a policeman's house near Malelane, an attack on SASOL II installations at Secunda, and on West Rand Administration Board offices in Soweto, and placing explosives on a section of railway line in Soweto. A clinical psychologist told the court before sentence was passed that the three men had left SA for guerilla training in Angola after the township risings of 1976. The Defence gave notice that it intended to appeal. Pretoria A NC trial Four ANC guerrillas were sentenced to a total of 48 years' imprisonment after they were convicted in August by the Pretoria Regional Court on three counts under the Terrorism Act. Messrs David Mampane (20), Norman Yengeni (22), Edward Mhundu and Edward Khumalo pleaded guilty to being members of the ANC and furthering its aims. They also admitted to receiving military training in the Soviet Union, Angola and Zambia after leaving SA following the township risings of 1976. Mr Mampane also admitted to conspiring with Mr Johannes Shabangu (see above, the SASOL II trial) to assassinate a security policeman, Mr P Khoza. All four accused were sentenced to two years' and eight years' imprisonment for being members of the ANC, for undergoing military training, and for spying on fuel installations. Mr Mampane was sentenced to eight years for plotting to assassinate Mr Khoza, but the magistrate ruled the sentence would run concurrently with his other sentences. A state witness told the court he had met three of the accused after he joined the Solomon Mahlangu Squad, an ANC unit designed to attack fuel installations in SA. The witness, abducted from Mozambique by SA forces in an attack in January near Maputo, said the unit was commanded by Mr Joseph Slovo, an ANC activist and listed communist forced to leave SA in the early 1960s. Security police Colonel H Stander, said since 1976 there had been about 110 acts of sabotage in SA, of which 37 had occurred since January 1981. Mr G Bizos, appearing for the accused, said the armed forces of the ANC, Umkhonto weSizwe, had committed themselves to attacking all symbols of apartheid, but at the same time would avoid taking lives.

84 DETENTIONS Detentions General In January the Minister of Police, Mr L le Grange, told Parliament that the following numbers of people were in detention on January 30:16 Section 6 of the Terrorism Act 52 Section 10 of the Internal Security Act 38 Section 12(b) of the Internal Security Act 40 Section 185 of the Criminal Procedure Act Section 22 of the General Laws Amendment Act 20 Total 150 By August, the following numbers of people were in detention according to the minister:7 Section 6 of the Terrorism Act 75 Section 10 of the Internal Security Act 4 Section 12(b) of the Internal Security Act 36 Section 22 of the General Laws Amendment Act 7 Total 122 On November 9 the security police provided Mrs , PFP spokesman for justice, with the following numbers of people in detention:"8 Section 6 of the Terrorism Act 108 Section 22 of the General Laws Amendment Act 3 Section 12(b) of the Internal Security Act 23 Total 134 At least 27 more people were detained between November 10 and November 30, and at least another 14 were detained in the Venda homeland. The figures given by the minister do not include people detained in the 'independent' homelands. According to records kept by the Institute of Race Relations and the SA Council of Churches, at least 630 people were detained in SA and the 'independent' homelands during the period December 1, 1980 to November 30, 1981. Deaths in Detention Tshifiwa Muofhe Two days after he was detained by Venda security police on November 10, a Mr Tshifiwa Muofhe (28) died in detention. He was among 14 people who were detained in connection with an ANC guerrilla attack on a police station in Sibasa. It was also reported that two of the other people had died in detention, while another six were reported to be re- ceiving hospital treatment after being seriously assaulted. The Venda se- 85 curity police confirmed Mr Muofhe's death, but denied that any other detainees had died or that any of them were receiving hospital treatment. Detentions Mr Muofhe and his wife were reported to have been friends of leading Azanian People's Organisation (AZAPO) officials, although they themselves were not AZAPO members. The wife, Mrs Tendani Muofhe, was only informed of his death on November 14, after the Venda police initially denied any knowledge of his detention or his whereabouts. On November 13, Mrs Muofhe was told by the police that Mr Muofhe was critically ill in Pietersburg hospital, but hospital officials denied any knowledge of his being admitted. Finally, on November 14, the police told Mrs Muofhe her husband 'had been found dead in his cell'. The Venda authorities have not yet said whether there will be an inquest into Mr Muofhe's death, nor have they given any indication of the cause of his death. Although many people were reported to have stayed away because of a strong police presence, more than 600 people attended his funeral.'9 Steve Biko A committee appointed by the Medical Association of South Africa (MASA) to investigate the medical ethical issues arising from the conduct of two doctors involved in the treatment of Black Consciousness leader Mr Steve Biko shortly before his death, published its report in August. Mr Biko died in detention on September 14, 1978, after being detained on August 18, and widespread criticism of Drs Ivor Lang and Benjamin Tucker followed the inquest into his death. The committee, consisting of Mr I A Maisels, Q C and DrJ N de Villiers, found that: * it was undesirable that the security police headquarters in Pretoria should have the power to decide whether or not a detainee should be removed to a non-prison hospital; * medical practitioners should directly ask detainees themselves what their health problems were; * the medical profession should not allow a doctor to absolve himself of responsibility if his medical advice was rejected by security police headquarters; * in the event of being overruled by the security police, the doctor should report this to the Minister of Police and try to obtain the support of his local medical association. Because it did not have any subpoena powers, the committee did not attempt to establish whether the doctors involved were guilty of disgraceful or unprofessional conduct. However, the committee did find that a medical certificate issued by Dr Lang, presently the Port Elizabeth District Surgeon, concerning Mr Biko's condition shortly before his death was 'unsatisfactory and incomplete, if not a deliberate suppression of the facts' .20 In the certificate he drew up, Dr Lang said he could not establish the existence of any abnormality affecting Mr Biko's health, even though Mr Biko was behaving strangely and would not speak. The committee also found that Colonel P J Goosen, the security policeman in charge of Mr Biko's detention, regarded himself and the se-

86 curity police as being above the law.21 Dr Lang and Dr Tucker were forbidden by the Deputy Director of Health Services, Dr D J Gillilland, from participating in the committee's proceedings. The committee was Detentions refused permission to inspect the Walmer Police Station cells where Mr Biko was held. Detentions: students, pupils, teachers and lecturers All 21 people detained during the school boycotts in Port Elizabeth in 1980 were released in February after Port Elizabeth pupils threatened to continue with the boycott if the detainees were not released. One of the detainees, Mr M Mditshwa, said their release was the result of the actions of the other pupils.22 Shortly after the detainees were released, the Port Elizabeth Students' Committee (PESCO) was disbanded and the boycott called off. During the year at least 10 members of the Congress of South African Students (COSAS) were detained, including its president, Mr Gciwimizi Malindi, whose detention was confirmed by the security police in June. During the period before Republic Day and June 16, several student leaders were detained. The detentions coincided with widespread campaigns to boycott the Republic festival activities and to commemorate the township risings of 1976. Mr Andrew Boraine, the president of NUSAS, was detained in May under Section 22 of the General Laws Amendment Act. He was released 34 days later after being re-detained under Section 10 of the Internal Security Act. During his detention under the General Laws Amendment Act, Mr Boraine's parents and legal representative were not permitted to see him. In terms of the Act, the security police are not obliged to disclose the locality of detention or allow relatives or legal representatives to visit detainees.23 In June, several members of the Black Students' Society (BSS) at the University of the Witwatersrand were held, including the BSS president, Mr David Johnson, Mr Azhar Cachalia and Mr Firoze Cachalia (both of whom were banned.after they were released) and 10 others. The head boy of C J Botha High School in Bosmont, Johannesburg, Mr Aziz Jardine, was detained following protests in Western Coloured Township against the Republic festivities. He was initially held under the General Laws Amendment Act before being re-detained under the Internal Security Act. Eight former members of the now banned Soweto Students' Representative Council (SSRC) were detained by security police in Soweto shortly after returning from exile. Those detained included a former SSRC president, Mr Khotso Seathlolo. The eight reportedly fled the country after the township risings of 1976-1977 and formed the South African Youth Revolutionary Council (SAYRC) to continue the work done by the SSRC. The SAYRC is reported to be a 'third force' which is not in any way connected to the ANC or the PAC. According to newspaper reports, their detentions were connected to the detention of Mr Zwelakhe Sisulu, former Media Workers' Association of South Africa (MWASA) president and former Sowetan news editor, who was banned with several other MWASA members at the end of 1980 and early 1981. On June 20, a former executive member of the SSRC, Mr Titi

Mthenjane, was detained for the sixth time since 1977. His detentions followed his refusal to testify as a state witness in a political trial in 1977. He was sentenced to three years' imprisonment for refusing to testify, but the conviction was set aside on appeal. Eight months after winning his appeal, Mr Mthenjane was re-detained under the Internal Security Act, to be released only on April 14, 1981. He was re-detained in June, released, then redetained under the Terrorism Act in July. As far as could be established, he was still being held at the end of November. Mr Mthenjane has yet to be convicted of a political offence.24 A former president of NUSAS, Mr Auret van Heerden, was detained in late September under Section 22 of the General Laws Amendment Act. He was one of 13 people detained on September 22 and September 24. They included Mr Cedric de Beer, a full time worker with the Environmental Development Agency and a former NUSAS official, Ms Joanne Yawitch, Mr Morris Smithers, Ms Barbara Klugman, Caroline Cullinan (briefly held for questioning), and Barbara Hogan, Mr Gavin Andersson (a former trade union official), Mr Robert Adam (briefly held for questioning and re-detained at a later stage), Mr Herbert Barnabas (a trade union official briefly held for questioning), Mr Alan Fine (a trade unionist), Messrs Robin Bloch, Stanley Maseko, Mohamed Omar (a journalism student), Yunus Haniff and Mandla Mthembu (a SACHED Trust worker). Ms Yawitch, Ms Klugman, and Messrs Bloch, Andersson, Maseko and Smithers were subsequently released after 14 days in detention under the General Laws Amendment Act. Mr Smithers was re-detained in November, and at the time of writing was being held under the Terrorism Act. Those detainees not released were re-detained under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act. Detentions: minors In February, the Minister of Police, Mr L le Grange, said in reply to a question put to him in Parliament that 95 males and 32 females under the age of 18 were detained in terms of security legislation in 1980. Mr le Grange said 26 of these minors had been charged with the following offences: Malicious damage to property 1 Attempted murder, arson, causing a dangerous explosion 1 Leavingthe country without a passport 2 Terrorist acitvities, murder, alternatively public violence 4 Attempted murder 1 Sabotage 3 Intimidation of scholars 12 Incitement to commit a crime 2 Total 26 Of the 26 charged, nine were acquitted, while the trials of eight others had yet to be completed." Mr le Grange told Parliament in August that 25 male minors and no female minors had been detained in terms of security legislation in the first six months of 1981. Of these, seven had been charged, but none had 87 Detentions

Detentions been convicted as their trials were still in progress. Of the seven, six were charged with sabotage and with contravening the Terrorism Act.26 Detentions: journalists Two journalists from the Sowetan newspaper were detained in June. They were Mr Thami Mazwai, Sowetan news editor, and Mr Zwelakhe Sisulu, son of Robben Island prisoner and ANC leader . Mr Sisulu was news editor of Sunday Post before he was banned in December 1980. Mr Mazwai was initially held under the Criminal Procedure Act, but then was re- detained under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act. Mr Sisulu was held under Section 6. They were transferred to Section 12(b) of the Internal Security Act in December. Their detentions are believed to be connected with the return of eight members of the South African Youth Revolutionary Council set up by Mr Khotso Seatlholo, former president of the Soweto Students Representative Council. Mr Seatlholo was detained with seven others after returning to SA from exile in Nigeria. He was due to be charged with Ms Mmabata Loate under the Internal Security Act.27 Both Mr Mazwai and Mr Sisulu are members of the Media Workers' Association of South Africa (MWASA). Ms Nalini Naidoo, the Pietermaritzburg representative of MWASA and a journalist on The Natal Witness, was detained under the Criminal Procedure Act in February.8 She was released without being charged. In May, a journalist of the South African Press Association (SAPA) was held for questioning for two hours. The journalist, Mr Sipho Keyi, said he was held in King William's Town while covering a local campaign relating to the general election. A security policeman, Captain H Nel, was reported to have told him that there was no need for him to cover the white general election. Nel was reported to have warned him to 'cooperate' or he would be held for questioning 'now and again'.29 The editor of Post (Natal), Mr Bobby Harrypersadh, was questioned for an hour when he was held by security police in May. His office was searched by two security policemen. Colonel G Coetzee, chief of the Durban security police, said he was unaware of Mr Harrypersadh being held for questioning.3 Towards the end of October, two journalists for the student publication, SASPU were detained. They were Mr Clive van Heerden and Mr Keith Coleman. They were initially detained under the General Laws Amendment Act, but were re- detained under the Terrorism Act in November. They were still being held by the end of November. Detentions: trade unionists and labourers A record number of trade unionists and workers were detained in SA and the 'homelands'. By the end of November at least 280 unionists had in the course of the year been detained in terms of security legislation. The largest number of trade unionists ever held in a single security police operation were detained in the Ciskei in September. In all, 205 unionists from the SA Allied Workers' Union, the African Food and Canning Workers' Union, the General Workers' Union and other unions were held under Proclamation R252, which provides for 90 days' detention without trial. Brigadier C Sebe of the Ciskeian security police said all the unionists would face charges under the Riotous Assemblies Act. All the detainees were later charged or released. Mr Joseph Mavi of the Black Municipal Workers' Union was detained with Mr Sisa Njikelana, vice-president of the SA Allied Workers' Union, just before the Republic anniversary celebrations. Both had spoken against the celebrations at a mass meeting in central Johannesburg before being detained. Both were re- detained under Section 6 of the Internal Security Act after initially being held under Section 22 of the General Laws Amendment Act. They were later released without any charges being brought against them. Several unionists were detained in November, including Mrs Emma Mashini, the general secretary of the Commercial, Catering and Allied Workers' Union, Mr Sam Kikine, general secretary of the SA Allied Workers' Union, Mrs Rita Ndzonga, organising secretary of the General and Allied Workers' Union (GAWU), Mrs Mary Ntseke, secretary of GAWU, Mr Samson Ndou, president of GAWU, Dr Neil Aggett, Transvaal regional secretary of the Food and Canning Workers' Union and Mr Monty Narsoo, a former trade union official who was stopped while driving in a central Johannesburg street and detained. All the detainees were held under the General Laws Amendment Act before being transferred to Section 6 of the Terrorism Act in December. Detentions: black leaders Eleven Azanian People's Organisation (AZAPO) members who were detained in October 1980 during a bus boycott in Seshego in the Northern Transvaal were released in March 1981. They included Ms Sarah Mogodi, Mr Sello Raphala, Mr Gideon Pasha, Mr Hineal Mamabolo, Mr Harold Madikata, Ms Penny Kekana, Mr Hooly Thinta, Mr Jan Thobejane and the AZAPO Northern Transvaal Branch chairman, Mr Mamabolo Raphesu. The chairman of the Seshego Village Committee, Mr M P Malatjie, who was detained with the AZAPO members last year, was also released." Several more AZAPO officials were detained in April, including the organisation's president, Mr Khehla Mthembu, Mr George Wauchope, AZAPO's publicity secretary and two former Black People's Convention officials, Mr Mogale Segale and Mr Hames Maleya. Three members of the Tembisa Residents Association were detained with the AZAPO officials, as well as 11 Tembisa residents and Ms Amanda Kwadi, a social worker and a member of the Women's Federation. Their detention followed riots in Tembisa, a township outside Kempton Park, against rent increases. The Tembisa residents and AZAPO officials were all released towards the end of April without being charged. Ms Kwadi was released in May.32 Several members of the Natal Indian Congress were detained in November, including Mr Praveen Gordham, Mr Yunus Mahomed and Mr Prema Naidoo. Detentions: churchmen Two Anglican priests from Kimberley, Canon Augustine Maropong and Father Arthur Maliya, were detained in Kimberley under the General Laws Amendment Act during a school boycott. They were members of the Galeshewe Action Committee. They were detained with 12 other 89 Detentions

Detentions by homeland governments Kimberley residents, but were released after 12 days in detention. Their detention was deplored by local Anglicdn church leaders.33 A Sowetan Catholic priest, Father Enoch Shomang, was detained in June under the General Laws Amendment Act after his car was stopped at a roadblock. When security police searched his home, Father Shomang was made to accompany them in leg irons.4 Archbishop Patrick Fitzgerald of Johannesburg condemned the humiliating way Father Shomang had been treated. The Catholic International Justice and Peace Commission in England protested against the detention. Father Shomang was released eight days after being detained, following widespread condemnation of the security police action in SA and abroad.5 The director of the SA Council of Churches' Division of Mission and Evangelism, the Reverend Sol Jacobs, was detained under Section 50 of the Criminal Procedure Act. He was re-detained under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act and held for 45 days before being released in August. No charges were brought against him. In November, a Krugersdorp churchman, the Reverend Frank Chikane, was held for questioning for several hours along with a journalist from the Sowetan newspaper, Mr Sam Mabe. He was held shortly after security police raided his home.36 Following a guerrilla attack on the Sibasa police station in October (see sections on left-wing Political Violence and on Deaths in Detention), the Dean of the Lutheran Church in Sibasa, the Very Reverend T S Farisani was detained by Venda security police. As far as is known he is still in detention.37 Detentions by homeland governments The former commander and the former chief of staff of the Transkei's armed forces, Mr Roy Keswa and Mr R Lugongolo, were detained in June after being granted R500 bail by an Umtata magistrate. Both Messrs Keswa and Lugongolo have been named as conspirators in a plot to overthrow the Transkei government. In April, 13 members of the SA Allied Workers' Union were held in terms of Proclamation R252 by the Ciskeian homeland authorities following labour unrest at the Wilson-Rowntree sweet factory in February. Mr James Kati, a former Robben Island prisoner, and his daughter were reportedly detained by Transkeian security police in July and handed over to the SA security police. Mr Kati's wife, Mrs Ethelina Kati, was only informed of their detention eight weeks after it had taken place. There has been no confirmation from the Transkei authorities that they handed the two detainees over to the SA security police.3" BANNINGS Several members of the Media Workers' Association of SA, (MWASA) were banned in December 1980 and in January 1981. Mr Zwelakhe Sisulu, president of MWASA and news editor of the Sunday Post, was placed under house arrest and received a three-year banning order in December. Mrs , his mother, was at the time also banned and under house arrest, but her order expired at the end of July. She was first banned in 1964.

Mr Marimuthu Subramoney, the Natal vice-president of MWASA and a BBC correspondent, was banned at the same time as Mr Sisulu. Two days later the secretary of the Northern Transvaal branch of MWASA, Mr Mathata Tsedu, was placed under a three-year house arrest and banning order. Black journalists banned in January included Mr Joseph Thloloe and Mr Phillip Mtimkulu. Mr Thloloe was acting vice-president of the Transvaal branch of MWASA and Mr Mtimkulu was the national vicepresident of the organisation. Another member, Mr Charles Nqakula, was banned later in the year." Mr Donald Mattera, Mrs Zubeida Mayet, Mr Sipho Mono Badela, Mr Isaac Moroe and Mr Thenjiwe Mtintso brought the total number of banned black journalists to 11. Mr Mtintso left the country and is now in exile. Mr George Sewpersadh, president of the Natal Indian Congress, was served with a five year banning order in June, his second banning order since 1973. A mass meeting of the Natal Indian Congress organised to protest against his banning had to be called off after the meeting was banned. A few months earlier, the chairman of the Pietermaritzburg Council of the Natal Indian Congress, MrA S Chetty, was banned.4° In June, two members of the Black Students' Society of the University of the Witwatersrand, Mr Azhar Cachalia and Mr Firozi Cachalia, were banned. Mr Andrew Boraine, the NUSAS president and son of the Progressive Federal Party MP for Pinelands, Dr Alex Boraine, was banned for five years on being released from detention. Shortly afterwards, the president of the University of the Witwatersrand Students' Representative Council, Mr Samuel Adelman, was banned for five years. The restriction orders imposed in May and June were a response to the widespread political activity organised to protest against the creation of the SA Republic 20 years ago and to commemorate the township risings which began on June 16, 1976. These bannings and those imposed earlier in the year on black journalists brought widespread condemnation from inside and outside SA. In July, the sister of the president of the Azanian People's Organisation, Ms Sibongile Mthembu, was banned for three years. She was the secretary of the now-banned SA Students' Movement. She was convicted in 1979 with 11 members of the Soweto Students' Representative Council on sedition charges and sentenced to six years imprisonment, four of which were suspended. Banning orders: contraventions A number of people were convicted in the course of the year of contravening their banning orders. Mrs Zubeida Mayet, a journalist, was sentenced to 50 days' imprisonment suspended for 18 months for attending a political meeting in Lenasia in October 1980. In terms of her banning order she is restricted to Johannesburg and may not attend political gatherings. Another journalist, Mr Sipho Badela, was convicted for receiving an unauthorised visitor. In terms of his banning order the only authorised visitor he may receive is a doctor. He was sentenced to six months' imprisonment, suspended for three years. Mr Badela has appealed against the sentence. Banning orders on persons

92 Banning of gatherings Mrs Fatima Meer, a senior lecturer in sociology at the University of Natal, was charged in May on four counts of contravening her banning order. It was alleged Mrs Meer had absented herself from the Durban magisterial district in February and October in 1980. On a previous occasion, Mrs Meer won an appeal in the Natal Supreme Court against a conviction of breaking her banning order, but the Natal attorney general appealed against the decision, and in August the Appellate Division overruled the decision of the Natal Supreme Court.' Mrs Winnie Mandela, the wife of ANC leader Nelson Mandela, was acquitted in the Bloemfontein regional court in August of breaking her banning order. The court found that a person who had come to stay at her home in Brandfort was not a visitor but part of her household. A former executive member of the Young Christian Workers, Mr Laurence Ntlokoa, was convicted of breaking his banning order and was sentenced in March to six months' imprisonment. He contravened his banning order by attending a gathering and being in a school.2 Other individuals convicted of contravening their orders included Mr Fana Sithole, who was sentenced to six months' imprisonment, the Reverend M Maquina, of Port Elizabeth, sentenced to 90 days' imprisonment for receiving a guest at his home, and Mr Malusi Mpumlwana of Zwelitsha, who was sentenced to 12 and six months' imprisonment for two offences. Their sentences were suspended for five years.4 Banning of gatherings Memorial services in honour of 12 ANC members who died in the SA Defence Force attack in Mozambique in January were banned. The secretary-general of the SA Council of Churches condemned the government's action, saying it had 'rubbed in the pain'. A meeting organised in the Eastern Cape in March to commemorate the events at Sharpeville in 1960 was called off after the organisers were informed that it had been banned. In May, three meetings were banned in the Port Elizabeth area. A planned gathering of 3 000 workers belonging to the Motor Assemblies and Component Workers' Union of SA (MACWUSA) was banned, as was a rally organised by the Congress of South African Students, (COSAS), to protest against Republic festival activities, and a rally convened by the local Coloured Students' Representative Council. Mr Government Zini, the organising secretary of MACWUSA, said the decision of the security police to appeal for a ban on all gatherings was unfortunate, because MACWUSA was on the point of reaching an agreement with employers over terms for ending strikes at Ford, General Motors and Firestone.' The ban was effective for 48 hours. All public meetings in the Springs magisterial district were banned for 48 hours after a strike at the Telephone Manufacturers of SA plant in October. A mass meeting organised by the Federation of South African trade unions was called off as a result. In addition to the ban on gatherings, the chairman of the union's Transvaal region, Mr C Dlamini, was prohibited from attending any gatherings over the 48 hour period. More than 1 600 workers were involved in the strike.Services to commemorate the fifth anniversary of the June 16, 1976 risings were banned in Durban, Port Elizabeth and in parts of the Northern Transvaal.

Travel documents After his passport had been withdrawn in 1980 by the government, the secretary- general of the SA Council of Churches, Bishop Desmond Tutu, had it returned in January. However, shortly after Bishop Tutu began another trip overseas, the Prime Minister, Mr P W Botha, announced that the bishop's passport would again be withdrawn when he returned to SA. The government's decision came after Bishop Tutu called for increased political, diplomatic and economic pressure for reforms in SA. Shortly before he met Bishop Tutu in Rome during April, Pope John Paul II expressed his dismay over the government's threat to seize the Bishop's passport. The Pope said he had a high regard for the Christian work being done by Bishop Tutu, and was anxious to see all forms of injustice and oppression removed. In spite of the threat from the government, Bishop Tutu returned to SA in April, and his passport was withdrawn shortly afterwards. The SA Council of Churches executive said shortly before the passport was withdrawn that the possession of a passport should be a right and not a privilege.8 International response to the government's action was critical. The US government, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the British Council of Churches, the US National Council of Churches and the Anglican Church in Canada condemned the government's action.49 Inside SA, the Catholic Bishop's Conference labelled the government's action a confession of weakness, and said it violated the right to freedom of movement and freedom of political dissent. Another SA Council of Churches' official, the Reverend Sol Jacob, the director of the organisation's Division of Mission and Evangelism, had his passport withdrawn in August. (See the section on Detentions: churchmen.) A Krugersdorp priest, Father Frank Chikane, was refused a passport to further his studies in Canada. It was the second time he had been refused a passport. Since 1977 he has been detained on three occasions in terms of security legislation. In June, a Cape Times journalist, Ms Zubeida Jaffer, was forced to surrender her passport. She was acquitted in March on 19 charges of possessing banned publications5s The former president of the SA Council of Sport (SACOS), Mr Hassan Howa, had his application for a passport refused for the sixth time. Mr Howa was to have gone on a month-long visit to the United States in October.5' Mr Mpho Mashinini, the brother of the former head of the Soweto Students Representative Council, Mr Tsietsi Mashinini, had his passport withdrawn in October. Mr Tsietsi Mashinini fled SA in 1976 to escape the police after it was established he was wanted for his role in leading the student risings of 1976. Mr Mpho Mashinini said he believed his passport was withdrawn because of the number of visits he had made to neighbouring countries and to his three exiled brothers.52 93 Travel documents

94 Security legislation References I Sowetan August 17 2 The Star February 2 1 IbidOctober 13 4 SowetanMay 22 5 Rand Daily MailAugust 14 5 Daily News January 26 and The StarFebruary 6 7 Sunday Tribune July 12 and Rand Daily MailJune 2 8 The Star December 3 9 Rand Daily MailApril 14 and SowetanApril122 10 Rand Daily MailAugust 24 11 The Star February 17 12 Cape Times May 9 and Sunday Express J u ne 21 13 The StarAugust 4 14 lbidSeptember 21 15 Hansard No 1 Q col 19 January 23-30 16 Hansard No 1 Q col 20 January 23-30 17 Hansard No 1 Q col 37 July 31- August 7 18 Sowetan November 10 19 /bidNovember 23 20 Rand Daily Mail August 22 21 Sowetan August 24 22 Evening PostJanuary 8 and Cape Herald February 12 23 Rand Daily MailJune 10 24 lbidJuly 7 25 Hansard No 3 Q col 73- 74 February 9-13 26 Hansard No 1 Q col 38 July 31-August 7 27 Sowetan December 11 28 Cape Times February 9 29 Rand Daily Mail May 1 30 /bidMay 8 31 Sowetan March 5 32 TheStarMay 21 13 lbidJanuary 3 34 SowetanJune 3 35 IbidJune 10 36 Ibid November 24 37 Ibid November 20 18 Ibid September 24 39 The StarJanuary 28 40 The Natal Witness June 25 41 Rand Daily Mail May 27 42 Sowetan March 13 43 IbidJanuary 25 44 Rand Daily Mail February 16 45 Eastern Province Herald June 1 46 Rand Daily Mail October 12 49 TheStarApril 18 10 IbidJune 2 51 IbidOctober 17 52 Sowetan October 30

CONTROL OF THE MEDIA Statistics on control of publications in 1980 According to the 1980 Annual Report of the Department of Internal Affairs, which came into existence on November 1, 1980 when the former Departments of Interior, Indian Affairs and Coloured Relations were amalgamated, the following statistics reflected the activities of the Directorate of Publications and Publications Appeal Board during that year: 1 Publications or objects submitted for examination: by members of the public 183 by publishers 192 bythe police 1 116 by the Directorate 94 by customs officers 592 Total 2 177 2 Of these: numberdeclared undesirable 1 312 numberdeclared not undesirable 819 under consideration as at December 31. 46 3 Films: examined and rejected 53 approved unconditionally 347 approved subject to excisions and/or age restriction 198 4 Public entertainment: considered and rejected in toto 3 approved unconditionally 6 approved conditionally 3 5 Periodicals of which every edition was declared undesirable 85 6 Publications-or objects the possession of which was prohibited 605 7 Appeals to the, Publications Appeal Board against decisions that the publications were undesirable: Decisions set Decisions Decisions set aside confirmed set aside conditionally Publications or objects 10 33 Films 11 1 3 Public entertainments - 2 1 95

96 8 Appeals by the minister or Director of Publications against decisions that publications were not undesirable: Decisions Control Decisions confirmed Decisions set of the confirmed conditionally aside media Publications or objects 9 1 9 Films 3 2 9 Publications declared undesirable submitted for review: Decided not Again decided Approved undesirable undesirable conditionally Publications or objects 22 21 Films 1 6 10 In addition, 13 applications were granted for the amendment or deletion of conditions imposed in respect of films previously approved, while 41 were partially granted. Ad Hoc Publications Committees The Publications Act of 1974 provided that the Directorate of Publications would from time to time appoint such number of committees as it might consider necessary to decide in the first instance whether or not publications or objects, films, or public entertainments were undesirable. Each would consist of not fewer than three members, and their period of office would be determined on their appointment. The members would be chosen from panels of persons compiled every three years by the Minister of Internal Affairs. Questioned in the Assembly during August, the minister refused to divulge the names of people serving on these committees., Each year, he said, ad hoc committees were appointed, and members were usually relieved of their duty as soon as they had submitted their reports. The list of names from which they were chosen was, however, released to the press. Of the members at the time, two had been appointed in 1975, one in 1978, and two in 1981. Political Committee A specialised committee was appointed by the Directorate of Publications in 1979 to examine potentially 'communist or subversive' publications. Replying to a question on how this committee operated, the minister gave the information that follows:2 " The committee functioned for all practical purposes on a permanent basis as, on expiry of their period of service, the same persons were usually re-appointed to the committee by the Directorate of Publications, under Section 4 of the Publications Act. * Each member was an expert in, among other things: one or more categories of political science, military matters, law, African studies and literature, or the dangers of subversion. * The committee generally met once a week, but more often if necessary. * It consisted of six full-time and part-time members. o Criteria for reviewing publications were set out in Section 5(2) of 97 the Publications Act. o Committee members were entitled, under Section 3(b), to call for expert advice. Control To a further question on whether the committee was provided with of the any guidelines and, if so, what these were, the minister replied that: media o the committee did not deal with political publications in general but only with communistic and potentially subversive publications, and, o criteria for dealing with publications of a radical nature such as hard pornography, or containing incitement to violence or revolution, or published by an illegal organisation, were laid down in Section 47(2) (a), (b) and (c) of the Publications Act. Those for the prohibition of possession of such publications were set out in Section 9(3). Guidelines emerged from decisions in court or made by the Publications Appeal Board. The minister refused to divulge the names or qualifications of members of this committee. Committee of experts on the merits of publications The Publications Act empowered the Publications Appeal Board to appoint a committee of experts to advise the board on particular matters. Those eligible for appointment would be people designated by the minister from a list compiled annually by the chairman of the Appeal Board of persons who, by reason of their educational qualifications or special knowledge of art, language, or literature were deemed fit to advise the board in making its decisions. It was stated in the 1980 Annual Report of the Department of Internal Affairs that such a committee had been appointed. The Appeal Board was tending, on the committee's advice, to approve of films, books, or public entertainments that contained some undesirable material if this were offset by the artistic, literary, or dramatic merit of the work as a whole. This applied particularly to publications or films that were likely to reach a limited public. For example in the film Dementicare Venezia (To Forget Venice) nudity was found not undesirable because of the limited number of probable viewers and the outstanding dramatic and artistic merit of the film. Other considerations taken into account by the Appeal Board The report stated that, in the opinion of the Appeal Board, senseless sustained violence in a film was offensive to public morals. A film entitled 'Friday the 13th' was wholly rejected because of its depiction of brutal killings, while another entitled 'Mad Max' was subjected to cuts. Furthermore there had to be a 'reasonable weighing up of interests between the demands of morals, religion and State security on the one hand and principles of freedom of speech, freedom of conscience, and freedom of literary and artistic creation on the other'. The Appeal Board also stressed that consistency could be promoted only if a system of precedents were built up so that publications committees were bound by the interpretation given to specific provisions of the

98 Act by the Publications Appeal Board. This would be of assistance to writers, artists, and producers of films or public entertainments. Press Press control control Commission of Inquiry into the Mass Media A Commission of Inquiry into the Reporting of Security Matters Regarding the SA Defence Force and the SA Police Force was appointed in December 1979, under the chairmanship of Mr Justice M T Steyn. The commission's report, RP 52/1980, was summarised on page 288 of last year's Survey. Mr Justice Steyn was then appointed to chair a second commission - a Commission of Inquiry into the Mass Media. It held public hearings at intervals during 1981. Its completed, three-volume, report was handed to the Minister of Internal Affairs on November 9; but the contents were not made public during the year under review. The appointment of this commission caused widespread concern that the freedom of the SA press was to be further curtailed. Suppression of "Post Transvaal' and 'Weekend Post' In November 1980, the (black) Media Workers' Association of SA (MWASA) called for a national strike of its members in support of claims for higher pay. The African staff of a number of newspapers supported this call. (See Survey 1980, p 144.) Those run entirely by Africans, such as the widely-read Post Transvaal and Weekend Post, were forced to cease operations for some weeks. An amendment to the Newspaper and Imprint Act, made in 1962, provided that, unless the responsible minister otherwise directed, the registration of a newspaper would lapse if it were not published at least once a month. In consequence the two African newspapers named lost their registration. They applied for re-registration, but the application was refused by the Minister of Internal Affairs.3 The silencing of these papers was widely deplored. Critics stated that this action amounted to an undermining and subversion of the work of the Steyn Commission, and that the silencing of this black voice would not make the reality of black aspirations and demands disappear. SA Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) TV documentary programmes Mr Kevin Harris, who was dismissed from the SABC in 1977 for defying a management directive to cut scenes from a documentary on Baragwanath hospital in Soweto, was reported, in his evidence to the Steyn Commission, to have accused the SABC of being a government mouthpiece.' Any prospective programme conflicting with Broederbond or National Party ideology was not broadcast, he claimed. Producers in the TV documentary department had seen it as their r6le and responsibility to create relevant socio/political programmes. The management of English television had led them to believe that they could tackle any socially relevant subject as long as this was objectively done. But the management then used crippling red tape measures which made production planning and implementation so difficult that many concepts were abandoned at the research stage. If and when 99 documentaries dealing with social or political issues were eventually completed through the persistence of the producer, management frequently insisted on changes in order to transmit 'an official whitewash SA Broadof an issue', or the programmes might be shelved. casting Mr Harris cited the following programmes as having been affected by 'post production interference': Corporation * 'A Sense of Destiny' - a documentary on the Afrikaner people, by Pat Rogers * 'Under the Southern Cross' - on the coloured community, by Adrian Herring * 'Black Education' - by Adrian Herring (shelved) * 'Vimba, the Miner' - migrant labourer employed in mining, by Francis Gerard. After Gerard resigned the original soundtrack was replaced by a new one carrying a 'management sanctioned' message. " 'Four South Africans' - a comparative study of the lifestyles of members of the respective racial groups, by Francis Gerard (shelved) " 'Shelter' - on the housing situation of members of all race groups, by John Richards (shelved) * 'The Band' - a musical conveying to a white audience the aspirations and frustrations of coloured youth, by Kevin Harris. Mr Harris said that it was this strategy which contributed to much of the 'irrelevant content and mediocre standard' of local SABC programmes. Evidence to the Steyn Commission by Dr Jan Schutte Replying to allegations of bias, Dr Jan Schutte, then one of the joint directors- general of the SABC, told the Steyn Commission on February 24 that the corporation always kept itself well informed of official foreign policy and made sure that this was taken 'thoroughly' into consideration in all programmes initiated by the SABC.5 No reports which were 'one sided, out of context and aimed at impairing SA's image abroad' were broadcast. Although the SABC 'stood above' party politics, it had regard to 'state security and national interests'. Asked to elaborate on 'national interests', Dr Schutte declined to do so on the grounds that this was beyond his power. Although the SABC's memorandum to the commission had stated that the corporation was 'impartial, balanced and authoritative', Dr Schutte conceded that it was never 'neutral' but was 'responsible in terms of the country's general interest rather than objective'. On the question of evidence by other witnesses that the SABC was pro- government, Dr Schutte replied that the corporation was sensitive to the opposition's views and fair to all although 'not objective' as this could only be achieved over a period of time. He added that some 'emotional' political speeches and events, for example, the disturbances which interrupted the Prime Minister's meeting at Rustenburg during the 1981 election campaign in March, were not broadcast in order to avoid the possibility of rousing certain sections of the community to violence. The SABC was well aware of 'contemporary

100 SA Broadcasting Corporation activist strategy' which led to 'demonstrations, the causing of unrest and terrorism', aimed at imposing certain political objectives through intimidation. Monopoly held by the SABC Giving evidence to the commission on the structure of radio and TV services, Mr P W McLean, chairman of the Newspaper Press Union, said that contrary to the interests of a democratic society the state had statutorily entrusted the SABC with a radio and TV monopoly. He suggested allowing newspapers and other interested groups rights to commercial radio and TV in competition or partnership with the SABC as this would loosen the corporation's ties with the government.6 When a member of the commission, Mr J H Hopkins, suggested that such a broadcasting station could be used to disseminate anti-SA propaganda, Mr McLean agreed that this was possible. Dr D P de Villiers, a member of the Newspaper Press Union, said that if there were more openness in the country the threat of outside propaganda would be minimised.' Coverage given to the various political parties On February 19, Mr Dave Dalling, chief Progressive Federal Party spokesman on the media, announced in Cape Town that 'in view of past experiences with the SABC' a monitoring of the programmes by his party was 'essential if the Opposition was going to enjoy a reasonable deal in news coverage' during the election campaign in March and April.' His statement came after the 'Forty Percenter group' disclosed that a survey it had conducted showed that the NP had received 1 200% more coverage than the PFP during the first two weeks of the election campaign. The breakdown was as follows: * National Party - 25 minutes 3 seconds of news features between February 3 and 18; and, in addition to time devoted to announcements by cabinet ministers, another 22 minutes 24 seconds given to subjects promoting government policy such as the inauguration of the President's Council, South West Africa, Ciskei 'independence' and the criticism of SA newspapers. * In the same period the Progressive Federal Party got 2 minutes 2 seconds; " New Republic Party - 39 seconds; " Herstigte Nasionale Party: 27 seconds; * National Conservative Party: 29 seconds. The Steyn Commission raised this question during Dr Schutte's evidence. He promised that the corporation would ensure that all parties received the same amount of time, but it had to be remembered that 'the time given to government spokesmen and the time given to NP candidates do not amount to the same thing'. Funds for External Radio Service On January 25, Dr Eschel Rhoodie, former head of the now defunct Information Department, said that between 1974 and 1980 the department had paid the SABC amounts running into hundreds of thousands of rands from secret Information funds and claimed that he as well as certain cabinet ministers had sufficient evidence to that effect. Senior members of SABC knew about this. The money was intended to 'protect SA and its people abroad'.9 Reacting to Dr Rhoodie's claim, Mr Hein Jordaan, head of SABC public relations, said that the corporation had received funds for its external radio service from the state treasury, and not from the Department of Information. This was the practice of most Western European countries. His denial was strongly substantiated by Dr Piet Meyer, the former chairman of the SABC. 101 SA Broadcasting Corporation References Hansard 4 Q col 202 August 24-28 2 Hansard 3 Q cols 85-87 August 17-21 3 Rand Daily Mail January 21 4 lbidApri1 25 5 Daily Dispatch February 25 6 StarJanuary 22 7 Ibid 8 Daily Dispatch February 20 9 Rand Daily MailJanuary 26

ECONOMIC SITUATION General situationi Following an increase of about 8% in 1980, the rate of growth in the real gross domestic product decelerated from the second half of 1980 to the first half of 1981, but the product was still 4,5% higher than in the first half of 1980. The slowdown was most prominent in manufacturing and commerce. The real value added by the gold mining sector continued to decline in the first half of 1981 as did that of the non-gold mining sector. Only in agriculture did the real product increase at a higher rate in the first half of 1981 than in the preceding six months. However, the overall rate of economic growth was unlikely to increase during the latter half of the year. A real rate of economic growth of between 4-5% for 1981 was expected in 1981 as a whole. Due to a decline in SA terms of trade during the period under review caused by the sharp decline in the price of gold, the gross national product was only marginally higher in the first half of 1981 compared with 1980. At current prices, gross domestic expenditure exceeded the gross national product by a considerable margin in the first half of 1981, indicating that a large deficit was recorded on the current account of the balance of payments. Real private expenditure decelerated in the first half of 1981 in comparison with the last half of 1980 as a result of a scarcity of certain durable consumer goods, the reduced availability and higher cost of consumer credit and the effect of 'fiscal drag' and the persistently high rate of inflation on real disposable income. Despite the lower rate of increase it was still about 6% higher in this period than in the first half of 1980. Higher salaries and wages and real defence expenditure led to an increase of 1,5% in the level of government expenditure as compared with the first half on 1980. The rate of increase in employment in the first quarter of 1981 was only marginally higher than in the preceding three months because the virtually full employment of skilled labour became a major constraint on the continuation of the high rate of economic growth obtained in 1980. The almost full utilisation of production capacity, the shortages of skilled and semi-skilled labour and a more rapid labour turnover contributed to a lower rate of increase in labour productivity towards the end of 1980 and in the first quarter of 1981. The real gross domestic product for workers in the non-agricultural sectors of the economy which had increased by 4% in 1980 was only 1,5% higher in the first quarter of 1981 than in the corresponding quarter of 1980. 102

Salaries and wages started to increase at a higher rate from the second quarter of 1980 mainly in response to more active competition for skilled labour and also as a result of the adjustment of salary and wage scales to the high rate of inflation. In 1980 the average remuneration per worker in the non-agricultural sectors of the economy rose by 18,1 % or by 3,5% in real terms, and in the first quarter of 1981 it exceeded the corresponding figure in the first quarter of 1980 by 17,6% or 1,5% in real terms. The consumer price index rose sharply during 1980, but slowed slightly in the first half of 1981, mainly as a result of a lower rate of increase in food prices. The seasonally adjusted annual rate of increase in production prices slowed from 17,5% in the second half of 1980 to 12,1 % in the first half of 1981. This was largely attributable to lower rates of increase in the price of imported goods and to the fact that the rate of increase in government-administered prices was generally lower than that of other production prices. The current account of the balance of payments moved into moderate deficit in the first quarter of 1981 followed by a larger deficit in the second quarter, amounting to R3 1 70m (at 5% of gross GDP) compared with a surplus of R2 830m in 1980. This was a result of a steep upward trend in imports, a rise in net service and transfer payments, a decline in merchandise exports and a sharp fall in the net gold output. In the first half of 1981 the average price of gold on the London market amounted to about US $499 per fine ounce compared with US $613 per fine ounce in 1980. The volume of the net gold output, which had declined by 6,8% in 1980 mainly as a result of the mining of lower grade ore, was 3,0% lower in the first 6 months of 1981 than in the corresponding period of 1980. Owing to these changes the value of the net gold output, at a seasonally adjusted annual rate, amounted to R8 050m in the first half of 1981 compared with R10 140m in 1980. A net inflow of R489m was recorded in the first half of 1981 consisting of both long and short term capital (but excluding changes in liabilities related to reserves). Balance of payments transactions caused the net gold and other foreign reserves to decline by R923m during the first half of 1981. This followed an increase of R531 m during 1980. In order to cushion the effect of the balance of payment transactions on the foreign reserves, the Reserve Bank borrowed on short term abroad. Liabilities relating to reserves rose by R710m during the first half of 1981. Despite this increase, the gross gold and other foreign reserves declined by R538m during this period to reach a level of R5 255m at the end of June. Foreign investment General Total foreign investment in SA stands at over R30 000m. The UN Special Committee Against Apartheid published a study charging 65 transnational corporations in 11 countries with having contributed significantly to the maintenance of apartheid in SA. Twenty-two were based in the US - Amax, Burroughs, Caltex, Citicorp, Control Data, Exxon, Firestone Tire and Rubber, Fluor, Ford 103 Economic situation

104 Foreign investment Motor Co, Foxboro, General Electric, General Motors, General Tire and Rubber, Honeywell Inc, IBM, Mobil, National Cash Register, Newmont Mining, Phelps- Dodge, Sperry, Union Carbide and US Steel. Nineteen were British firms - Associated British Foods, Barclays Bank, British Leyland, British Petroleum, British Steel, Consolidated Gold Fields, Dunlop Holdings, General Electric, Guest, Keen and Nettlefolds, Hill-Samuel, Imperial Chemical Industries, International Computers, Lonrho, Metal Box, Plessey, Rio- Tinto Zinc, Standard Chartered Bank, Trafalgar House and Unilever. The 11 West German firms were Bayer, Klockner Group, DaimlerBenz, Hoechat, F Krupp, Linde, Ruhrkhole, Siemens, Thyssen Industrie and Volkswagen. Three were from France - Banque de I'Indo Chine et de Suez, Compagnie Francaise des Petroles - Total, Perchiney Ugine Kuhlman. Three were from Japan - Hitachi Group, Nissan Motors and Toyota. Others mentioned were Koor Industries (Israel); Massey-Ferguson (Canada); Philips Lamp Holdings (Netherlands); Brown-Boveri (Switzerland); Anglo American (SA); Royal Dutch Shell (Netherlands/Britain); Empain-Schneider (Belgium/France).2 USA Direct American investment in SA totals $2 billion. This represents about 17% of total foreign investment in SA and 1% of the US world total. The estimated 350 US companies operating in SA employ about 70 000 Africans comprising 2% of the total African labour force. Opposition by various groups in the US to continued investment in SA by US companies and banking institutions continued this year. The pikestigious Ivy League universities decided to dispose of tens of millions in Citibank investments in retaliation for the bank's participation in a R200m loan to SA. Harvard sold off about R40m in Citibank bonds, while Yale and Columbia took similar steps. There is no clear indication as to whether the disinvestment campaign on US campuses expanded or declined. Mr John Chettle, director of the SA Foundation in Washington, held that the campaign was 'quiescent' as students were more concerned with the effects of inflation, rising tuition fees, the draft and nuclear energy issues within the US. However a spokesman for the American Committee on Africa stated that there was growing support for disinvestment on campuses. He said 'the economic climate makes students ask why, when they and the American people are struggling, their university endowments are being invested in some overseas operation'.' Nuclear energy and SA's racial policies were the major targets of this year's church-sponsored campaign for corporate responsibility in the US. More than 50 religious groups holding approximately $25m in stock took part. Churches requested 26 corporations to change or review their policies on investing in SA. Apart from Citibank, other target companies included ColgatePalmolive, Wells Fargo, Crocker National, Merril Lynch and Republic National (which promotes Kruger rands), IBM, Fluor, Mobil Oil, General Motors, Ford, Kodak, Engelhard Minerals, and the Bank of America.

Others were Control Data, Sperry Rand, Hewlett-Packard, Continental Illinois Bank, Trust, Doyle Dane Bernback Inc, US Steel, and Dresser Industries. In a statement clarifying its position in SA General Motors said it always believed that it could not help promote the necessary social and economic changes in SA by withdrawing from the country. It believed that the single most important factor in the creation of a more promising investment climate in SA 'is a resolution of the country's pressing social problems, which have their origin in the apartheid system'. The statement said that some General Motors stockholders had urged the company to discontinue selling vehicles to the SA police and army on social and ethical grounds. The corporation stated it believed that discontinuation of such sales could seriously threaten its operations in SA thus preventing it from contributing to change.4 Five states to date have passed legislation prohibiting their state funds from being invested in institutions giving loans to SA. Five more were said to be considering such laws. Clarifying the Reagan administration's stance on investment in SA Dr Chester Crocker, the US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, stated that Americans could be proud of the role US businesses were playing in SA as a force for change, and the US administration would oppose any international effort to deny future lending to SA. He stated that the Reagan administration would support a policy of 'constructive engagement' in SA as long as SA was continuing an antiapartheid effort.' A document entitled 'South Africa: Time running out', the result of a two-year, R800 000 research study by the Rockefeller Foundation assessing US interests and policy options in SA, was published this year. The report stated that 'what sets SA apart from other countries that have equally oppressive human rights records is that its policies are based on race, made "legal" through legislation, and justified in the name of defending the west from communism'. The report saw the necessity for the US to maintain commercial relations with both white and black but did not find diplomatic relations with SA to be as important as those with black Africa. American investment in black Africa was found to be bigger than in the Republic, as was trade. Five American interests at stake in SA were defined: " protection of American military and strategic interests and minimising Soviet influence in Southern Africa; * maintaining adequate supplies of key minerals exported by SA. Four strategically vital minerals were chrome and ferrochrome, manganese and ferromanganese, platinum and vanadium; * advancing political freedom and civil liberties for all South Africans. The denial of basic freedoms in SA might engender sustained racial violence that would trigger bitter controversy within the US. This would erode the consensus favouring progress on race relations in America; * maintaining satisfactory diplomatic and commercial relations with other African countries. America had nearly R4-billion in direct investment on the continent outside of SA and RI 1-billion worth of annual trade. Nigeria was especially significant as America's 105 Foreign investment

106 second largest foreign oil supplier and leading opponent of apartheid; 0 maintaining commercial relations with SA. The study stated that Foreign this interest could conflict with maintaining relations in black investment Africa. The study concluded that 'the choice is not between slow, peaceful change and quick violent change', but between 'a slow, sporadically violent evolutionary process and a slow but much more violent descent into civil war'. The US should respect whatever system black and white South Africans freely and fairly chose. It should make clear its fundamental and continuing opposition to apartheid, and especially to the exclusion of blacks from a share in political power. By doing so it would minimise misunderstanding of its motives in recognising and encouraging partial progress in SA. It recommended that subsidiaries of US companies abroad should be barred from selling military commodities to SA. It also recommended a broadening of the nuclear embargo with a ban on American companies providing SA with nuclear expertise. The strategy of economic sanctions was discarded for the moment, although this could be reconsidered if an increase in repression occurred. The report did recommend, however, a moratorium on business expansion and new investment. Existing firms should publicly renounce expansion, and undertake to contribute a proportion of sales for the advancement of black employees in consultation with the union or labour representatives involved. The Sullivan Principles should be adopted by all American companies continuing to operate in SA, and monitoring should be improved to include on-site inspections. In setting out guidelines for US shareholders of companies operating in SA the report stated that they should first try to persuade businesses to adopt and implement the three proposals mentioned above. Only if a corporation remained unresponsive should the shareholders consider selling their stock. If a decision to sell was taken, the shareholder should consider retaining a nominal number of shares to retain a voice at stockholders' meetings with which to continue trying to influence the company's policies. UK Direct UK investment in SA is about $6 billion. In its first report in March, the 'shadow' board of Barclays Bank, established by the anti-apartheid movement, told shareholders that the bank's operations 'help substantially to strengthen the apartheid system'. The report stated that more than 10% of Barclays' deposits were in Southern Africa and claimed that the bank had developed close links with the SA armed forces. It held that between 1972-78 loans to private and state corporations in SA totalled more than R33m.6 The Borough of London withdrew its account with Barclays because of the bank's involvement in SA. The Lewisham and Brent local authorities were considering similar action. France France's anti-apartheid movement submitted an eight-point action programme to the new government under socialist president, Fran ois Mitterand. The call comprised: " a halt to all arms sales to SA, including spare parts, the ending of all military co-operation at all levels and the withdrawal of licences for the manufacture of military material; " a halt to trade with Namibia; " renunciation of the Koeberg nuclear power delivery contract; " recognition and support for liberation movements in Southern Africa; " a halt to loans by French nationalised banks including direct loans, buying and selling credits and involvement in international loans; " a halt to all sports relations; " support of all measures for sanctions against SA sought in international forums. President Mitterand, who had made a formal promise to reconsider France's links with SA, was expected to comply with most of these demands.' Sanctions United Nations Proceedings at the UN during 1981 relating to SWA/Namibia, calls for sanctions against SA and the attitudes of member-states are dealt with in the final chapter. USA The Rockefeller study mentioned earlier advised against the imposition of trade sanctions against SA. In analysing its reasons it mentioned that sanctions could strengthen reactionary elements within SA; SA could retaliate by withholding its key minerals which would adversely effect the US, Great Britain, France and Japan; and SA's neighbours such as Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, Zimbabwe and Zambia would suffer from the side effects of the embargo - i.e. SA would stop exporting oil and key products to these countries. Moreover the implementation of both a total boycott, or a selective oil boycott would be hard to administer. UK A study 'Economic sanctions against SA' published by the International University Exchange Fund (IUEF) stated that it was in Britain's interest to join moves to impose sanctions on SA. Britain's balance of payments losses would be RI 224m, less than 20% of British exports to black Africa in 1978. Employment in Britain would not be hard hit; under 'extreme assumptions' 26 000 jobs might be lost, a more realistic figure being 2 500.8 Speaking on behalf of the Labour Party at a conference on energy in London Mr Ron Hayward, the Labour Party's general secretary, stated that the next Labour government would impose an oil embargo on SA.9 Controversy broke out over SA involvement in the North Sea oil exploration consortium. After attacks on this involvement by the Irish antiapartheid movement, Gulf Oil, operator of the consortium, stated that 107 Economic sanctions

108 when the SA company, Unilon, bought a stake in the consortium it had accepted that none of the oil found could be sent to SA.'0 Budget and Africa Taxation The Organisation of African Unity (OAU) standing committee on sanctions called for the establishment of oil reserves in Southern African states in case of effective oil sanctions against SA through which most of them import oil. The committee recommended blacklisting all tankers which unloaded oil at SA ports." The Budget The main budget was presented in August this year, the delay being occasioned by the holding of the general elections in April. It was described as a holding budget, its main feature being the 30% rise in defence expenditure from R1 890 000 000 in 1980/81 to R2 465 000 000 in 1981/82. Other main increases were as follows: Ri 139 183 000 for the Department of Co- operation and Development (R880 888 000 in 1980/81); R5 350 368 000 for the Department of Finance (R4 523 285 000 in 1980/81); R947 200 000 for the Department of Health, Welfare and Pensions (R770 025 000 in 1980/81); and R369 748 000 for the Department of Education and Training (R244 153 000 in 1980/81). Taxation Criticism continued to be levelled against the government's tax system for Africans. Employers complained that as a result of the new tax scales introduced this year some African employees would pay more taxes than whites earning the same money. Due to the fact that they do not receive tax rebates for children, African married couples with children tend to pay more taxes than do whites. In 1980-81 Africans paid R107 703 347 in income tax. Of this R78 819 617 was collected from Africans living in 'white' SA, while R28 883 730 came from those in the homelands. Only about one-quarter of the African working population qualify as taxpayers. They start being taxed on earnings in excess of Ri 830. Employers complete and submit tax forms for their African employees. 12 In delivering his budget speech the Minister of Finance announced that as from March 1, 1982 he intended effecting the final phasing out of the separate taxation of Africans, in terms of the Black Tax Act of 1969, by subjecting the incomes of all individual taxpayers to tax in terms of the Income Tax Act of 1962. The minister gave the following figures for numbers assessed for normal income tax in respect of the 1979 year, including the loan levy:"3 Amount assessed Number of taxpayers R'O00 White 1 559 597 1 884 905 Coloured 262 299 46 227 Indian 130 558 39 694

The number of individual taxpayers in each income category and the percentage of tax assessed for each category for lows: 14 Number of individual 1978-79 were as folTax assessed in income category as percentage of total tax assessed Income category LOSS 1-1 000 1 001-2 000 2 001-3 000 3 001-4 000 4 001-5 000 5 001-6 000 6 001-7 000 7 001-8 000 8 001-9 000 9001-10000 10 001-12 000 12 001-14 000 14 001-16 000 16 001-18 000 18 001-20 000 20 001-22 000 22 001-24 000 24 001-26 000 26 001-28 000 28 001-30 000 30 001-40 000 40 001-50 000 50 001-80 000 80 001-100 000 100 001-150 000 150 001 ANDOVER taxpayers in income category 15 642 191 404 173 850 209 044 181 801 148 138 130 656 118 636 113 664 108 359 99 844 161 338 108 651 67 071 41 315 26 054 1682810778744051783646785125551846 312 256 120 0,04 0,53 1,36 2,05 2,35 2,83 3,42 4,18 4,94 5,59 11,98 11,31 9,38 7,47 5,87 4,59 3,47 2,79 2,23 1,77 1,92 2,32 2,50 0,64 0,74 0,73 Total 1 952 277 100,00 Revised PAYE tax tables on the reduction in the rates February 28, 1981. were introduced in March 1980 following of income tax payable for the year ending Company tax The following amounts in lax were collected from mining and non-mining companies during 1980:15 Mining companies Non-mining companies RR 5035453 293654226 623375516 121427507 5 162025 208027 382 109 Taxation January February March

Mining companies R 6 863 051 368 255 879 47 105 337 9 751 114 1 068 383 680 15 335 046 943 003 403 453 866 64 628 992 Non-mining companies R 135 479 811 120 255 702 178 095 042 330 140 082 118 539 272 241 468 000 174 107 567 104 744 362 286 229 318 The number of registrations made in terms of the Sales Tax Act numbered 224 615 as at December 31, 1980.6 Trade SA's imports and exports from certain countries for the first three months of this year and comparable figures for 1980 are given below:17 January-March 1980 65 500 409 378 383 100 375 282 707 841 199 917 388 227 246 342 429 178 238 733 548 Exports 1981 246 033 217 247 142 165 192 275 833 118 130 263 363 875 940 449 086 158 248 503 989 1980 262 364 708 340 792 075 198091 951 104 569 237 407 508 386 467 047 027 264 476 177 Total (All countries) 2 814006 766 2 629 756 105 1 865 347 565 2 044849 561 References 1 Taken from the Quarterly Bulletin of the SA Reserve Bank, September 1981 2 Cape Times May 18 3 StarFebruary 25 4 lbidJune 2 5 Rand Daily MailJune 3 6 Citizen March 19 7 StarJune 30 8 Sowetan March 10 9 Natal Witness March 9 10 StarMarch 17 11 SowetanMarch 23 12 StarAugust 27 13 Hansard 2 Q col 3 February 26 14 lbidQ col 3 February 27 15 lbidQ col 4 February 31 16 lbidQ col 3 February 25 17 SA Trade Statistics ending March 1981 Taxation and trade April May June July August September October November December Africa UK W Germany France USA Asia Japan Imports 1981 6381724969021473639120843845365294594454C 4402263

EMPLOYMENT COST OF LIVING Consumer Price Index The monthly percentage increases in the 1981 over 1980 were as follows: Month January February March April May June July August September October Total 15,5 16,0 16,2 15,5 15,0 14,5 15,5 16,1 15,6 14,5 Consumer Price Index (CPI) fo Food 28,4 30,0 29,9 27,0 25,7 25,8 22,5 23,1 18,9 14,6 Minimum living standards As in past issues of the Survey, estimates of living standards in different areas are given below. The Bureau of Market Research at Unisa also draws up estimates but does not release them for publication by other bodies. Johannesburg Chamber of Commerce Item Food Clothing and footwear Housing Fuel and light Transport Taxation Cleaning materials Medical expenses Education Furniture Crockery, cooking utensils etc Minimum Living Level November May 1980 1981 RR 128,52 133,51 23,67 25,03 26,45 31,55 14,02 14,65 13,63 14,35 1,10 2,12 2,95 3,06 2,00 2,00 6,42 7,46 3,20 3,66 1,38 1,45 223,34 238,84 change over May 1980 3,9 5,7 19,3 4,5 5,3 92,7 3,7 16,2 14,4 5,1

Institute for Planning Research The estimates of the Institute for Planning Research, University of Port Elizabeth, for the Household Subsistence Level (HSL) for an African family of six persons and a coloured family of centres are given below: five persons for various Benoni Bloemfontein Boksburg Brakpan Brits Cape Town Durban East London Germiston Johannesburg King William's Town Kimberley Krugersdorp Peddie Port Elizabeth Pretoria Queenstown Springs Uitenhage Umtata Vaal Triangle Windhoek African HSL September 1981 204,80 223, 24 204,18 222, 29 211,78 231 ,64 228,68 219,45 209,62 242,49 206,60 217,43 216,28 196,18 219,46 218,23 215,53 205,19 221,42 209, 77 222,15 250,44 INCOME AND WAGES Government policy The Minister of Finance, in delivering his budget speech in August, commented that average real earnings for whites rose by 3,3% in 1980 while those for other groups rose by 4,3%. He warned, however, against the adverse effect on the inflation rate of 'excessive price, wage and salary increases', and called for the application of self-discipline by all parties involved in wage negotiations.' He recognised that the government's policy of narrowing the wage gap between the population groups must of necessity in the short term be inflationary.2 In an interview in the Financial Mail Professor Jill Nattrass, associate professor of economics at the University of Natal, stated that average incomes in the wealthy areas in SA were 12 times greater than in the least developed areas. The most developed 10% of the country produced nearly two-thirds of SA's total production but housed only a quarter of Cost of living increase over October 1980 12,8 13,8 12,0 13,1 13,4 12,0 18,3 12,0 13,4 21,2 12,0 13,7 12,9 15,0 19,2 11,5 8,8 12,0 18,8 17,3 14,2 Coloured HSL September 1981 234,56 231,82 234,55 216,74 237,81 208,24 221,51 222,73 222,88 196,53 200,62 294,03 increase over October 1980 15,6 10,5 13,7 16,6 12,6 10,6 12,5 10,8 9,2 9,4 18,7 the population. The poorest 10% produced less than 5% of the total but contained one-third of the population. Professor Nattrass said that the homelands produced about 3% of the national output, but contained more than 35% of the national population. If the earnings of migrant workers and commuters were included, their share of the national income increased to 11%. Between 1960 and 1975 earnings of migrants grew rapidly in real terms due to increases in African wages and the rapid 'flow of migrants to the expanding "core" economy in SA'. She stated further that the under-developed areas were characterised by widespread poverty, low productivity, virtually no industrialisation or urbanisation, high levels of unemployment and under-employment, high dependency ratios, extensive participation in the migrant labour system and below-average proportions of the white population.' The National Manpower Commission's report for 1979-80 stated that between 1970-80 the money income of Africans rose by 15,8% per annum and of whites by 10,2%. The earnings of Africans increased more rapidly than the increase in the CPI, while white earnings had increased at a slightly lower rate than the CPI since 1975. However, in absolute figures white earnings showed the largest increase (R443) from 1970 to 1980 while African earnings rose by RI 33 only. The table below gives details of the average earnings of the different race groups per sector in the economy for the years 1970 and 1980:1 Average monthly earnings in various sectors in South Africa 1970 and 191 Industrial division and population group 1970 R 271 356 300 333 316 208 281 261 264 White: Total Mining Manufacturing Electricity Construction Trade and accommodation services Transport and communications Finance and insurance Government and services Coloured: Total Mining Manufacturing Electricity Construction Trade and accommodation services Transport and communications Finance and insurance Government and services Asian: Total Mining Manufacturing Electricity Construction Trade and accommodation services Transport and communications Finance and insurance Government and services 113 Income and wages O 1980 R 714 1 057 917 894 898 504 748 740 634 231 310 254 326 276 186 195 319 229 308 433 287 454 277 344 430 420

Income and wages Industrial division and population group African: Total Mining Manufacturing Electricity Construction Trade and accommodation services Transport and communications Finance and insurance Government and services 1970 1980 R 173 168 217 210 173 139 198 259 168 Markinor produced the following information on the household income of 800 African families in various areas for March 1981: Household income Up to R99 R100-129 R1 30-149 R1 50-169 R1 70-199 R200-249 R250-299 R300-399 R400-499 R500-749 R750 plus % of sample 7,4 6,9 7,6 5,4 7,8 16,4 12,1 15,2 11,5 5,9 3,7 Johannesburg 5,0 4,9 7,0 5,3 3,8 14,7 9,1 19,4 15,4 7,9 7,6 Reef 3,7 5,2 5,2 5,8 9,5 16,6 17,7 15,0 12,6 5,4 3,0 Durban 6,9 2,0 5,9 4,0 17,2 23,5 13,1 17,0 8,3 1,9 EUPE 24,0 20,1 16,4 7,1 6,9 10,8 4,1 4,3 4,4 1,9 Pretoria 3,2 4,6 6,8 3,2 4,6 21,3 13,2 16,8 9,4 13,4 3,7 Significantly the greatest percentage of households in the PE/EL sample earned incomes of less than R99, as compared to the other areas where the largest percentages fell within the R200-399 income ranges. A comparable survey of 800 white households for April 1981 revealed the following monthly household incomes: Household income R2 500 R2 000-2 499 R1 800-1 999 R1 600-1 799 R1 400-1 599 R1 200-1 399 R1 000-1 199 R800-999 R600-799 R400-599 R200-399 Up to R200 Total % of sample 5,3 6,4 3,6 4,6 7,1 8,8 15,9 15,3 13,8 10,5 6,6 2,3 Johannesburg 11,1 9,3 5,6 8,3 5,6 9,3 19,4 7,4 9,3 8,3 6,5 Reef/ Pretoria 8,1 8,1 3,5 4,7 9,3 8,7 17,J 12,8 14,0 9,3 3,5 0,6 East Cape 2,7 4,1 1,4 1,4 8,1 6,8 9,5 18,9 16,2 16,2 10,8 4,1 Natal 1,1 5,3 2,1 2,1 6,3 7,4 16,8 14,7 20,0 14,7 7,4 2,1 The PE Consulting Group produces, on an annual basis, a survey of average black remuneration in various job categories taken from a sample of approximately 500 companies in SA. The table below gives some of their findings forJune 1981 and the percentage changes over 1980:' job Category Cook Waitress/tea maker (female) Messenger Scooter driver Driver light motor vehicle Receptionist Copy typist General clerk (male) (2-5 years) General clerk (female) (2-5 years) Senior clerk (2-5 years) Wages clerk Personnel officer Training officer Operative grade one male Operative grade one female Operative grade two male Operative grade two female Operative grade three male Operative grade three female Operative grade four male Operative grade four female Al frican 369 203 305 310 % chang 35,7 16,0 19,1 15,7 353 26,1 495 416 28,8 352 23,5 324 9,1 456 23,6 403 5,5 793 no chan 657 8,8 253 33,1 197 10,1 290 29,5 199 315 25,5 257 333 19,6 Average wage rates: 1981 Rand per month ge Asian % change C 233 344 45,8 359 22,1 383 380 16,6 428 25,1 399 15,3 555 7,1 467 6,1 ge - 264 15,3 169 3,0 292 40,4 176 19,7 341 35,9 205 417 20,2 Wage determinations Employees subject to wage determinations The table below gives the number of determinations in SA from 1975-80:6 No. of determinations 69 69 69 69 69 70 Job Category Watchman Shift supervisor Semi-skilled operator (male) (not artisan) (female) Salaried foreman7 Artisan assistant Driver/salesman Punch card operator (male) Punch card operator (female) Industrial relations officer (over 3 years' experience) Security officer Storeman (5 years' experience) Total 411 402 411 939 415 578 414 811 418 130 470 865 African 264 485 326 204 695 281 408 485 461 838 414 349 employees subject to wage White 71 551 69 379 67 866 67 584 66 152 65 840 % change 21,1 18,3 24,4 Coloured 44 830 44 550 44 727 44 483 44 265 54 110 Asian 642 334 33,4 86320,1 442 - 487 - 451 28,2 488 - 595 27,8 462 Wage Amendment Act No 48 of 1981 This Act abolishes discrimination on the basis of sex in the setting of wage determinations. The Act also expedites the promulgation of wage )Ioured 319 177 292 282 343 294 450 391 330 493 487 249 235 302 203 353 212 406 224 115 % change - 6,8 19,2 4,3 25,3 21,8 17,0 - 0,4 - 2,7 9,3 16,6 5,2 20,5 14,6 14,0 5,5 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 Asian 13 718 13 822 13 736 13 636 14 482 17 607 Coloured 328 535 458 African 281 303 284 188 289 249 289 108 293 231 333 308 % change 21,6 1,6 47,9 11,3 14,1 2,3 9,8 % change 30,8 - 5,9 31,6 9,5 6,8 21,3

116 determinations by abolishing the procedure whereby Wage Board reports and recommendations were submitted first to Parliament. Furthermore, the section allowing for interested parties to lodge objections to Wage Wage Board recommendations has been abolished. The government felt determina- that there was no longer any justification for this for the following reations sons: n the Wage Board offers ample opportunity for representations to be made by interested parties during its public sittings; * it is a legal requirement that interested parties be invited by the Board to lodge representations with it; * objections received after publication of the recommendation have, as a rule, been considered by the Board during the formulation of its recommendations; * recommendations which have been published for objection are, almost without exception, republished as wage determinations without amendment. A further amendment makes it clear that protection against victimisation provided for in the Act applies both to members of registered and unregistered unions. Previously there was uncertainty about whether unregistered unions were covered by the victimisation provision. The amendment brings this particular section (25) into line with that contained in the Labour Relations Act. Other amendments have to do with modernising the Act. Thus, in terms of an amendment to Section 5, a guideline for deciding on wage rates which stated that 'remuneration should be paid at such rates as will enable them (i.e. employees) to support themselves in accordance with civilised standards of life' has been abolished. Guidelines for the Wage Board, in reaching its recommendation, still exist; in terms of Section 7(e) it is required to take into consideration the cost of living in the area where the trade under investigation is practised before making a recommendation. Section 28 of the Act - that required that every employer upon whom a determination is binding should register and furnish the Department with specific details - has been abolished. The Department stated that many employers failed to register and information can in any case be obtained from other sources. In terms of an amendment to Section 30 of the Act it is no longer necessary for employers to display notices containing summaries of the Act but merely to have the determination at hand for inspection by employees. Furthermore, records may now be placed on microfilm and copies of these will be admissible in a court of law. Numerous other minor amendments make changes to nomenclature in the Act. Second Wage Amendment Act No 58 of 1981 This Act contains amendments arising from amendments to the Labour Relations Amendment Act and the Manpower Training Act. Wage determinations do not apply where determinations already exist for particular areas and employees in terms of an agreement under the Labour Relations Act. The Amendment Act states that wage determina- tions will also not apply where a determination has been made by the in- 11 7 dustrial court arising out of irregular labour practices. Other amendments concerned the allowances of assessors, and the raising of the maximum fine that a court could impose for contravening Economically the law from R200 to RI 000. active population ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE POPULATION From 1951 to 1970 the economically active population increased from 4,6m to 8,1m. In 1980 the figure was 9,5m (including 'independent' homelands), and it was estimated that it would be 15,1m in the year 2000. The breakdown for 1980 was as follows:8 White 1 915 000 Asian 256 000 Coloured 854 000 African 6 052 000 Total 9 527 000 The following table gives estimates of participants in the SA labour force for 1980 and projections for the year 2000:1 Males Females Total No No No 1980 (estimated) 1 000's % 1 000's % 1 000's % White 1299 18,5 636 18,2 1935 18,4 Asian 212 3,0 60 1,7 272 2,6 Coloured 652 9,3 366 10,5 1018 9,7 African 4854 69,2 2435 69,6 7289 69,3 All races 7 017 100,0 3 497 100,0 10 514 100,0 2000 (projected) White 1574 14,0 937 14,7 2511 14,3 Asian 305 2,7 120 18,9 425 2,4 Coloured 1016 4,1 606 9,5 1622 9,2 African 8 335 74,2 4 707 73,9 13 042 74,1 All races 11 230 100,0 6 370 100,0 17 600 100,0 1980-2000 (increment) White 275 6,5 301 10,5 576 8,1 Asian 93 2,2 60 2,1 153 2,2 Coloured 364 8,6 240 8,3 604 8,5 African 3 481 82,7 2 272 79,1 5 753 81,2 AIlraces 4213 100,0 2873 100,0 7086 100,0 Unemployment Statistics The number of whites, coloured people and Asians registered as unemployed in each inspectorate area as at January 1981 was as follows:1O

118 Unemployment Inspectorate Johannesburg Cape Town Durban Pretoria Port Elizabeth Bloemfontein East London Kimberley George White 2 240 998 1 491 552 797 363 301 173 106 Coloured 1 182 2 484 722 88 1 899 164 267 1 227 224 Asian 183 20 2 751 16 23 12 Total 360535024964 656 2 719 527 580 1 400 330 Total 7021 8257 3005 18283 The following African males and females were registered as unemployed in each administration board area as at December 31, 1979 and 1980 and as atJune 30, 1981:1" Administration Board Western Cape Eastern Cape Northern Cape Southern Orange Free State Oranje- Vaal Port Natal Drakensberg West Rand East Rand Highveld Eastern Transvaal Northern Transvaal Central Transvaal Western Transvaal 31/12/79 4555362301712 3 051 11 009 1 959 1 812 21 078 12 051 1 215 107 42 960 775 Males 31/12/80 4416 38 182 1 043 186082711107 165471917585 680 71 23 268 793 30/6/81 4 053 39 038 305 1679712514331713 8 020 7017 639 42 48 551 1 079 31/12/79 157 16 113 660 574 441 365 1 118 30 394 1 715 296 77 110 270 326 Females 31/12/80 337 16880 375 30/6/81 484 15 827 93 624 141 460 796 21 077 3 033 205 24 67 136 459 The government's current population survey (CPS) on African unemployment revealed the following details for 1980 and specific months in 1981: January 1980 1981 February 1980 1981 March 1980 1981 April 1980 1981 May 1980 1981 June 1980 1981 July 1980 1981 August12 1980 Total 16907 17 380 16946 17 420 16985 17 460 17 023 17 500 17 062 17 541 17 101 17 582 17 140 17623 17 280 Not E/A 11 463 11 766 11 506 11 776 11 516 11 843 11 532 11 847 11 534 11 893 11 526 11 938 11 587 12 001 11 631 E/A 5 444 561454405644 5469561754915653 5 528 564855755644555356225549 Workers 495451594961518749775162499752235042520750965206 507052015071 Unemployed 490 455 479 457 492 455 494 430 486 441 479 438 483 421 478 Unemployed as % of E/A 9,0 8,1 8,8 8,1 9,0 8,1 9,0 7,6 8,8 7,8 8,6 7,8 8,7 7,5 8,6

Not E/A E/A 116575563116685592116955605 Workers Unemployed Unemployed as % of E/A 5 088 475 8,5 5 122 470 8,4 5 151 454 8,1 The CPS gave the following figures for the number of Africans unemployed per region for June 1981: Cape Province Natal Transvaal Orange Free State Economically active 813 000 698 000 2 465 000 788 000 Unemployment as a % of economically active 12,5 6,8 6,1 6,4 Government estimates of unemployment among the coloured population for 1980 and 1981 were as follows: January 1980 1981 February 1980 1981 March 1980 1981 April 1980 1981 May 1980 1981 June 1980 1981 Ju!y 1980 1981 August 1980 1981 September" 1980 October 1980 November 1980 Total 25732630257826432583264325882646259326512598265726022 657 2 607 2 666261326162622 Not E/A 1670172216861721 1 683 1 716 160517181691 172917131741170717471695175017201717 1 726 Workers 845 856 832 870 841 881 844 884 843 879 831 878 839 876 861 880 848 853 851 Unemployed 58 52 6046594659445943543856385136454645 Unemployed as % of E/A 6,4 5,7 6,7 5,0 6,6 5,0 6,5 4,7 6,5 4,7 6,1 4,1 6,3 4,1 5,6 3,9 5,0 5,1 5,0 In 1977 various estimates of total unemployment placed it at between 1,5-2m. This year Dr J Keenan of the University of the Witwatersrand estimated that unemployment rose by about 600 000 between 1977 and 1979. The National Manpower Commission placed unemployment at 1,6m or more than 16% at present. The Eastern Cape branch of Manpower 2000 estimated that there were 33 093 persons unemployed in the Port Elizabeth-Uitenhage areas of the Eastern Cape of whom 30 263 were Africans. The total figures were 23 816 and 9 277 for Port Elizabeth and Uitenhage respectively. Labour bureaux officials in the area complained that only 44% of local employers used the bureaux, stating that this contributed to the high unemployment figure.14 A study by a Canadian economist, Robert Swidinsky of Guelph University, showed that only half the 27 000 workers who came on the SA labour market each year between 1957 and 1979 had found employment. September October November 1980 1980 1980 Total 17 220 17 260 17 300

120 Unemployment The percentage of the workforce in paid employment dropped from 56% (387 000) in 1970 to 53% (480 000) in 1979.'s In a study entitled 'Unemployment and the Informal Sector: Some Proposals', authors Professor D Dewan and Mrs V Watson recommended the broadening of traditional concepts of employment to encompass the creation of opportunities in the informal sector. A concentrated effort should be made to create opportunities for unemployed people to earn a reasonable income with whatever resources were available. They found a dangerous trend towards capital intensive as opposed to labour intensive industry. The authors recommended that a National Development Bank should be established to finance and encourage the growth of the informal sector. They also found the number of small businesses operating in Cape Town to be lower than those found in most other Third World cities. The main factors blocking this growth were legislation and finance. This had reduced the number of informal entrepreneurs, particularly hawkers, whose numbers had dropped from 3 400 in 1961 to 2 400 in 1979. A group of school leavers from Lamontville Township, Durban established the Christian Community of Youth Trust with the aim of reducing the rate of unemployment. In October the director general of the Department of Manpower, Dr P J van der Merwe, stated that the government was to spend R9m training SA's unemployed during 1981/2. Training would commence as soor as possible.16 Unemployment insurance During 1970-80 the number of employers who contributed to the Unemployment Insurance Fund rose from 85 107 to 110 665, while the number of employee contributors rose from 1,7m to 3,6m. Total contributions rose from Ri 1,7m to R85,5m. Details are given below: 1

N O14 Lt 00 l* r4 cc Unemployment insurance CD CD 00 Ln - n In~ -00 -r i co c acNn00 cc0 CDo CDc C,4 0 ,o mN r'q -0DI co CD 0 a, - cCD CD n ca ca Z 10 fl0 0 72 E E ý5

1 22 The National Manpower Commission reported that the Urban Foundation had received financial support in terms of Section 46 of the Unemployment Insurance Act to provide for a scheme to place unemployed Unemploy- contributors in employment. SEIFSA, the employer body for the iron and ment steel industry, had also received financial assistance in terms of Section 49(4) of the Act for the maintenance of a training scheme to train coninsurance tributors who were unemployed. Unemployment Insurance Amendment Act No 1 of 1981 The Amendment Act enabled certain African coal and gold miners to be included under the principal Act (No 30 of 1966) by abolishing Section 2b of that Act. The amendment applied only to workers who were not obliged to leave the Republic once their contracts expired. Thus all African coal and gold miners who were migrant workers and commuters from foreign countries and 'independent' homelands were still excluded from the provisions of the Act. Further amendments affected people applying for illness, maternity or death benefits. Previously, in order to qualify for illness benefits, a person had to have been employed as a contributor for not less than 13 weeks during the 52 weeks immediately preceding the date of unemployment. The period for application for maternity benefits was 18 weeks, and for death benefits 13 weeks in five years. In terms of the amendment such persons, on becoming unemployed, might apply for benefits even if they were no longer contributors, but providing they had been contributors for the required period at some earlier date. Second Unemployment Insurance Amendment Act No 113 of 1981 This Act revised the payment of unemployment insurance to certain categories of persons as a result of the independence of the Ciskei. In terms of the principal Act people employed outside SA or who are resident outside SA and commute to SA to work may not be contributors to the SA Unemployment Insurance Fund. As a result of the Ciskei becoming 'independent' on December 4, all Ciskeians resident in Ciskei who commute to SA to work on a contract basis or who are employed in Ciskei will cease to be contributors to the SA fund. The Amendment Act provides, however, that benefits due to such persons immediately prior to December 4 or to which a person is entitled before that date will still be paid even though the person has ceased to be a contributor to the fund. Furthermore, such persons will receive any benefits due to them in respect of unemployment for a period of three years after the date of Ciskei 'independence'. Applications for benefits will be attended to by a claims officer of the Department of Manpower as long as it reaches him before the date of expiry of the three-year period. Employers are obliged to retain the relevant wage registers of employees who are no longer contributors, and their cards are to be returned and handed to the employee on termination of service. Ciskeians resident in 'white' SA on a permanent basis will still belong to the SA fund. A government circular setting out these changes was sent to all employers concerned. The Bill in its passage through Parliament was supported by both the PFP and NRP.

MANPOWER Requirements Attention this year focussed in particular on the manpower shortage at skilled and semi-skilled levels. The National Manpower Commission gave the following details regarding the manpower shortage as at April 1979:8 Manpower Occupation Professional, semi-professional and technical workers Management, executive and administrative workers Employees working in transport delivery and communication Employees working in service capacities Artisans Apprentices Other employees Total number of employees Total No of Posts 489 629 171 931 292 795 498 054 234 859 44 979 3 632 093 5 364 340 Vacant Posts No % 21626 4,42030 1,212162 4,2 16961 9 682 1 290 50 931 114 682 It stated that job opportunities in the non-agricultural sector increased from June 1978 to June 1980 after having decreased during 1976-77 and 1977-78. Opportunities for whites increased at a slower rate than for other groups from 1970 to 1980 and were less sensitive to changes in the business cycle. The National Manpower Commission's report examined in detail the question of high level manpower (HLM). It estimated that about 667 000 persons held high-level jobs in SA in April 1980 (excluding agriculture, domestic servants and workers in Transkei and Bophuthatswana). The commission found that if all economically active persons were taken into account, only about 7,3% of the total manpower could be classified as high-level manpower - too small to meet the country's economic and social development aims. According to projections up to 1987 the proportion of Africans to whites in professional and clerical occupations was expected to increase considerably, emphasising the high demands which would be placed on the available education and training systems of the country. The table below documents the projected manpower needs for 1987 in comparison with 1977. 123 en N] in Ln 011 in - - in 124r CD o 0 Manpower . n0 needs C ell~~ ~ ~ coL r - C 10 ri *rmaLn10 oLn mn m~kiyLl,06iN 0.j m f\ý 1.0 n z - 0 --r D c en rq Ln CD~I~n ~ O il Lnrnr,IN,IN comin , c, vm. 0 \ýr in i æ nL-N nn n e . mmm O r4 C, I 0e iin Nl C I 0 irr, Cn nc N o X , - - Zoc D0K"ren enmDL C n "- Iý"f n ý C - n L ,tc t IN CD n C CD ý a) -, - In rin « - -C CD c r 0D o c-o oL co c- O 4 zCt-n , --oýO0 OO i)enn Co 6 CD cccNen CD ncýa ýo. o o 00 r4 enær.m IN 10Ne E In<4mN - - IN-r Dor L oý \4O - DC >. .O 04 rn=L 4rýMC> ýKr$C cý E n ,-It I » , C 0 0 5 m 2 -E -O0m e On (. -0o -.0< -R-iO

In outlining short-term recommendations the NMC stated that increased attention should be given to greater provision for the training of Africans at white institutions; the private sector should grant special leave to staff wanting to study further; and universities and technikons should be encouraged to introduce sandwich courses for skills upgrading. It also recommended that trained women and pensioners be used to a greater extent and that the Department of Internal Affairs give consideration to financial concessions in respect of overseas high level manpower recruited on a contract basis for specific purposes. Recommendations regarding the development, utilisation and maintenance of manpower in the medium and long term were also made. The report stated that on June 1, 1980 the training function concerning Africans had been transferred from the Department of Education and Training to the Department of Manpower as had been recommended in the NMC's first report. The report also confirmed a recommendation made in its first report that an amendment be made to the Black In-Service Training Act 1976 to provide for exemptions to permit the training of Africans at public centres erected in terms of the Act.9 Industrialists blamed the Citizens' Amendment Act introduced in 1979 for reducing the number of highly-skilled immigrants to SA. The Act made all immigrants under the age of 25 liable to two years' national service, eight 30-day camps and possible border duty after two years' residence in SA. Dr Rudolph Fockema, president of the Transvaai Chamber of Industries, said that the chamber had been negotiating with the Defence Force for two years in an attempt to have this changed. A survey of African advancement in 200 concerns by Fine, Spamer and Associates showed that only a small number of Africans had moved up the corporate hierarchy. Only 21 Africans out of a sample of 2 830 people - or 4% - were in supervisory posts. Only one quarter of the companies had committees which included Africans. Although 87% of the companies regarded themselves as equal-opportunity employers the report found that most of them failed regarding equality in income, training opportunities, access to trade unions and promotions. A new company called Black Management Forum (BMF) was formed by a group of African managers this year to improve and upgrade African managerial skills. Africans would be selected for membership and training from companies currently employing African managers, from those involved in academic activities and those not in managerial positions but who were currently employed below their natural abilities.21 Job creation An economic survey published by Sanlam estimated that SA would have to create 300 000 jobs a year this decade and 400 000 next decade to meet the expansion in the population. Each new job required a capital investment of R8 000. This meant that the country had to invest R2 500m a year to achieve full employment. However, between 1970 and 1977 more than I m workers came onto the labour market while new jobs rose by only 360 000. In another estimate, Professor F Jacobs, Dean of the University of the Witwatersrand Graduate School of Business Administration, stated that SA would have to create 8m new jobs during the next 20 years in order to ensure full employment. About 500 000 new managers and 125 Manpower needs

1,26 supervisors would have to be trained and developed to fill manpower shortages in the top job echelons. Dr J C van Zyl, executive director of the SA Federated Chamber of Job Industries, stated that a growth rate of at least 5% a year in the real gross creation domestic product would be needed to absorb the growth in the labour force. Regarding the question of job creation the National Manpower Commission recommended the following: * that the situation be monitored by the Economic Planning Branch of the Office of the Prime Minister with a view to investigating various job creation schemes; * aid in the form of technical expertise should be given to the homeland governments; * the general level of education and training of Africans should be increased; * the Department level of education and training of Africans should be increased; * the Department of Welfare should give priority to its family planning programme. Other recommendations were that the various government departments should implement the recommendations of the Riekert Commission (see 1980 Survey p 214) in order to increase labour mobility. They should also promote trade; improve the quality of service provided by employment offices; develop small businesses and the informal sector by lifting restrictions hampering growth; develop light industries, commercial and financial undertakings; and promote the establishment of a development bank." The NMC also reported an increasing tendency towards capital intensity over labour as a result of the increase in labour costs and obstacles in labour availability as a result of Section three of the Environment Planning Act.22 This section controls the ratio of African workers to white workers who may be employed in certain specified areas. Productivity The NMC report stated that production per worker increased by an average of 0,06% per year during the period 1970-79, compared with an increase of 11,9% per year in average earnings per worker. The NMC found that the productivity of SA workers, measured in terms of the GDP per capita or per economically active person, increased to a lesser extent than in other countries from 1972-79. A comparative table is given below: Growth rate 1972-1979 (%) GDP per economically Country GDP per capita active person SA 0,21 -0,18 Australia 1,66 1,14 Germany 2,58 3,00 Canada 2,35 0,67 UK 1,50 0,82 USA 2,05 0,47 (GDP at fixed 1975 prices and exchange rates in Rand)

However, a joint study undertaken by the National Productivity Institute (NPI) and the Federated Chamber of Industries (FCI) showed that productivity increased by 4,4% in 1979 and 6,5% during the first five months of 1980. It revealed that the better utilisation of labour in 1979 contributed R252,5m to the profits of the manufacturing sector, while increases in salaries and wages absorbed an amount of R127,3m. Thus the better utilisation of labour contributed approximately R125,2m to profits. General A new business-initiated manpower foundation was formed in August to take over from the government's Manpower 2 000 project. At the inaugural meeting the foundation's chairman, Mr Dennis Etheredge of Anglo American, appealed to businessmen to support the foundation, the aim of which was to co-ordinate training efforts without competing with existing organ isations.24 Artisans and apprentices The National Manpower Commission voiced alarm at the decline in the number of indentured artisans and apprentices. The table below details the situation: Apprentices registered in SA 1975-1980 Industry Trade 1975 1976 1977 1978 Aerospace 127 161 231 253 Automobile 95 69 38 52 Building 1 5971113 730 399 Coal mining 79 46 30 37 Diamond cutting 36 53 65 60 Electricity supply 76 140 178 141 Explosives and allied industries 25 63 105 43 Food (Butchery) - - - Furniture 169 168 144 102 Government undertakings 363 312 322 262 Grain milling - - - Hairdressing 304 283 353 418 jewellers and goldsmiths 61 35 61 75 Local authority (N Tvl) - Metal (Engineering) 3 662 3 576 3 638 2 936 Mining 701 989 1 017 790 Motor 1661208021631423 Printing 485 404 397 214 SARailways 1 804 1 659 1 723 1 017 Sugar manufacturing and refining 73 66 52 32 Typewriters and office machines - - - 1979 308 80 473 59 26 99 60 97 254 397 35 3 358 1 116 1 341 245 1 197 47 127 Artisans and apprentices 1980 334 129 841 77 18 101 66 149 262 360 37 81382211241286 335 1 468 37 Total 1131811217112478254919210527 The breakdown per race group of the total in the previous follows:25 Apprenticeship contracts - new contracts registered in 1 Industry White Coloured Asian Afr Aerospace 323 - 11 Automobile 59 27 8 table was as 980 ican Total - 334 35 129 ! r

128 Apprentices Apprenticeship contracts -new contracts registered in 1980 Industry Building Diamond cutting Electricity supply undertaking Explosive and allied industries Furniture Government undertakings Hairdressing Jewellers and goldsmiths Local authority undertaking Metal Mining Motor Printing SA Railways Sugar manufacturing and refining White Coloured 266 461 18 101 65 21 113 211 43 342 11 30 7 81 3 146 439 1 174 27 987 208 256 66 1 468 - 20 4 13 - 37 Total 8 568 1 406 451 82 10 507 The NMC stated that from mid-1979, when government policy was revised to make it easier for Africans to enrol as apprentices, to the end of 1980, 292 applications for the registration of African apprentices had been received. Of these 211 had been approved, with 82 of them registered. The NMC's report indicated that the number of new artisans remained fairly constant from 1975 to 1979, with a severe decrease being recorded for 1980. This is detailed below: Industry Trade Number of apprentices attaining artisan status in SA 1975 1975 1976 1977 Aerospace Automobile Building Coal mining Diamond cutting Electricity supply Explosives and allied industries Food (Butchery) Furniture Government undertakings Grain milling Hairdressing Jewellers and goldsmiths Local authority (N Tvl) Metal (Engineering) Mining Motor Printing SA Railways Sugar manufacturing and refining Typewriters and office machines Total 9688 9745 11611 9329 9754 7790 Asian 100 1 15 8 6 211 65 13 African 14 I 27 5 Total 841 18 101 66 149 262 360 37813823120112653351468 -1980 415 1 1 836 19 114 88 27 3 220 290 231 14 2 219 510 1 798 502 1 363 31 7 390 5 1 416 17 63 103 45 1 233 267 12 598 24 2 359 514 1 689 439 1 500 30 40 210 19 1 732 24 43 107 87 166 279 226 52 4 194 641 2 003 453 1 316 59 1978 130 35 1 241 38 40 90 36 151 289 212 53 3 037 728 1 406 325 1 470 48 1979 207 51 1 012 51 30 149 41 112 351 227 40 3 125 1 016 1 305 303 1 661 73 1980 227 38 579 33 24 116 56 123 203 296 35 13 2 607 724 1 328 312 1 025 51

The Commission noted a disturbing decrease in the number of apprenticeship contracts in operation from a peak of 37 743 in 1973 to 28 911 in 1980 - a decline of 23,4%. In terms of the Training of Artisans Act of 1951 provision is made for the training of persons other than minors who lacked the opportunity of becoming apprentices. The total numbers trained were 170, 158 and 147 for the years 1978, 1979 and 1980 respectively. In terms of Section 7 of the Act, provision is also made for the issuing of trade certificates to persons other than trainees or apprentices who passed their trade test mainly as a result of practical experience. In 1980, 1 471 such certificates were granted compared with 1 338 in 1979. Section 6 of the Act allows for the issuing of certificates of proficiency to persons on the grounds of their long practical experience in their respective trades. Three hundred and four such certificates were granted in 1980. Concern was expressed in a number of quarters over the segregation in training of the different race groups. In his annual statement Mr H Oppenheimer, Chairman of Anglo American, criticised the government's policy of training workers for skilled jobs in racially segregated institutions. He stated that there was a surplus of places at 'well equipped technical colleges and technikons for whites at a time when there was a critical shortage of such facilities for Africans'. He also stated that the facilities being provided for Africans were probably not equal - serving to strengthen the white unions' unwillingness to accept African apprentices from such colleges.216 The Highveld Steel Corporation, one of the largest employers in the steel industry,, stated that companies would have to look to their own resources to provide theoretical training for African apprentices because of the government's stand on 'mixed' education. The company stated that it was refused permission by the Department of National Education to make use of the white Witbank Technical College for African apprenticeship training. This was contrary to the Wiehahn Commission (part 4) recommendation, accepted by the government, that existing training facilities be used where there were no separate facilities for Africans.27 Available training facilities for the training of Africans as artisans were as follows:"' 129 Apprentices Trade Welders Electricians Carpenters Motor mechanics Blaster Bricklayers Painters and glaziers Leather workers Plumbers Tailors Upholsterers and motor trimmers Motor-body repairmen Watchmakers Fitters At how many colleges/ institutes offered 12 10 13 14 13 7 2 12 3 6 9 1 1 Numbers of Students 1979 1980 299 297 294 306 303 281 458 413 377 63 36 245 62 112 210 39 18

130 Mr Dick Goss, managing director of South African Breweries, stated that the private sector would have to help the government train the 130 000 apprentices needed over the next eight years. This would require Manpower 27 training centres at an estimated cost of R67,5m.' train ing Manpower Training Act No 56 of 1981 This year a new Manpower Training Act passed through Parliament. The Act merged and adapted the following Acts in accordance with the government's rationalisation policy: the Apprenticeship Act (1944); the Training of Artisans Act (1951); the Black Employees In-Service Training Act (1976) and the In-Service Training Act (1979). The Act places greater responsibility for training and retraining on the shoulders of the private sector. Scope In a departure from previous practice, domestic workers, gardeners and workseekers may receive training in terms of the Act. The Act excludes students and pupils (apart from apprentices or trainees, or any other person who is receiving training under the Act), and training undertaken by the SA Defence Force. Training in any mining activities is excluded from those provisions in the Act which allow for concessions in respect of training expenses. However, the Minister of Manpower may, with the concurrence of the Minister of Finance and the Minister of Mineral and Energy Affairs, by way of notice in the Government Gazette declare any of these provisions applicable to the mining industry. National Training Board The Act makes provision for a National Training Board with members to be appointed from state, employer, and employee representatives (as many as the minister may determine). The period of office shall be determined by the minister and the chairman and vice-chairman shall be fulltime members of the board. The board will supersede the existing National Apprenticeship Board, the Co- ordinating Council for In-Service Training of Black Employers and the Council for In-Service Training. Its functions are to advise the minister with regard to policy matters arising out of provisions of the Act. Registrar of Manpower training In terms of the Act the minister may appoint a Registrar of Manpower Training. His functions include, inter alia, the registration of contracts of apprenticeship, of group training centres and private training centres and the granting of training concessions for courses which are offered at such centres or under such schemes. Provision is also made for the appointment of assistant registrars. Apprenticeship training Regulations regarding apprenticeship training remain much the same as in the previous Act. However, the procedure whereby proposed conditions of apprenticeship are first published for objection in the Government Gazette has been abolished because it delays unnecessarily the putting into effect of new conditions of apprenticeship.

Training of adults 131 The minister may, with the concurrence of the Minister of Finance and after consultation with the board or any other minister, make arrangements for the training of persons who are not apprentices or minors in Manpower any trade or occupation if he is satisfied that it is within the public inter- training est. This applies to adults only and already exists in the Training of Artisans Act. Group training centres Provision is made for the registration of group training centres upon the request of a group or association of employers in a particular industry and area. The Minister of Manpower may, at the request of the governing body of the centre and after consultation with the board, impose a levy on employers to defray the expenses which are necessary to construct a registered group training centre. Such centres may train employees, unemployed people and employers. Persons who are not engaged or employed in the industry and areas where a training centre has been established may make use of the centre. Public centres established in terms of the Black Employees' In-Service Training Act 1976 may also be used for group training. Training provided for in terms of industrial council agreements is excluded from the sections on group training centres. Employers may receive tax concessions in respect of training costs. Other training centres Any person conducting a training centre, other than a group training centre, at which training is given to employees of other persons, may have the centre registered as a private training centre. Employers whose employees are so trained will be entitled to tax concessions. Section 33 states that no person, other than an industrial council, educational institution, or registered trade union, employers' organisation or federation may give training in labour relations at a private training centre unless the centre is registered as such. This means that unregistered unions will have to register their courses on labour relations. An employer conducting a scheme for the training of his own employees may apply for the registration of such a scheme, and will also qualify for tax concessions. Section 35 provides that the minister may award grants-in-aid to employers conducting a training scheme in an economic development area (i.e. growth point, etc). Workseekers The minister, after consultation with the training board, may make arrangements for the training of workseekers. Manpower development fund Provision is also made for the establishment of a manpower development fund which, by way of loans, may grant assistance to training schemes registered in terms of the Act, or provided for under an industrial council agreement. The fund will be financed from moneys appropriated by Parliament, interest on loans and other money, e.g. donations.

132 Employer levies The minister, after consultation with the National Training Board, may impose a levy on employers generally or on any category of employers Manpower for the financing of any training scheme not specifically provided for in training the Act. Training advisers The Act makes provision for the appointment of officers as training advisers and other persons who may perform the duties of advisers. Such advisers are given wide powers of inspection to ensure that registration and other procedures have been complied with and to conduct investigations into the effectiveness of any training, or any other matter in relation to training. Certain other provisions relate to appeals to the minister, the keeping of records, exemption, prohibition of victimisation, secrecy, levy of penalties, and civil legal remedies and regulations. While welcoming the Bill in general, Dr A Boraine (PFP) criticised as limiting the clause which makes it compulsory for unregistered unions to register before they can run a course in labour relations. He also criticised the government's policy of separate provision for the training of different population groups and urged the government to open training facilities to all races. He suggested that technical training should fall under the Department of Manpower. Guidance and Placement Act No 62 of 1981 This Act allows for the establishment of both public guidance and placement centres and private registry offices. It repeals the Registration of Employment Act No 34 of 1945 which governed the registration of workseekers other than Africans. It also includes and widens provisions relating to private employment offices, previously contained in the Industrial Conciliation Act No 78 of 1956. The relevant sections in that Act have been abolished. Private registry offices under the latter Act were for white and coloured people only. Placement centres Provision is made for the institution of placement centres for various categories of workseekers, for example professional persons, skilled artisans, unskilled persons etc. The word 'category' may also refer to population groups, age groups and sex. The functions of a centre will be to provide guidance to workseekers in the choice of a vocation, maintain a register of workseekers, place workseekers in employment and help employers in the selection of staff. The Minister of Manpower or an officer may appoint any other person to carry out these functions. In this way provision is made for the authorisation of personnel of administration boards to perform these functions. Workseekers may voluntarily register at such an office and on registration will be given a registration card. A registered workseeker has to notify the officer concerned that he has found employment within seven days of obtaining such employment. If he has not found work he must inform the officer concerned of this fact on or before the tenth day of each month after the month during 133 which he was registered. Failure to comply with these provisions is an offence. An employer who employs a workseeker referred to him has to in- Workseekers form the officer of this within seven days. Failure to do so constitutes an offence. Employers who operate within the area of a placement centre must also, when requested by the minister, furnish the officer with particulars of the people he has employed and of vacancies. Failure to do so is an offence. This clause is to facilitate the collection of data for the minister's biennial manpower survey. School lea vers It is compulsory for a school principal of a school situated in the area of a centre to provide the officer, when requested, with information regarding pupils who have left or intend leaving school. Any principal of a school controlled by a private person or association who fails to do so will be guilty of an offence. Advisory employment boards Provision is made for the establishment of advisory employment boards by the minister by notice in the gazette. The boards will perform functions in relation to matters affecting the employment, welfare and supervision of any specified category of workseeker within that area. Provision is made for the composition of these boards on the basis of onethird employer representatives, one-third employee representatives, and one-third representatives of educational and social interests. Further clauses deal with procedures to be followed at meetings of the boards; the establishment of committees to investigate specific matters; and the functions of the boards. Private registry offices Previously, compulsory registration applied only to private undertakings which found employment for workseekers who paid for the service. The Act now also applies compulsory registration to organisations established for gain which find employees for employers. Whether or not registration is granted depends solely on the discretion of the Director General of Manpower. He may also cancel or amend the certificate of registration if the provisions of the Act subject to which the certificate was issued have not been complied with. There is a right of appeal to the minister against the decision of the Director General. Other sections relate to the keeping of records, duties of inspectors, powers of exemption etc. In discussing the Bill in Parliament, the Minister of Manpower stated that the guidance and placement centres would, as far as possible, be staffed by suitable officials of the Department of Manpower, and located where they could be reached by employers and workers with a minimum of inconvenience. He stated that 38 full-time and 16 part-time agencies were run by the government. He said that, where necessary, the government planned to make use of the expertise and experience of administration board officials for the provision of vocational guidance and infor-

134 mation for Africans at points conveniently situated for them. Twenty professional posts would be created to provide a vocational guidance service for Africans. The PFP in general supported the Bill. However, it obLabour jected to the clause allowing the minister to establish centres for certain controls 'categories' as this could be used racially.' Mr H van Rensburg, PFP, while welcoming the compulsory registra. tion of such centres, suggested that such control should be exercised by a central employers' organisation rather than the government. Mr P Myburgh, PFP, voiced concern at the role administration boards were to play, stating that they did not enjoy the confidence and trust of young African workseekers. The boards had an image of 'intolerance and bureaucratic action', and were seen as the 'administrative farm of the government' under whose rule the African had not been allowed to develop his full potential in SA.3 The minister in response stated that if the system of using the boards failed, another plan would be devised. Regulations in terms of the Act were published in Government Gazette 7935 of November 30. Inter alia the regulations set out fees to be charged by private employment offices. These were set at a maximum of RI as well as 7,5% of the workseeker's salary if he/she obtained employment through the office. No fee would be payable for a subsequent registration within 90 days of the day on which the first fee was paid. The office might not charge the workseeker for an advertisement placed by it unless authorised to do so by the workseeker. The person in charge of such an office must submit a record of the persons placed in employment to a designated officer on or before January 10 each year. LABOUR CONTROLS Migrant labour The following workers from SA, independent homelands and foreign states were registered as at June 30 in each category of work defined in the regulations promulgated in terms of the Black Labour Act:2 SA Transkei Bophuthatswana Foreign Agriculture 709083 80010 82384 16881 Miningandquarrying 471699 172575 75073 219752 Manufacturing 726 969 64 756 86 149 9 138 Construction 376 624 53089 42950 7433 Wholesale and retail trade 386 359 27 540 64 154 4 274 Government services 506 094 55 673 63 247 7 366 Domestic services 712 560 64 613 133 513 14 599 Other 376350 31448 65933 7800 The Minister of Co-operation and Development gave the following figures for the number per sector of foreign workers from each country registered as working in SA:33

L. - , -ý C)- )ý Lf -N rý L)1 0 E *r o o .0n Ll -i eN CD N 10 Ln Nn'l r" in0 r4 00 0)e N- - f4n eN 0' l'O ý0 C -" r14e Lfl ý1 - C; - r,) c n iý n r". o n oý en ~t iý e-n"rrnr"C~~rnen'00. CO.0 nrCDin":- C- r,, '.Y .0 en eN en'0iLn r"N r', ,t 0Ln M M N C,4 r,) r1 n lco r-,in ,4= 0DCD.0t0 nr-, c n - ':t CD0 >E o - 135 Foreign workers .Fu M~ in

1 36 Dr Koornhof, Minister of Co-operation and Development, gave figures in Parliament showing that most of the 'citizens' of homelands worked outside these areas either as commuters or migrants or on a perMigrant manent basis. The figures were as follows:34 workers Numbers from homelands working in SA Migrants Commuters Ciskei 47 000 37 000 KwaZulu 300 000 400 600 Gazankulu 300 000 7 800 Lebowa 139000 57900 KaNgwane 33 100 35 000 QwaQwa 35 000 2 500 The numbers employed within each of these homelands are given below:" Ciskei 21 807 KwaZulu 58 895 Gazankulu 15 685 Lebowa 47 327 KaNgwane 7 767 QwaQwa 6 872 The number of contract workers in the Cape Peninsula was 17 591 as at 1980.36 A four-day conference of the Southern African Labour Commission comprising representatives from seven Southern African states and three liberation movements was held in May to discuss ways of ending migrant labour from these countries to SA. The countries represented were Zimbabwe, Swaziland, Botswana, Lesotho, Mozambique, Malawi and Zambia. Also present were representatives from the African National Congress (ANC), Pan African Congress (PAC) and the South West African People's Organisation (SWAPO). Sources from the SA mining industry, which recruits the largest number of migrants, stated that a decision by these countries to withdraw their labour would not be critical as SA now recruited 60% of its labour from within SA. In the past the percentage had been 40%. Deferred pay and other remittances earned by miners to the foreign states and the homelands stood at R200m. In February this year Zimbabwe declined to renew the recruiting permit of the Chamber of Mines' recruiting body, The Employment Bureau of Africa (TEBA), thus bringing to a halt recruitment of Zimbabweans for the SA mines. A statement issued in February by Dr Nathan Shamuyarira, Zimbabwean Minister of Information, said that his government was opposed to Zimbabweans working in SA, although it would not prevent them coming to the Republic to seek work as individuals. In response, the SA government issued a circular dated July 13 to chief commissioners stating that contracts of Zimbabweans should not be renewed when they expired. Zimbabweans who had lived and worked in SA since 1958 for one employer or since 1953 for a number of employers would not be affected by the repatriation decision.

In commenting on its decision a SA government spokesman said it 1 37 was unacceptable to have workers in SA without the consent of their government. In February there were approximately 20 000 African Zimbabweans living in SA.37. Migrant By October 10, 140 Zimbabweans had been repatriated. The repa- workers triation of 1 462 who had either been employed since 1953 for various employers or for one employer since 1958 had been suspended.,, In explaining the instructions governing the suspension of repatriation of workers from other countries, the Minister of Co-operation and Development stated that Africans from Botswana, Lesotho or Swaziland who had been in lawful employment since before July 1, 1963 could remain in employment and were not obliged to return to their country every two years to renew their contracts. Africans from Mo(ambique qualified for suspension of repatriation on a five- yearly basis if they could produce proof that they had been continuously employed in the Republic by more than one employer at least since January 1953 or by one employer since 1958. A Mo(ambican who had been in registered employment since before 1966 could work in the Republic on contract periods of 18 months. Mrs H Suzman, (PFP), asked the minister to make sure that administration board and immigration officials were aware of these rulings. " The SA Catholic Bishops' Conference drew up the following Charter of Rights for migrant workers:"0 Migrants should have the right * to live wherever they pleased, according to their means; * to be decently housed and to maintain their families and bring up their children in comfort and security; * to a just and human condition of life, materially and spiritually; * to be treated as humans and not merely as instruments of production; * to compete in the open labour market; * to form trade unions; * to enjoy the same benefits as other workers. The International Labour Organisation (ILO) released a plan to end SA's migrant worker system and speed up the collapse of apartheid. If successfully implemented'it would take 15 years to withdraw the migrant workers from SA and another eight years to complete a resettlement programme to minimise financial losses either to the workers or the countries to which much of the workers' earnings were remitted. The project would be underwritten by a R300m back-up fund financed by all but the poorest of the United Nations member countries. The fund would be used to finance the immediate withdrawal of all migrants if the SA government refused to co-operate. The plan evisaged the establishment of an association which would exercise control over the number of migrants entering SA as the 1 5-year withdrawal process was taking place; and the imposition of an employment levy on SA companies relying on migrant labour. The plan, stated the ILO, would not only lead to a greater degree of economic independence in supplier countries, but their political independence from SA would also be reinforced. It would also strengthen the hand of SA Africans in dealing with apartheid."

138 Coloured labour preference area Coloured labour preference area The Minister of Co-operation and Development stated in Parliament that over the past four years applications for the employment of more than 10 000 Africans in the Western Cape had been refused in terms of the government's coloured labour preference policy.42 The figure for 1980 was 2 866, while 224 applications affecting 858 Africans were refused during the first six months of 1981 ." Numerous appeals were made to the government to revise this policy. In an interim report on the economic potential of the Western Cape, the Stellenbosch Bureau for Economic Research advised the government that almost all restrictions on African migrant workers in the Western Cape should be lifted, and facilities provided for prolonged visits by the wives of such workers. The National Manpower Commission (NMC) had also examined the issue and had submitted its recommendations (unpublished) to the Interdepartmental Committee on Labour in the Western Cape, which in turn submitted recommendations to the relevant cabinet committee. The NMC stated that in drawing up its recommendations it took into account the discriminatory nature of the policy, and the fact that it could not be reconciled with the retention of the free market system.44 Mr K M Andrew (PFP) stated in Parliament that despite the government's coloured labour preference policy employment of African's in the Western Cape had trebled on average from 1968 to 1974. A survey conducted in 1977-78 had shown that nearly 50% of the people from Transkei and Ciskei who came to the Cape Peninsula to seek work had no land or livestock in the homelands and no other source of income or food.45 The government, however, indicated that it was not prepared as yet to revise the policy, and that regulations designed to keep 'illegal' Africans out of the Western Cape were to be tightened. Speaking in Parliament, the Minister of Co-operation and Development stated that existing legislation in respect of the Western Cape was not adequate to prevent 'illegal' Africans from entering the area and that investigations were under way to set a minimum fine for offenders rather than a maximum fine only (R500 for first offenders) as at present.6 SECTORAL EMPLOYMENT Manufacturing Statistics The average numbers employed monthly and average monthly wages for workers in the manufacturing industry for June 1981 and the percentage changes over June 1980 are as follows:47 Average numbers employed 322 500 252 700 92 000 801 200 change 3,0 14,8 3,4 4,3 Average monthly wages R 1 079 298 340 259 White Coloured Asian African change 20,6 24,1 21,1 24,5

Industrial decentralisation The annual report of the Board for the Decentralisation of Industry (January 1- December 31, 1980) stated that recommendations on how to improve and amend decentralisation incentives were being examined by a study group of the Special Constellation Committee under the guidance of the Governor of the Reserve Bank, Dr G de Kock. The report also stated that the government was examining the Riekert Report recommendation on the repeal of Section 3 of the Environment Planning Act which controls the number of Africans who may be employed in certain controlled areas and its substitution by alternative measures. A Bill introduced in 1980 to repeal Section 3 was later withdrawn, the government stating at the time that it would not repeal the section until 'new' control measures had been 'introduced'. The report stated that with the upsurge in the economy during 1980, better results concerning the decentralisation of business concerns could have been achieved than was the case. Lack of interest on the part of employers was due to higher transport costs and the greater attractiveness of the metropolitan areas. The Board considered 260 applications for assistance during 1980, of which 247 were approved. The breakdown is as follows: Applications approved (i) In homelands Outside homelands 1980 60 187 139 Industrial decentralisation 1979 79 137 Total 247 216 (ii) New undertakings 111 90 Expansion of already decentralised industries 114 88 Moves from metropolitan to decentralised areas 22 38 Total 247 216 Applications for housing loans, railage rebates and the reimbursement of removals costs were also considered. If all projects were established or expanded as planned the employment in the second year of establishment or expansion would be as follows: White In homelands Outside homelands African In homelands Outside homeland 1980 127520010751124451466098 1979 766 312 454 11 417 5 827 5 590

140 Industrial decentralisation Coloured and Indian In homelands Outside homelands 1980 4 828 5 4 823 1979 2 940 11 2 929 At the business leaders' conference in November, the Prime Minister released a report of a Cabinet Committee, the Working Group for Economic Affairs, which set out a new strategy for decentralisation.4" The development proposals aimed at correcting the present overdevelopment of the four main metropolitan areas, viz, the Pretoria/ Witwatersrand/Vereeniging Triangle, the Durban/Pinetown area, the Cape Peninsula and Uitenhage, which together account for about 75% of the country's industrial employment and production. Total net industrial production amounted to R8 000m of which R6 116m came from the four major areas. Total employment in industry was about 1,3m persons of whom 983 000 worked in the four industrial core areas. Only 13% of the income of homeland Africans was generated internally. The homelands were able to absorb only 28% of the labour supply which they generated. The report stated that the decentralisation of industries would become an important factor in the next 20 years and it predicted that 110 000 jobs which would normally have been created in the Pretoria/Witwatersrand/Vereeniging, (PWV) region would be located in decentralised areas if its recommendations were accepted. It stated further that up to 350 000 job opportunities would be created in areas designated as 'deconcentration points' over the next two decades representing up to 25% of all new employment opportunities in the PWV region. The most important contribution to this was expected to be made in the Springs-Brakpan area with 130 000 new employment opportunities, Bronkhorstspruit with 100 000, Rosslyn 60 000 and Brits about 35 000. The African component of these employment opportunities would amount to between 75% and 80%. The relative importance of the central Witwatersrand would progressively decline and its share of employment opportunities would decrease from 51% to 42% by the end of the century. The report proposed dividing the country into eight development regions with differing development priorities in order of decreasing importance. These were: Eastern Cape - Ciskei - Transkei; Natal- KwaZulu - Transkei; Northern Transvaal - Venda- parts of Lebowa and Gazankulu; Western Cape; Western Transvaal- Northern Cape Bophuthatswana; Orange Free State - QwaQwa - Bophuthatswana (ThabaNchu); Eastern Transvaal - KaNgwane - parts of Lebowa and Gazankulu, PWV area. Within these broad regions, the report isolated proposed 'deconcentration points' adjacent to the existing metropolitan area to which industrial growth could be deconcentrated to lessen the pressure of over concentration in the metropolitan areas as well as 21 industrial development points. (See section on Economic Development of the Homelands for further information.) It outlined a new incentive programme to encourage industrial and economic development in these areas, to be accompanied by the abolition of Section 3 of the Environment Planning Act. Incentives would differ in accordance with the needs of the different areas.

Iron, steel, engineering and metallurgical industries 141 The following figures give the average number of persons employed in various sectors in these industries for the year 1980 and the percentage changes over 1979:" Iron, steel, engineering Average numbers % employed change Basic metal White 46 600 2,0 Coloured 2 800 21,7 Asian 1 400 16,7 African 69 700 3,0 Metal products White 32 400 3,5 Coloured 14 800 7,2 Asian 2 900 3,6 African 86 800 2,5 Machinery White 29 700 1,0 Coloured 7 100 16,4 Asian 2 400 14,3 African 42 500 3,7 Electrical White 22 100 1,4 Coloured 14 200 14,5 Asian 3 100 19,2 African 33 400 7,7 Farmers expressed opposition to the government's plan to build a new industrial growth point north of Bronkhorstspruit. This would incorporate the building of a massive township for Africans. Planners hoped that the growth point would aid in the development arc extending from Middelburg to Rustenburg. Speaking at the annual conference of the SA Council for Professional Engineers, Mr Kotze, Minister of Community Development, said that the engineering profession was desperately short of staff, with universities supplying only 35% of the required 2 000 graduates per year."° In 1975 there were 690 first-year engineering students, but only 300 in 1979. The estimate figure for 1981-82 was 250.51 Department of Statistics estimates of the average monthly wages for workers of the different race groups in 1980 and the percentage changes over 1979 are given below: Average monthly wages % R change Basic metal White 1 043 17,9 Coloured 510 9,2 Asian 623 16,0 African 278 17,8

142 Average monthly wages % R change Iron, steel, Metal products engineering White 970 19,3 Coloured 358 17,0 Asian 395 21,5 African 254 21,5 Machinery White 1 033 20,5 Coloured 462 25,5 Asian 452 18,3 African 295 19,4 Electrical White 963 21,7 Coloured 315 15,8 Asian 432 19,7 African 292 21,7 Wage increases ranging from 15% for skilled workers to 22% for unskilled workers were granted to about 500 000 workers in the industry as from May 1. At the request of unions in the industry the increases were awarded earlier than the usual date of July 1 in order to counteract the effects of inflation. Higher increases at the lower skill levels were aimed at meeting the rise in the cost of living for African workers. The agreement also provided for 'similar across-the-board' percentage increases in actual wages, with improvements in holiday and livingout allowances. A new agreement was ratified in October between the employer body, the Steel and Engineering Industries Federation of SA (SEIFSA), and registered unions in the industry which set out criteria by which nonapprentices might become artisans. The agreement replaced the journeyman recognition scheme, which allowed non-apprentices to become artisans and was negotiated before Africans were permitted to do skilled work. Unlike the old agreement, the new agreement required applicants to have an agreed educational level and to pass a trade test before they could become artisans. These criteria were introduced after demands by the unions for safeguards aimed at 'preserving artisan standards'. It was felt by critics, however, that the educational requirements would prevent many African workers from acquiring artisan status. The number of unions represented on the industrial council for the steel industry rose to 14, of which six represented African workers -four being new unions and two existing unions that had opened their membership to Africans. Clothing industry The Department of Statistics gave the following estimates for the number of workers employed in the clothing industry, and average wages per race group for 1980, and the percentage changes over 1979:

Average 143 Average monthly numbers % wages % employed change R change Clothing White 6 300 no change 815 19,9 industry Coloured 43700 2,8 172 12,4 Asian 29 300 3,4 189 18,9 African 23 200 4,1 107 10,3 As from April, clothing workers in the Transvaal received wage increases ranging from 11,5% for qualified workers to 71% for some learner categories. Beginners' minimum wages increased from R1 2 to Ri 7 per week (40%). All workers received, in addition, across-the-board increases of 11,5% of the minimum prescribed wages in their wage categories. The agreement was the result of special talks held in March. The unions had demanded that the negotiations should take place before the scheduled date in July to counter the effects of inflation. The 4% increase due in July in terms of previous negotiations fell away. Dr A Scheepers, president of the Garment Workers' Union, stated that she was not satisfied with the increases. She condemned the low wages paid in border areas where employers were exempt from all wage regulating determinations. She said that some employers at Thaba 'Nchu in the Orange Free State were paying R3 to Ri0 a week in 1980.2 At a special industrial council meeting in May an increase of 7,5% as from July 10 was awarded to the 56 000 workers in the Cape clothing industry. Due to the rate of inflation the unions had asked for increases earlier than the planned negotiations. A further increase of 7,5% in December followed by a 7,5% increase six months later was negotiated later in the year. The chairman of the industrial council for the clothing industry said that the increase would place an 'additional RI 7,5m into the workers' pockets' from the commencement of the annual holiday period. An across-the-board increase of 12,5% of the minimum wage was granted to clothing workers in the Orange Free State and Northern Cape as from October 1. In July an interim increase of 11,5% was granted to all clothing workers in the Eastern Province. The wages of a qualified machinist would increase from R33,03 to R33,39 per week. As a result of worker unrest over the government's proposed pension legislation, the Transvaal clothing industry's industrial council decided to allow workers to resign from the clothing industry's pension fund and withdraw their benefits. The decision followed a walkout of 2 000 workers from a meeting of the National Union of Clothing Workers after the general secretary, Mrs L Mvubelo, had supported the continued existence of the fund. Workers were given until October 2 to resign from the fund. If they resigned they would have to wait until April 1982 to receive their money and would have to continue to contribute to the fund until February 1982. Dr Scheepers urged the workers to remain in the fund. She stated that the establishment of the fund more than 20 years ago had been a breakthrough for the union and that workers with 30 years' service in the industry stood to lose over R500 if they liquidated their provident fund money."

144 Textiles The following table gives the average number of persons employed and average monthly wages per race group in the textile manufacturing inTextiles dustry for 1980, and percentage changes over 1979:1' and motor industries Average Average monthly numbers % wages % employed change R change White 10 100 2,0 917 18,6 Coloured 22 900 5,5 217 14,8 Asian 8 800 6,0 291 20,7 African 73 400 2,1 173 22,7 All knitting workers falling under the industrial council for the knitting industry received a 10% increase on July 1, with a further 10% increase due in January 1982. The increases were granted after the Garment Workers' Union had persuaded Transvaal Knitters' Association that the 7% originally agreed upon would be insufficient in view of the rise in the cost of living. Motor industry The chairman of the Automobile Manufacturers Employers' Organisation (AMEO), Mr Rod Ironside, stated that white employment in semi-skilled categories in the motor industry increased by 27% in 1980 - mostly in the Eastern Cape showing that the principle of equal opportunity was being accepted. This was based on a report by the Institute of Labour Relations of the University of SA (UNISA) which showed that employment in the motor industry increased by 14,3% from 1978 to 1980 and that 91,7% of the new jobs were filled by blacks. The overall percentage increase was less than the increase in motor vehicle sales and showed that productivity in the industry had increased over previous levels. Mr Ironside stated that the wages of blacks had increased on average by 25,8%, closing the gap between them and whites by about 15%. He said that although whites still made up the bulk of the managerial and sales categories, black employment here had increased by 120% since 1978, and by 80% in the office and clerical category forming 45% of total employment in this category. In the supervisor or foreman category, black employment grew from 14,1 % to 24,2%.11 Firestone's chief executive Mr Peter Morum, announced that over the following 15 months about 500 semi-skilled jobs costing R27,5m would be created through the proposed expansion of the company. About RI 7,5m would be allocated for the development of the company's Port Elizabeth plant, and the balance would be spent on tyre-building equipment at the company's Brits factory.5 It was estimated that about 1 500 new jobs would be created in the Western Cape in 1982/3 as a result of planned expansion of the Leyland Company's plant at Elsies River.7 UCDD announced that its decision to produce Honda cars at its East London factory would lead to the creation of about 750 new jobs, mainly for African workers. The expansion would require an investment of R1 4m. 8

It was estimated that about 1 000 new jobs would be created by the 145 planned R100m expansion of the Car Distributors Assembly plant (CDA) in East London.9 Many of the large motor companies, such as Volkswagen and Ford, Printing recruited skilled workers overseas because of the shortage in SA. industry Datsun announced that a locally made sports car had been assembled by a team of fourteen African artisans. Printing industry The average numbers employed and average wages per race group for 1980, and the percentage changes over 1979 were as follows:60 Average Average monthly numbers % wages % employed change R change White 19 600 0,5 776 19,4 Coloured 10200 8,5 380 18,8 Asian 2400 4,3 401 11,4 African 11 100 11,0 266 18,8 Six African journalists employed by SAPA were retrenched from October as a result of the closing down of the agency's homelands' service. In a statement, the Media Workers' Association of SA (MWASA) accused SAPA of racial discrimination in that it had retained the services of the white heads of the homelands' service. Mrs E Mashinini, general secretary of the Commercial, Catering and Allied Workers' Union, decried advertisements appearing in SAAN newspapers for children to deliver newspapers. She claimed that the move was aimed at depriving union members of jobs and replacing them with 'cheaper child labour'.61 In March, the Commercial, Catering and Allied Workers' Union negotiated increases ranging from 17,5% to 33% for more than 1 600 employees of the Allied Publishing Company. The increases came into effect on March 18. The lowest weekly wage after the increase was R42,50 compared to R22 a week in January 1980 before the union commenced negotiating on behalf of the workers. Staff who had started work with Allied before the beginning of the year would receive minimum increases of 19,5%. In addition some employees would receive Sunday allowances adding an average of 10% to their pay packets. Those who did not receive Sunday allowances would get a minimum pay increase of 20%. Workers in the lowest category who had joined the company before the beginning of the year would receive a 35% increase, and the minimum increase in wages for workers joining since then would be 17,5% plus allowances. In some instances hours of work were reduced from 48 hours to 46 per week, and in others from 46 to 44 hours. In November the South African Society of Journalists (SASJ), which represented 780 journalists and other editorial workers on 19 newspapers, declared a dispute with the newspaper employers over pay demands. The employers had rejected a demand that senior journalists should be given a 25% increase at least. Junior journalists had received a

146 Manufactur- 43% rise earlier in the year placing them on a similar salary scale to that of teachers. However, management offered senior journalists a minimum 18% pay increase, with an additional 7% to be added on to salaries at the discretion of the editors. The SASJ complained that while refusing the increase the Argus company had increased earnings attributable to ordinary shareholders by 74,4% from R4,4m to R7,6m. The company's interim dividend was raised by 33% and its share price almost doubled over the year. In 1981 the projected after-tax operating profit of SAAN was R9,5m. As a result of dissatisfaction with management's offer, journalists at a number of newspapers embarked on a work-to-rule. They were Ilanga, Post (Natal), Sunday Tribune, Daily News- all members of the Argus group; the Sunday Times, Sunday Express and Rand Daily Mail - all members of SAAN. Journalists on the Argus newspapers The Star and The Argus agreed in principle to join the work-to-rule but did not implement the decision. After two weeks of the work-to-rule management modified its offer. It offered the lower one-third of senior journalists a 22% increase, a further 14% of senior journalists a 20% increase, and the remainder the 18% originally offered. This was accepted by the SASJ. Other manufacturing The average numbers employed and average monthly wages for 1980 and the percentage changes over 1979 in various other industries are given below:62 Average numbers employed 24 100 28 200 10 100 109 900 Food White Coloured Asian African Beverages White Coloured Asian African Tobacco White Coloured Asian African Leather White Coloured Asian African 7 300 4 500 600 21 200 1 600 900 2 600 2 600 600 4 000 800 4 900 change 2,6 1,0 6,3 2,2 4,3 9,6 20,0 5,0 6,7 no change no change no change no change 2,6 no change 14,0 Average monthly wages R 837 199 323 175 896 254 481 245 973 321 257 834 192 218 171 change 15,8 18,5 14,5 16,7 14,5 25,7 4,1 19,5 25,0 33,8 23,0 19,1 8,5 29,0 11,0

Average numbers employed Footwear White Coloured Asian African Wood and cork White Coloured Asian African Furniture White Coloured Asian African Paper and products White Coloured Asian African Chemical White Coloured Asian African Rubber products White Coloured Asian African 20001120078004100 4 200 8 000 600 39 500 4 900 10 700 3 300 13 500 71005700350018000 32 700 9 000 3 100 52 800 370020001100 12 600 Plastic products White 5 800 Coloured 5 900 Asian 1 600 African 12 500 Non-metallic mineral products White 13 800 Coloured 9 300 Asian 1 500 African 64 600 change - 4,8 4,7 no change 20,6 5,0 2,6 no change 4,5 6,5 3,9 13,8 14,4 2,9 1,8 9,4 3,4 3,2 11,1 3,3 4,8 - 2,6 17,6 10,0 4,1 3,6 11,3 - 5,9 5,0 3,8 3,3 15,4 3,5 Average monthly wages R 730 223 257 208 839 157 332 106 820 267 309 213 995 303 381 286 1 020 329 509 307 979 439 376 294 1 075 306 298 257 972 220 325 203 147 change Manufactur21,1 ing 14,9 20,1 11,2 11,4 13,8 33,9 9,3 15,0 9,9 15,3 11,5 16,6 20,2 14,1 14,9 17,6 19,2 28,9 23,3 20,4 37,6 20,1 30,1 22,2 11,3 17,8 19,0 22,3 31,7 10,2 20,8 Indian Industrial Development Corporation The table below gives details of the applications for assistance by the Indian Industrial Corporation for the four years to June 30, 1981 :63 z 0 Ln a c C" Lflnf r' - rn inl ,t- o3, C,4 000 e~ n C4N. cN (n CN rlCD r,] ILn frn r, qjæ L. E 2j 148 Indian Industrial Development Corporation c~Ii i I I "C-ý (=) r,4 - -

To June 1981 the Corporation and its subsidiaries recorded a pre-tax 149 operating surplus of R164 000. The accumulated surplus as at June 30, 1981 amounted to RI 35 000. With a view to alleviating the problems encountered by small entre- Mining preneurs, the Corporation undertook two projects - one in Lenasia (Transvaal) and one in the decentralised area of Verulam (Natal). Construction work on the Verulam project (to cost RI,5m) commenced in April, and it was expected that it would provide employment opportunities for approximately 300 people. (ISDC Annual Report 1980-81) Mining industry Manpower The mining statistics report of the Department of Mines gave the following figures for workers employed in mining for the year 1980: Gold % Coal % All % mines change mines change mines change White 43868 5,7 22067 9,6 117142 4,6 Coloured 962 4,5 4135 21,7 13 295 -5,3 Asian 29 20,8 803 22,4 1 755 10,1 African 431 657 4,5 101 931 5,8 692 240 2,5 The number of Africans employed on the gold, platinum and copper mines, members of the Chamber, at the time of writing was as follows: 6 RSA 109 621 Transkei Bophutatswana 158 884 Venda Lesotho Botswana 131 850 Swaziland J Other 60 779 Total 461 134 The Chamber of Mines in its year-end review (1979) stated that in 1977, 545 000 people were engaged by the Chamber's employment organisation (TEBA) in order to maintain a workforce of 385 000. However, in 1978 only 473 000 had to be engaged to maintain a larger workforce of 423 000, with 407 000 engagements maintaining a workforce of 430 000 in 1979. The Chamber saw as the reason for this the greater stability of the workforce due to 'greatly increased wages, made possible by the higher gold levels during the 1970s, improved living and working conditions, and the introduction of the 'valid re-engagement certificates which mines issue at their discretion to men at the end of their contracts'. The certificates guarantee individual miners their jobs back at the same rates of pay should they return within a stipulated time. About 65% of the workforce in 1979 comprised men who had returned with valid re-engagement certificates. Mr R S Lawrence, president of the Chamber of Mines, stated that the SA mining industry planned to spend R12 000m and create 100 000

150 Mining: Job reservation new jobs over the following five years. This, however, would be nampered by the acute shortage of skilled workers in the country which could only be overcome if technical skills were taught to all races.65 In February Zimbabwe announced that the Chamber of Mines would no longer be able to recruit miners from Zimbabwe. Those already on the mines would be allowed to finish their contracts. About 5 000 Zimbabweans were employed on the mines. Deferred pay amounting to R6m was paid out to Zimbabwean miners in 1980. The Chamber announced that the Zimbabwe government's decision would make very little difference to the supply of labour on local mines, as the Zimbabweans could be replaced by local labour. (See also section on Migrant Labour.) The O'Okiep Copper Company closed three of its mines in the Northern Cape leading to the retrenchement of 300 miners. Wages The mining statistics report for the Department of Mines gave the following figures for the average monthly wages on various categories of mines for 1980 for all race groups. Percentage changes over 1979 are also shown. All mines % change R 929 5,6 558 45,3566 31,0179 22,6 Gold R 1 077 427 416 169 % change Coal R 12,9 109012,1 938 14,6 566 19,9 194 In April the eight trade union affiliates of the SA Council of Mining Unions declared a formal dispute after wage negotiations between them and the Chamber of Mines had broken down. The Chamber had offered a 14,4% pay increase from May, of which 1,6% was for pensions and death benefits. The miners had demanded 16,6%. A week later, however, the unions agreed to a 13,9% increase excluding fringe benefits. In July the Chamber granted African underground workers a 15% increase bringing their starting wage to Ri 15 a month plus free board and lodging estimated at R79. The new starting wage for African surface workers was R90 per month - a 20% increase. Actual increases in the higher categories were to be set by the individual mining houses themselves. Average surface pay for Africans was Ri 70 a month, and that for underground workers R200. The minimum wage for white novice surface workers was R274 per month, and for underground workers R399 per month. Despite the increases, wages on the mines for African workers still lagged behind those in the manufacturing industry. In his annual report, the chairman of Anglo American stated that the payment of increased African wages in the mining industry was necessary in the interests of justice and racial peace. He stated that Anglo American based its wages on a value system, not on race or colour, and that increases in African mine wages were not necessarily inflationary. 1 -shift fortnight In March, in a breakthrough move, an agreement was reached between White Coloured Asian African % change 15,5 14,8 24,7 24,4 the Chamber of Mines and the mine artisan unions on the introduction of 151 an 11-shift fortnight for mining artisans. This would entitle them to alternate Saturdays off. The agreement affected the 14 000 white artisans on the gold and coal mines who were members of the six unions forming the Mining: Federation of Mining Unions. The 11 -shift fortnight would not apply to workers engaged in multi-shift production and development, and shaftJob sinking. reservation The new system would reduce working hours from 96 to 92 hours a fortnight. Other improvements included an increase in holiday leave allowances, and an increase in maximum bonuses to R90 per month. The new system was seen to be a prelude to the introduction of a five-day working week. Job reservation Certain moves were taken this year to open up more occupations on the mines to African workers. The mining industry agreed to two 'productivity packages' with white trade unions leading to a relaxation of racial labour practices in the industry. In both cases the unions agreed to relaxations in existing labour practices and to abolish the paid occasional leave system in exchange for a 'package' of new benefits. The agreements were aimed at relieving the acute skills shortage on the mines. The Mine Surface Officials' Association (MSOA) announced at its annual meeting in March that it had opened its ranks to Africans after having received the necessary approval from the minister. Once it had enrolled sufficient members, it would apply to the industrial registrar for an extension of scope to represent them. Once this had been granted, it would be able to conclude an agreement with the Chamber to negotiate on behalf of Africans. There was no clarity, however, on which posts for Africans would be given official status. Both the MSOA and the Underground Officials' Association accused the Chamber of Mines of being 'reluctant' to grant official status to Africans doing the work of officials on the mines. The MSOA said that it was under the impression that although African officials would be allowed to join existing officials' associations, their conditions of employment would be different from that of whites. For example there would be no equal pay for equal work. Later in the year the MSOA stated that it would only agree to the abolition of work reservation 27 operative on the mines if Africans promoted to officials' jobs were subject to the same conditions as whites and allowed to join the association. The association had, in any case, decided to sign up Africans whom it had chosen as officials. Negotiations between the mining houses operating in Bophuthatswana, the Bophuthatswana government and the Mine Workers' Union were held over the question of abolishing the colour bar on the mines within the homeland. Opposition to the retention of the colour bar had been expressed by President Mangope of Bophuthatswana who had said that he would press SA mining companies to abolish job reservation in all their mining operations in Bophuthatswana. Bophuthatswana still fell under the Mines and Works Act which barred Africans from holding blasting certificates. Mr Arrie Paulus, general secretary of the all-white Mine Workers' Union, expressed his opposition to the move.

152 Mining: Job reservation As a result of pressure by Bophuthatswana the mining houses had in-, creased their complement of local workers (i.e. Tswanas) from 2% in 1977 to 40% in 1981 on mines in the area.66 Wiehahn Commission (Part 6)67 Work reservation The question of job reservation in the mining industry became a major issue especially with the publication of Part 6 of the report of the Commission of Inquiry into Labour Legislation (the Wiehahn Commission) in September. The report pointed out that there were two areas of job reservation in the industry. Section 12 of the Mines and Works Act (Act 27 of 1956) empowered the State President to make regulations regarding the granting, cancellation and suspension of certificates of competency. A sub section 12(2) provided that these certificates might be granted only to whites, persons born in the Republic ordinarily resident there who are coloured and Cape Malayan and to people known as Mauritius Creoles or St Helena persons and their descendants. The positions for which legally prescribed certificates of competency are required are those of mine manager, mine overseer, shift boss, mechanical and electrical engineer, mine surveyor, miner in either a fiery or non-fiery mine who does blasting, onsetter, winding engine driver and locomotive driver. In the case of mine assayers and engine drivers, certificates are issued only to scheduled persons although this is not required by law. In its findings the Commission stated that this work reservation provision hampered the full utilisation of manpower, as there was a shortage of about 250 holders of blasting certificates with respect to current operations. It found that contraventions allowing non-scheduled persons to undertake 'scheduled work' had already been resorted to in 1964; and in order to maintain productivity with a smaller workforce (i.e. increased productivity per worker) exemptions had to be granted from some of the regulations reserving work for scheduled persons. Problems with maintaining production had led in 1967, 1973 and 1976, to the granting of exemptions allowing African workers to perform certain tasks under the supervision of a certified miner. As evidence the Commission provided the following table showing the shortage of skilled miners white miners:68 and the growing proportion of Africans to White employment: total Blasting certificates Artisans Other union men African employment: total Ratio of White:African Ratio of blasting certificates: 1 000 Africans Gold mines 1960 22 620 9812 7 539 5 269 375 614 1:16,6 1979 16569 6 712 7 451 2 406 399 123 1:24 Difference -6 051 (-26,8%) -3 100 (-31,6%) -88 (-1,2%) -2 863 (-54,3%) 23 509 (6,3%) 26:1 000 16,8:1 000 The Commission came to the following conclusions: * overall employment of white union men in the mining industry declined by 37% from 1960 to 1979,

" during the same period holders of blasting certificates declined by 153 29% in the mining industry as a whole despite an increase of about the same order on the coal mines. This constituted a 32% reduction in the number of holders of blasting certificates on the gold Mining: mines; Job * the ratio of holders of blasting certificates to 1 000 African employees declined overall from 25 in 1960 to 17 in 1979, and in the reservation case of the gold mining sector from 26 to 17. The Commission recommended that the definition of 'scheduled person' in the Mines and Works Act (1956) and attendant regulations be deleted and replaced by a non-discriminatory definition of 'competent person' on condition that " adequate measures are taken to allay possible apprehensions about their future job security on the part of white workers within the industry; " standards of work are vigorously maintained; " all workers are required to achieve the same level of proficiency with respect to training and experience before being appointed to a post; * the principle of 'equal remuneration for work of equal value' is maintained; * changes in work practices and conditions of employment are not introduced unilaterally by employers but rather with due regard to the process of consultation and negotiation with affected employee organisations; * adequate job security measures are incorporated in collective agreements; and * adequate protection against racial victimisation is provided for all groups. A minority report was submitted by two of the commissioners who recommended that the definition of a 'scheduled person' be retained in the Act until such time as the industry had established and registered an industrial council which would be able to ensure that agreements were legally enforceable. Should the term 'competent person' be substituted for 'scheduled person' such new term should also refer to a 'qualified artisan' and a 'certified miner'. The government in its white paper69stated that it was in principle in favour of replacing the definition of 'scheduled person' by a non-differentiating definition of 'competent person' at an appropriate time and in a suitable manner. However, it felt that the parties concerned - the employer organisation and the trade unions themselves - should reach a compromise within a reasonable time on the issue and that no legislative amendment should be made before alternative safeguarding measures (for whites) had been effected. Before the appearance of the report Mr Arrie Paulus, general secretary of the all- white Mine Workers' Union, stated that members of his union would strike if blasting certificates were granted to Africans. On publication of the report Mr Paulus stated that the government had again shown its willingness to violate established policy in order to win favour with 'money power and blacks'. The Mine Workers' Union denied that there was a shortage of skilled white workers in the industry. 154 Mining: Industrial relations Job reservation also exists through work reservation 27 contained in section 17(2) of the Industrial Conciliation Act (now the Labour Relations Act) which reserves sampling, surveying and ventilation work for whites. In part one of its report (see 1979 Survey p 277) the Commission had recommended that the parties in the mining industry should be afforded an opportunity to negotiate an accommodation regarding the abolition of work reservation 27. In Part 6 it stated that it had no evidence that such accommodation had taken place and urged the parties concerned to resolve the issue. The Commission pointed out that closed-shop agreements constituted a privately arranged form of work reservation. The removal of such agreements however, was a matter in the first instance for negotiation between the parties in the industry. In this regard it recommended that 'the parties in the mining industry be urged to negotiate the removal of industrial work reservation in the industry by devising a more satisfactory future basis for the recognition of trade unions than that of closed shop agreements'. The government in its white paper suggested that the parties in the mining industry should refer to the National Manpower Commission's recommendations on the closed shop and the government response to these recommendations as constituting a guide to the approach the mining industry could take on the issue. (See later for the recommendation of the National Manpower Commission on the closed shop.) Industrial relations/trade unions The Commission found that the present system of industrial relations on the mines fell short of the ideal in so far as it was only representative of white workers (10% of all employees); mine level consultation was ad hoc and not sufficiently formalised; negotiation with employees was not conducted on an undivided basis; agreements had no statutory backing; and measures to ensure compliance with agreements were inadequate. It also found that the present system was not conducive to negotiation to conclusion, and many attempts at circumventing such conclusive bargaining occurred; the system was also subject to delays, resulting in lengthy periods of uncertainty; dispute settlement procedures were not satisfactory and consequently there was excessive state interference through the medium of conciliation boards. It found that the sections in the Mines and Works Act dealing with labour relations should be transferred to the Labour Relations Act and the system of industrial councils established under the latter Act should be used by the mines. The Commission came to the following recommendations on labour relations on the mines: " the Standing Technical Committee on Labour Legislation should examine provisions of legislation applicable to the mining industry relating to employment conditions in order to consolidate them into the existing or separate legislation administered by the Department of Manpower; * that the exemption of gold and coal mines from the provisions of the Black Labour Relations Regulation Act be withdrawn. (This Act was itself abolished this year. See section on Labour Relations Act.)

The government white paper accepted these recommendations in 155 principle and left it to the departments concerned to arrange mutually the rational division of functions. Mining: Training Labour The Minister of Manpower Utilisation, Mr Fanie Botha, approved a unrest scheme for the training of employees of all races in the mining industry submitted to him by the Chamber of Mines and the Federation of Mining Unions. The mining industry would be responsible for the administration of a fund which would be used to finance training and to provide financial aid to employers for awards and subsidies for the training. The main objective of the scheme was the training of apprentices and increasing the number of artisans in the mining industry. Riots About 7 500 miners housed at the Germiston hostel of the Simmer and Jack Mine rioted in April and set fire to the premises of the East Rand Administration Board. The main cause was their objection to an increase in accommodation tariffs from R12 to R15 per month. The riots coincided with general dissatisfaction on the East Rand over rent increases. (See section on Urban African Affairs.)" A further riot involving 10 000 African miners at Anglo American's President Steyn mine near Welkom occurred in July. The unrest was caused by the proposed introduction of a new industry-wide death benefit scheme for African workers. Workers objected to the fact that there would be a compulsory obligation on them to contribute towards the scheme. Deductions would be 27 cents a month, plus 45 cents for every Ri 00 received in wages. Previously, these had been voluntary. In introducing the scheme Anglo sought to place African workers on the same scheme as for white workers, which provided that a deceased man's family should receive two years' full pay as opposed to a lump sum payment of R400 as applied under the old scheme. Extensive damage estimated at several thousand rands was caused to the premises. Police shot and critically wounded one worker and arrested five others who were charged with public violence.7" In July about 3 000 miners went on strike at the Rand Mines' East Rand Propriety Mines, Boksburg, in support of wage demands and against the introduction of a new death benefit scheme. Workers were unhappy with their 17% wage increase as compared with a 23% rise in 1980. The death benefit scheme was the same as that mentioned above in relation to the President Steyn mine. Police used teargas to disperse the workers. All workers - barring 40 - resumed work the following day. Police held 110 workers for questioning.72 Rioting involving an estimated 6 000 workers broke out at the Kloof gold mine compound near Westonaria in late July. The cause was not reported. Damage to equipment and buildings was estimated at R10 000.71 In November, a riot broke out at the East Rand Propriety Mines in Germiston when about 400 workers stoned a shop. The unrest was caused by an argument one miner had with the shop owner over change. Police with teargas and rubber bullets dispersed the miners.4

156 Housing East Rand Propriety Mines (ERPM) was forced to abandon plans to build a hostel to house more than 7 000 miners in a white suburb in Boksburg Construction after the Minister of Co-operation and Development refused to agree to the plan. The minister stated that an alternative site would have to be found.75 Construction The average numbers employed and average monthly wages per race group for June 1981 and the percentage changes over June 1980 were as follows:16 Average Average monthly numbers % wages % employed change R change White 57800 2,8 1124 25,2 Coloured 62000 0,5 339 24,1 Asian 8500 3,7 525 18,5 African 311 800 5,4 202 18,5 The Building Industries Federation of SA (BIFSA) launched a R50m five-year training scheme to counter the increasing manpower backlog. The shortage of artisans in the industry amounted to 3 500 people in 1980 and 5 000 in 1981. Mr Lou Davis, executive director of BIFSA, estimated that there would be a shortage of 7 000 unskilled workers in 1981. One reason was that school leavers were loth to do mamual labour. Mr Davis stated that BIFSA would have to train 200 managers, 600 technicians, 12 000 operatives and 16 000 labourers a year for its needs besides the skilled artisans. The Minister of Manpower stated that 16 123 Africans had completed their training as building artisans and 16 were still being trained as at August 1, 1980, the date on which the Black Building Workers' Act of 1951 was repealed. The breakdown per trade was as follows:17 Blocklaying 141 Bricklaying 6 550 Bricklaying and plastering 332 Carpentry 1 917 Electrical fitting and wiring 116 Painting 3 084 Plastering 2 401 Plumbing 1 582 Total 16 123 Wages The Department of Manpower Utilisation conducted a wage board investigation into wages and conditions in the Southern Cape building industry this year. The results were not available at the time of writing.

Agriculture Manpower Mr Charles Simkins of the Southern Africa Labour Research Unit of the University of Cape Town said that in 1980 there was an overall African population of 4,3m in 'white' rural areas. He found that between 1960 and 1980 there was a net migration of 2m Africans to the homelands. Of these 1,1m were from rural areas. However, despite this large-scale movement in population there was an absolute increase in the total number of Africans in these rural areas between 1960 and 1980.78 The current Economic Development Programme projected that 90 000 to 230 000 more farm jobs would be lost between 1977 and 1987 due to various causes.9 Concern was expressed at the decline in the number of white farmers. From 1970 to 1974 a total of 615 farmers left the industry, the figure for the years 1974-77 rising by 4 879 to 5 494.8O The present total number of white farmers was put at 70 000. The Deputy Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries stated that the reduction in the number of farmers was due in part to the market value of land having risen 'out of all proportion'; that there had been a large increase in the price of livestock; and a disproportionate increase in the price of production prerequisites. In an attempt to stem the exodus of farmers from SA's border areas, R32,6m was made available to farmers for the payment of their debts, and for the purchase of machinery and livestock; and R25,6m to help farmers buy land. However at the end of July the scheme aiding farmers in the purchase of land had to be suspended due to the policy of financial discipline announced by the Minister of Finance. Wages A survey by a university research team found that wages for unskilled African men in the Transvaal and Free State were about R25 to R30 per month at the beginning of 1980.81 A government survey of monthly wages for farm labourers in various areas gave the following figures for 1979-80:82 Swartland Ruins Eastern Free State Western Transvaal North Western Free State Transvaal Highveld (1980-81) Cash R 53,42 79,08 26,60 33,56 33,51 26,42 Kind R 76,35 67,24 31,98 34,26 49,99 50,87 The PFP spokesman on agriculture, Mr E K Moorcroft, warned against the introduction of a minimum wage in farming, predicting that it would lead to an 'unprecedented increase in the mechanisation of agricultural activities' and large- scale consequent unemployment.,, He said that influx control laws severely hampered the mobility of labour. He also suggested that grazing rights and other usufructuary rights for farm 157 Agriculture

Agriculture labourers should be regarded as prerequisites and a basic wage should b paid over and above 'payment in kind'.' A national investigation into conditions of labourers on farms was launched by Mr Eugene Roelofse, the independent ombudsman. He con. demned the violent treatment frequently meted out to labourers by farm. ers and called on the government to ban sjamboks. Farm workers are excluded from all protective legislation. In answer to a question put by Mrs H Suzman (PFP) in Parliament, the Minister of Manpower Utilisation stated that it was not possible to extend the Labour Relations Act to farm labourers without the co-operation of the agricultural unions. However, the National Manpower Commission was attending to the case of certain farming operations such as the sugar industry or chicken farms where workers were employed in factory-like situations.8" The Minister of Agriculture stated that he had ordered an investigation into the availability of agricultural services in SA. A drastic drain of agricultural extension officers and technicians as well as research staff to organisations offering higher salaries had led to a country-wide shortage of agricultural extension services for farmers. The investigating committee had not been appointed at the time of writing.86 Six coloured persons were enrolled at agricultural colleges at the time of writing. There were no African students.87 About 300 out of a total of 1 864 Indian growers had applied for loans from the Land Bank under a scheme introduced in 1980 (see Survey 1980). Of the applications about 200 had been granted and 50 were under consideration. About 40 had been refused because their farms had not been considered viable. The bank had lent farmers suffering drought damage R13,50 per ton of cane and R700 a hectare. One problem was that the loans took time and farmers had to obtain bridging finance.88 It was reported in Parliament that loans of R14m had been granted to drought stricken farmers, R8m had been appropriated for a rebate on the transport of fodder, and R20m paid in subsidies up to the end of August.89 Domestic workers The Domestic Workers and Employers' Project (DWEP) made the following wage recommendations for domestic workers who worked an 8-hour day and 44- hour week: Full-time living-out domestics: * R104,50 per month for a skilled person, e.g. a cook, etc * R90,75 per month for an unskilled person. Full-time living-in domestics: * R96,80 per month for a skilled person R78,65 per month for an unskilled person. A part-time unskilled worker working two days a week should receive R36,30 per month plus transport costs. A skilled part-time worker with special responsibilities should be paid R41 per month - plus transport expenses - for two 8-hour days per week. DWEP recommended an overtime rate of R1,20 per hour and an hourly rate for normal hours of R1,50. It stated that gardeners should receive R7,70 per day. Employers should provide free meals and meet the transport costs of all workers. DWEP recommended further that workers should receive an annual increment higher than the rise in the cost of living and one full day off a week. They should also be given one weekend off-per month and three weeks annual leave on full pay. DWEP urged employers to make monthly payments towards a pension for their employees. The organisation stated that under common law the employer was obliged to give one month's notice or pay in lieu of notice when the employee's services were terminated. A number of organisations for domestic workers were established this year. In January a Domestic Workers' and Salesladies' Association was formed in Port Elizabeth under the auspices of the black cultural movement, Roots. The association recommended a R70 per month wage for a live-in domestic, R80 for those commuting daily and for those with special skills; R6 a day for chars and Ri per hour overtime. A new trade union for domestic workers, the National Union of Domestic Workers, held its first meeting in March. About 400 domestic workers attended. The union became affiliated to the National Federation of Workers. A new association for domestic workers called the SA Domestic Workers' Association (SADWA) was launched in Johannesburg in February. The association grew out of DWEP, a project of the SA Institute of Race Relations. The aims of the organisation were: " to protect domestic workers against exploitation, hardship and abuse occasioned by employers, officials and the state; " to become the mouthpiece of domestic workers; " to negotiate with employers' associations on behalf of the domestic workers; " to form a complaints office and * to take action over the problems which domestic workers might face from time to time. Membership was open to all domestic workers including men who were gardeners. In addressing the inaugural meeting Mrs Leah Tutu, director of DWEP, called on domestic workers to be united even during hard times such as the imprisonment of colleagues. SADWA, she said, would not confront employers but would negotiate with them on the behalf of domestic workers. A commercial training centre/employment agency called Readi-Maid was launched in October in Johannesburg. It aimed to improve the skills of domestic workers and to ensure that they obtained better wages, working conditions and job satisfaction. This year a number of pension schemes for domestic workers were established. One such scheme, the Domestic Pension Scheme (DPS), was launched by former SATV personality Ms Donna Wurzel, Mr Lionel Phillips, chief executive of a Johannesburg insurance broking company, and Ms Sue Gordon, who was one of the founder members of DWEP. In terms of the scheme, domestic workers would receive a R165 per month pension in 25 years' time if a RIO per month contribution were made into the fund. A domestic worker who retired after 30 years of work could receive about one-third of the accumulated pension - a minimum of R4 300. This would reduce her pension to R1 10 per month. In addition to the monthly pension the domestic would receive a R2 500 permanent disability cover or a R2 500 'death cover'. 159 Domestic workers

160 Domestic workers One problem facing the scheme was the effect of inflation on the accumulated pension. It was established that R165 would be worth R15 in 25 years' time with the inflation rate calculated at 10%. A further scheme was that established by the Southern Trident Building Society. The building society suggested that in addition to paying the worker a salary, the employer could contribute an additional amount monthly to a subscription share in the domestic's name. On termination of employment the domestic could withdraw the funds, or could be paid out in a lump sum on retirement. Domestic workers are excluded from the various laws designed to protect workers, such as the Wage Act, Unemployment Insurance Act, and the Labour Relations Act. Dissatisfaction with this situation was voiced at a joint meeting by organisations concerned with domestic workers such as DWEP, the Black Sash and the National Council of Women. They undertook to request the government to introduce a separate Domestic Workers' Act to provide for the protection of domestic workers. Certain protection in matters of health and working conditions for domestic workers were provided for in a draft bill, the Machinery and Occupational Safety Bill tabled in Parliament in August. In terms of the Bill an employer was required to report any serious accident in the home to either an inspector of manpower, a member of the police, or to a local authority. A further provision barred employers from employing pregnant domestic workers for four weeks prior to the expected date of confinement and for eight weeks afterwards. The Bill also specified that an employer's duty was to ensure, as far as reasonably practical, the health, safety and welfare at work of all employees. A victimisation provision protected all workers (including domestics) against dismissal for revealing information concerning dangerous working conditions to an inspector, a local authority or a member of the police. Dismissal of a worker for these reasons was illegal. In addition, the Bill granted the authorities a right of entry for the purpose of inspection. In January a meeting was held in Johannesburg between the officials of the Department of Health and the West Rand Administration Board (WRAB) to clarify the roles the organisations would play in enforcing a minimum standard for the quarters of domestic workers in Johannesburg. It was agreed that under a new policy the health department would insist on adequate cooking arrangements, a running water supply, toilet facilities, enough natural light and adequate ventilation. WRAB would ensure that all new applications for the building of domestic workers' quarters made provision for hot water supplies and that living quarters were adequate for the number of servants accommodated. Previously, a supply of running water, toilet facilities and 10% of natural light in rooms were the minimum requirements." Finance The following figures give the average numbers employed and average wages in the finance sectors for the quarter ending June 1981 and the percentage increases over June 1980:11

Average 161 Average monthly numbers % wages % employed change R change Finance and Banking White 57 815 0,2 845 19,4 commerce Coloured 4973 24,9 438 65,0 Asian 2 713 20,0 506 38,1 African 9 138 12,5 297 18,4 Building Societies White 14048 8,5 700 18,9 Coloured 799 32,1 423 35,9 Asian 543 27,2 526 15,8 African 2 580 10,3 265 30,9 Insurance Companies White 26916 5,5 1007 12,2 Coloured 4821 10,9 401 15,1 Asian 1 370 21,3 641 18,7 African 5 906 7,1 325 13,5 In his chairman's statement on the African Bank, Mr S Motsuenyane stated that in the year to October 1980, the bank's net attributable income had risen from R32 871 to R86 176, and total assets from R13 829 218toR14 965 131. Growth during the year was more marked in advances than in deposits. Advances rose by21 % to R7 499 242 but deposits were only 7% higher at R13 608 914. This was due to the fact that the bank had to discourage further large-scale deposits since it was 'nudging towards the outer limit for the acceptance of funds' in terms of the Banks Act. The bank had adopted a five-year development plan which envisaged that it would apply for registration as a commercial bank in the next four to five years. The New Republic Bank, which had only Indian shareholders, announced in July that it would sell shares to all races. This followed on a successful application to the Registrar of Financial Institutions for the removal of restrictions on the transferability of shares held in the bank. Commerce Statistics The table below gives the average numbers employed and average monthly wages for the wholesale, retail, motor and hotel trades for June 1981 and the percentage changes over June 1980:92 Average Average monthly numbers % wages % employed change R change Wholesale trade White 84500 1,1 977 20,2 Coloured 24000 3,0 344 22,4 Asian 11 900 4,4 464 25,9 African 93 200 1,2 232 25,4

162 Average Average monthly numbers % wages % Commerce employed change R change Retail trade White 139 100 -2,5 440 28,8 Coloured 48800 0,8 195 21,4 Asian 20400 4,1 257 15,5 African 169 700 2,0 139 21,9 Motor trade White 44200 0,2 807 21,1 Coloured 12 700 2,4 283 27,7 Asian 4900 14,0 439 14,1 African 50 500 1,8 190 21,3 Hotels White 9 200 5,7 424 12,3 Coloured 7 300 2,8 129 13,0 Asian 3 900 2,6 242 17,2 African 32 000 3,2 105 17,0 Thousands of workers in the commercial and distributive trade received wage increases this year. Free trade areas The issue of whether to create 'open' or 'free' trade areas for all races was hotly debated this year. The Minister of Community Development announced that the business area in Wynberg, Cape Town would be declared an open trade area in terms of Section 19 of the Group Areas Act. The director of the Cape Town Chamber of Commerce stated, however, that the area deproclaimed was not extensive enough. During the year Krugersdorp's central business district was proclaimed an 'open' trading area in terms of the Group Areas Act. In May the Port Elizabeth Indian and coloured management committees criticised the city council's Administration and General Purposes Committee for voting against a proposal that the entire Port Elizabeth municipal area be open for 'free trade'. The Administration and General Purposes Committee decided that only certain areas would be open to trading under permits obtainable from the Department of Community Development. Africans would be excluded from gaining such permits. In some instances moves were taken to segregate trading areas which were still mixed. (See the chapter on Group Areas and Housing for further details.) African traders African businessmen again expressed dissatisfaction over the unequal treatment dealt out to them as opposed to white businessmen. African trading bodies such as the Soweto Chamber of Commerce and Industry and NAFCOC, the National African Federated Chamber of Commerce, voiced their apprehension about certain schemes allowing for the development of African/white business ventures on a 51 %/49% shareholding basis in African townships. They maintained that Africans 163 would be used as 'fronts' for white businessmen. They felt strongly that there should be no white capital in African areas. They said that white banks without African shareholders had established branches in the African townships whereas the African Bank was prevented from opening traders branches in 'white' areas.3 Soweto traders opposed proposals by the Soweto Development Corporation that whites be given a 49% shareholding in the proposed R34m business complex to be built at Jabulani, Soweto. The centre would comprise a supermarket, cinema, hotel and other businesses. Africans would have a 51% shareholding. Traders stated that they were sceptical that Africans would in fact control the centre.4 Port Elizabeth's African traders objected to a scheme to develop a 8 500 sq m shopping complex in Port Elizabeth. The Port Elizabeth Community Council had invited applications from African and white businessmen for rights to develop the complex. Mrs Naude, the council's secretary, stated that the successful applicants would have to pay normal service charges only. They would develop the site with their own capital and become the owners of the improvements under the 99-year leasehold scheme.5 The traders stated that they objected to white participation in business ventures in their residential areas and held that partnerships should not be imposed bn Africans against their will but should rather be left to emerge naturally from within the community. African-white partnerships, if allowed at all, should be extended to both the African and white markets. In January, NAFCOC's president, Mr S Motsuenyane, protested against the granting to a Nationalist Party MP, Mr J Schoeman, of trading rights on a property opposite the main entrance to the Garankuwa township outside Pretoria. He called on all chambers of commerce in Bophuthatswana to object to this decision by the Peri Urban Board.96 In October the government gave permission to NAFCOC to move its offices from the township of Garankuwa to a building in Johannesburg. This was hailed by Mr N Mandy, chairman of the Central Business District Association and Mr S Motsuenyane as a 'move in the right direction'. Earlier in the year the government had refused to grant such permission and the Minister of Co-operation and Development had stated that the organisation should 'restrict its activities to its own areas'27 At its 1981 congress the Association of Chambers of Commerce (ASSOCOM) appealed to the government to dismantle all obstacles barring black-owned businesses from moving into city and town shopping centres. The Cape Town and Durban Chambers urged the government to repeal all existing legislation prohibiting the appointment of African, coloured and Asian managers in white-owned businesses in white urban areas. Speaking at NAFCOC's 17th annual congress in July Professor Jan Lombard, adviser to the Reserve Bank, stated that by the year 2 000 African households would be responsible for more than 50% of the total SA consumer market and that Africans would have to provide the skilled labour and business initiative required if SA was to maintain its recent growth rates. In reply, Mr Motsuenyane stated that 'a great deal more would have to be done to involve the black man as a producer and part-

164 Small businesses ner. The great majority of Africans live under a system that cannot be called free enterprise'.98 In July the Soweto Chamber of Commerce and Industries accused the West Rand Administration Board of attempting to destroy African business in the townships by introducing a 100% increase in service charges. Repeated requests by the traders for a meeting with the Soweto Community Council, which allegedly supported the increase, were refused. WRAB threatened to close the shops of those who refused to pay.9 A survey by NAFCOC revealed that in the Southern Transvaal alone there were over 1 000 African industrialists who were looking for ways to promote their products. Two main problem areas were isolated: viz a lack of capital and a lack of available premises. A further problem was the lack of clarity on the legal position of industries in African urban residential areas. Certain advances were made during the year in the development of African business ventures. An industrial site costing R500 000 was erected in Katlehong to accommodate 'backyard' traders. The project was sponsored by the Urban Foundation. It was also reported that plans were underway to construct a giant R2m shopping centre on the East Rand. The centre would be financed entirely by African businessmen. In February the Small Business Development Corporation (SBDC) was incorporated with an initial capitalisation of R78m provided by the private sector. Originally it was proposed that the share capital comprise RI 00m with 50m 'A' shares being issued to the private sector and 50m 'B' shares to the state. It was hoped that the state would equal the increase of R28m which the private sector had achieved. Although the government would hold about half the equity, it was decided that the corporation's board would comprise mainly representatives of companies which had pledged RI m or more. The objects of the SBDC were as follows: * the promotion of private enterprise among all population groups in Southern Africa; * the financing of small business by providing share and loan capital on a short, medium and long-term basis; * providing business infrastructure such as factory units, industrial parks and business centres; * the underwriting or guaranteeing of loans granted by the private banking sector to their own enterprising small-business clients; * providing aftercare to small undertakings that had received financial aid from the SBDC. On November 13, the Small Business Development Act (No 112 of 1981) was gazetted. It provided for the transfer of the assets, rights, liabilities and obligations of the Development and Finance Corporation Ltd and the Indian Industrial Development Corporation to the Small Business Development Corporation. In June a body called the Council for the Promotion of Small Businesses was established to complement the work of the SBDC and other government-run development corporations. Its main aim was to identify problem areas retarding the development of small businesses. It would also make recommendations to the government on how such obstacles could be removed.

In delivering the opening address Dr D de Villiers, Minister of Commerce, Trade and Industry, stated that in order to extend the benefits of growth and development to as many people as possible, the government had introduced the following policy initiatives: * a strategy to establish better distribution of small businesses in underdeveloped areas; * the establishment of regional co-operative areas drawing in the homelands as well as other areas in SA; * the establishment of a development bank to provide the necessary loans for economic development. 10 In opening ASSOCOM's 79th annual congress in October , Mr C J Saunders, chairman of the Tongaat Group and a member of the Prime Minister's Advisory Council, said that if 'systematic and symbolically significant reform' seemed unlikely to emerge from the state, the business community would have to consider promoting the necessary reforms. Street hawkers In March the Kingwilliamstown Borough Council approved in principle a move to legalise African hawkers selling fresh produce in the town. A spokesman for the council said that an application had been made to the Minister of Co-operation and Development for permission to grant licences to the hawkers. By granting licences the council'would be in a better position to control the number of hawkers. Throughout the year the nine-man hawker squad of the Johannesburg city's traffic police fined hawkers in Johannesburg for breaking various provisions of the by- laws governing trading in the city. In May, Mrs Janet Levine, a city councillor, requested that a moratorium be declared on all further prosecutions until the relevant by-laws, which were under examination, had been revised. Police denied claims that they were victimising the hawkers. Railways, Harbours and Airways The total number of employees per race group employed by the SA Railways, Harbours and Airways as at July 1981 and the percentage changes overjuly 1980, were as follows:101 White Coloured Asian African Average numbers employed 115 852 23 199 2 016 130 421 change 1,7 5,0 4,6 3,4 Average monthly wages R 1 011 234 578 244 change 29,2 27,8 95,7 21,1 The Minister of Transport, Mr H Schoeman, stated that the above increase in staff was mainly a result of the increase in the apprenticeship quota, the training quota for clerks and the increase in footplate staff. Manpower shortages still existed, the most serious being among train controllers, station inspectors and conductors. The problem the railways experienced in recruiting suitably qualified staff was due to the fact that 165 Railways Harbours Airways

166 Railways Harbours Airways it was unable to compete with the high salaries being offered by the private sector.102 The minister stated that steps had been taken, in collaboration with the staff associations, to utilise available labour in order to overcome the shortage in staff. As a result about 23 000 Africans had been employed in posts previously filled by whites. Various new agreements regarding job advancement for Africans were concluded between the Railways and staff associations during the year. The president of the SA Railways' Artisan Staff Association (ASA), Mr J Zurich, stated that if SA wanted to grow economically all job race barriers would have to be dropped. However, the South African Railways (SAR) should pay the rate for the job so that African workers would not be used to undercut white workers. The ASA had asked the SAR management to introduce the rate for the job, but they had claimed that this would cost R200m a year. However, they had agreed to close the wage gap completely over five years. In terms of an agreement concluded between the Railways and the Footplate Staff Association, Africans were given the opportunity to become firemen on steam locomotives. As there was an adequate number of whites to fill train driving jobs, it was unlikely that Africans would serve in this post on open lines in the immediate future."3 The minister stated further that employees irrespective of colour were being trained under the technician assistant scheme to perform work previously done by white technicians. In September, the conservative white trade unions indicated that they would agree to Africans being trained as apprentices on the SAR. This followed a decision by the government that the national service of white apprentices could be deferred. Previously the unions had argued that if Africans were admitted as apprentices they would be favoured as they were not required to undergo national service. The concession enabled white apprentices to complete their apprenticeships before undergoing national service. The minister also announced that as a result of the staff shortage, 1 300 women were being used as cargo controllers, instructors and crane drivers and in the SA Railways Police in positions previously occupied by male staff only. The minister also announced that African women were to be recruited as air hostesses with twenty-five being taken on initially, while improved opportunities were being created for African ground hostesses. As from April 1 white SAR staff received a 12,5% increase in wages. Increases were also granted to Africans although the amounts were not specified. The total cost of the wage bill amounted to R255m. Increases of 12,2% in the pensions of retired railways staff were also granted. The minister stated that the African air hostesses recruited under the new scheme mentioned earlier would not immediately receive the same salaries as their white colleagues. However, equality in wages would be introduced in the future. In response, Mr R Swart (PFP) stated that it was invidious for persons doing the same work to be paid different salaries. In October the 22 000-strong Artisan Staff Association (ASA) submitted a demand for salary increases of 17,5% from April 1982. The president of the ASA, Mr J Zurich, stated that the ASA had told the minister that they wanted full compensation for the inflation rate during the 12 months preceding next April.

The minister reported that 397 new departmental houses were erected during 1980-81. He stated further that whites had acquired 69 483 houses under the various house ownership schemes, Indians 194 and coloured people 725. One hundred houses had been purchased by Africans. 4 In all there were 38 staff residences accommodating 5 400 single white workers, 17 hostels for approximately 34 000 Africans and three staff residences for 720 coloured people. A new hostel at an estimated cost of R55m was being erected at New Canada. Mr G McIntosh (PFP) criticised the planning of more hostel accommodation for Africans. He stated that the PFP was opposed on moral, political and business grounds to the hostel or compound system which was based on the system of migratory labour. He said that the housing and welfare policy applicable to African staff needed a complete revision to bring it into line with the conditions of employment for white staff.1' Mr R Lorimer (PFP) stated during the debate on the Railways and Harbours Additional Appropriation Bill that the SAR was wasting money in continuing to apply apartheid. He objected to a provision in the Bill allowing for the establishment of separate enquiry offices for Africans and whites. Replying to the debate the Minister of Transport Affairs, Mr B Schoeman, said he was not a 'racialist' but his aim was to protect minority groups. There were two tariff increases this year: a 15% rise in February and a 10% rise later in the year. In motivating these increases, the minister stated that fuel prices had risen by 840% since 1973 and the SAR was suffering a R640m loss annually on its passenger services. The total SAR budget this year was R7 298 100 000. Speaking during the Railways and Harbours Appropriation Bill, Mr R Swart (PFP) stated that the rise in fuel costs which had caused tariff increases was a result of the difficulties SA had in obtaining its fuel requirements. This was due, in turn, to SA's racial policies which had led to SA being cut off from the main oil suppliers. A new African trade union called the Staff Association for Black Employees of the SA Railways and Harbours was formed on April 1 with 10 000 members. Membership of the union was restricted to African employees of the Railways and Harbours with one year's working experience, giving it a potential following of about 75 000. Mr T van der Berg, the SAR's public relations manager, said that the emergence of the union was an 'evolutionary' one, following on the phasing out of works committees in keeping with the recommendations of the Wiehahn Commission. The SAR management had helped in the drafting of the union's constitution which was modelled on those of white associations and had granted it stop order facilities and access by officials to workers for organising purposes. The union had applied for registration. 10 Post Office The average numbers employed and average wages for the various race groups as at June 1981 and the percentages over June 1980 were as follows:1"7 167 Railways Harbours Airways

168 Average Average monthly numbers % wages % Post employed change R change Office White 45 043 -1,9 798 26,7 Coloured 8 003 -0,1 290 25,1 Asian 1 492 19,4 532 24,6 African 23 291 1,4 228 29,8 The report of the Postmaster-General, Mr H 0 Bester, tabled in Parliament in February, revealed that the Post Office lost 17 204 full-time officials in 1979-80 (22,5% of staff), 2 167 more than it lost the previous year. In particular there was a shortage of 1 440 trained technicians, draughtsmen, telecommunications electricians and mechanics of all race groups. The report warned that unless there was a drastic and sustained improvement in the position with regard to clerical staff, serious problems were foreseen in the filling of higher grade and management posts in the future. The inability of the Post Office to attract and retain male clerical staff was ascribed to low salaries, private sector competition and preference for technical rather than clerical work. From January 1 to June 30, 1981, 6 424 employees resigned from the Post Office. Of these 395 were technicians, 1 377 technical auxiliary staff, and 239 postmen."8 At the end of June the Department had only 7 350 telecommunications electricians of all races as opposed to 8 050 in March 1980. The number of African electricians dropped from 828 to 751 over the same period. However there was an increase of 733 in African pupil technicians. The Minister of Posts and Telecommunications stated in Parliament that the staff shortages were particularly acute in the Pretoria, Witwatersrand and otherTransvaal areas, as well as Natal, particularly Durban. He said that the Department was attempting to utilise labour to the full by increasing productivity, making the fullest use of female labour, training potential employees in all race groups, conducting crash-courses to upgrade people's training, and dividing up work so that it could be undertaken at the lowest possible level. The number of people in training totalled 3 300 whites, 508 coloured people, 183 Indians and 390 Africans. Efforts to recruit scarce technical staff from abroad was also continuing. The maximum amount of work was being given out on contract to private undertakings, and the latest technologies which were less labour intensive were being applied as speedily as possible. A management training programme had also been introduced. Decentralisation of certain head office functions was under way to areas where labour and accommodation were more easily available.1"9 The Postmaster-General stated that between 1976 and 1980 the number of Africans employed by the Post Office increased from about 25 000 to more than 30 000. He stated that training facilities for black technicians and telecom electricians were being fully used, and they were being integrated into the Post Office's technical services division in consultation with the white Post Office unions. The minister announced in February that as from January trained telecom electricians and mechanics could work towards obtaining the

National Technical Diploma and qualify for appointment as technicians. 169 This had not been possible in the past. He was opening a new training centre at Milnerton which had cost R1,4m.110 Salary increases of 12% were granted to Post Office staff as from Post April 1. Office In Parliament Mr H van Rensberg (PFP) condemned the continued existence of a wage gap between the different race groups. Africans received about 30% less than whites. The minister stated that the wage gap was being narrowed constantly in line with government policy. The minister gave the following figures relating to the number of blacks employed in the administrative division of his Department and their highest and lowest salaries:.. Africans Coloured Asian Number Salary Number Salary Number highest lowest highest lowest postmasterGrade11 2 17448 13710 2 17448 13710 postmasterGradelll 27 11982 10254 6 13134 11406 5 Postmaster Grade IV 44 8526 6663 15 10830 8526 5 Senior Superintendent 1 11 982 10 254 - Superintendent 2 8526 6663 8 10830 8526 5 Senior Clerk 1 8 526 6 663 1 10 830 8 526 The following table gives the breakdown per race group of the number of persons in various salary ranges: White Coloured Asian African LessthanR1O0 0 266 3 1387 R100-R150 0 3053 54 8764 R151-200 114 1052 39 6933 R201-R250 487 482 25 2813 R251-R300 1634 1042 110 1425 R301-R400 7959 961 492 1434 R401-R500 5921 280 178 692 MorethanR500 27402 881 588 189 Mr B W Page (NRP) recommended that the Post Office should become a business concern in its own right in order to become viable. It should be able to control its own staff and take independent decisions on salaries and should not be bound by the Commission for Administration in this respect.112 The minister stated that one of the main obstacles in obtaining staff in the rapidly developing areas of the country was the shortage of housing for staff. As a result the Post Office had been forced to provide housing itself not only in rural areas as previously but also in such centres as Pretoria and the Witwatersrancd. An amount of RI 4,5m was requested for official housing for 1981-82. By August, 317 loans amounting to RI 1 m had been granted in terms of a housing loan scheme for employees introduced in 1980. The scheme was provisionally restricted to the PWV area. The minister stated that in Soweto a new post office had been opened in Dobsonville in Augusi 1980, a further post office was opened in Meadowlands this year and additional service facilities were being planned for Moroka, Pimville and Diepkloof.113 He stated that the Post Office had had difficulty in meeting the backlog in demands for telephones due to the economic boom. The waiting list for Soweto was 12 550, with 10 564 telephones having been installed by the end of 1980. The total waiting list in March was 104 000.111 Public authorities Central government The average numbers employed and average government for all race groups for June 1981 and over June 1980 were as follows:"15 White Coloured Asian African Average number employed 129 858 60 089 13 011 132 064 change -1,4 1,9 6,5 8,4 wages in the central the percentage changes Average monthly wages R 820 368 756 245 change 23,5 28,1 27,7 16,5 It was reported that the shortage of manpower in the public service had reached critical proportions. The following tables compare the authorised establishment of the public service and number of resignations for the years 1978-80:16 Authorised establishment of the Public Service for the years 1978-80 Administrative White African Clerical/ Professional White African Technical General A General B White African Services White African Non-classified White African Education White African 1978 6 310 14555897081381966 1979 6 572 15202953486992024 7 080 23 16003 9 409 259 8 781 1 951 28561 30154 3042911923 12529 13874 8 716 6 807 5 149 21 293 6 028 41 695 8 812 7 105 5 571 22 946 7 173 43 141 8 200 7 620 5 419 22 157 8 168 66 467 Total 170111 179462 205840 26478 Public service difference: 1980 1979/80 508 23 801 -125 259 82 -73 275 1 345 -612 515 -52 -789 995 23 326

Resignations 1978-80 171 Men Women 1978 1979 1980 1978 1979 1980 Retired on pension 310 294 275 34 30 30 Resigned 1446 18982595 1374 15352613 Public Deceased 69 77 108 5 5 4 service Absconded 33 36 37 1 7 25 Probationary appointment terminated 13 6 5 5 1 Termination of contract 22 20 21 4 1 7 Discharged 86 60 31 30 10 16 Total 197923913072145315892695 It was estimated that there was a current shortage of 1 7 000 people for the 77 600 white posts in the civil service. The critical staff situation was referred to in the Hoexter Commission's interim report tabled in Parliament in September, which pointed to critical shortages in the nursing sector, the police force, the judiciary, and the Auditor General's office, amongst others. The shortages were reflected in the substantial saving on salaries made by the state during 1979-80 which fo.rmed part of the R104m surplus in the accounts of the Public Service. The Minister of State Administration and Statistics, Dr A Treurnicht, stated in Parliament that the shortages were due to the economic boom and the inability of the public service to meet salaries offered in private enterprise. He stated that while salaries in the public service had risen on average by 63% in the previous three years, private enterprise was still paying about 35% more for similar posts. It would cost the government R1,5 billion to eliminate the gap on the basis of R45m for each percentage difference. 117 In September Dr Cameron, President of the Public Servants' Association, stated that the shortage of staff in state departments had reached 20% and could rise to 25% unless urgent action was taken. He urged the government to recognise the seriousness of the situation and apply effective remedies, including a clear salaries policy. Public servants should be given a real share in decision-making when salary levels and conditions of service were being reviewed. He said that public servants' pay had not kept pace with the inflation rate."8 The Association also stated that the staff shortage could only be solved by the greater use of African workers provided that it did not become government policy to flood the civil service with them. According to the Commission for Administration, 53% of all jobs in state departments were already classified for Africans as well. However, many could not be filled because of a lack of suitably qualified applicants. The trend of opening an increasing number of posts to Africans was likely to continue because of the chronic shortage of white workers which would become more serious as the economy developed. Dr Treurnicht stated that there was room for a larger percentage of Africans to enter government employ if one compared the numbers at work with the economically active population. He stated that of the 1 888 000 economically active whites, 26,4% were in government service, representing 11 % of the total white population. Of, the economically active coloured population of 845 000, 144 279 (or 17,1%) were in government employ. This represented only 5,7% of the total coloured

1 72 population. Only 10,5% of the economically active Asian population was in government employ, while the percentage for Africans was as low as 9,5%. Public In Parliament Dr Treurnicht stated that it was the government's service intention to recruit Africans in respect of all departments where applicable vacancies exist. Dr Treurnicht also said that 67,6% of all new appointees were women."' The Commission for Administration intensified its drive to fill the record number of vacancies in state departments. It campaigned in all universities and in hundreds of high schools throughout SA in an effort to attract graduates and matriculants to the service.12 In commenting on the crippling shortages of staff in all government sectors Mr C Eglin (PFP) stated that the government had to bear full responsibility for these shortages, and should not blame them on the economic boom. He stated that the shortages were a result of a lack of forward planning and a short-sighted education and training policy. He called for the implementation of three steps to remedy the situation: * an overhaul of the entire education and training system; * the transfer of 'vast' numbers of civil servants from non-productive jobs to productive jobs in understaffed departments; * training of citizens of all races to work in the public service.121 Mr A Thompson (NRP) stated that the staff shortage problem had not been solved despite the reorganisation, higher salaries, better housing subsidies, improved pensions and the introduction of a service bonus scheme as from April 1, 1980. He suggested that dissatisfaction with government policies could be an additional reason why senior and other staff resigned.122 The Minister of Police gave the following information regarding the number of persons who enlisted in the police force in 1980, and the numbers whose services were terminated:123 White Coloured African Indian Enlisted 1 852 238 1 699 106 Service terminated Resignation 1983 88 244 21 Retirement 92 17 160 6 Expulsion 37 17 175 6 Other 202 18 525 10 The authorised and actual establishment of police for certain ranks as at December 31, 1980 is given below:121 Whites Blacks Authorised Actual Authorised Actual Warrant Officers 3 706 3 609 969 940 Sergeants 5 847 4 089 5 002 3 929 Constables 10869 8268 14059 11784 In 1980, 1 794 white, 215 coloured, 35 Indian and 828 African recruits completed their training. There was widespread dissatisfaction with the average 12% increase granted to public service employees as from April 1. A request by public servants that an additional increase be granted in September was refused by the government. However, Dr Treurnicht stated that the Public Servants' Association's request for a salary review would be examined as a matter of priority by the Commission for Administration. Policemen also expressed dissatisfaction with their increases which averaged 15%. The table below compares the old and new scales for the various ranks:'25 173 Police and Defence Forces Constable Std 8 Constable Std 10 Sergeant Warrant Officer Lieutenant Captain Major Lt-Colonel Colonel Brigadier Old Scales R 2415-6420 3 390-6 420 3 975-7 410 5 070-9 300 6 750-10 200 8070-11 550 9 750-12 900 11 550-15 540 14 880-18840 22 000 New Scales R 3 718-6 480 4 470-8 370 4 470-8-370 5 670-12 915 7 650-12 915 9090-12 915 10 935-14 400 12 915-17 340 16 605-21 015 24 450 This year white national servicemen received pay increases of up to 65%. Coloured and Indian trainees in the SA Defence Force also received increases. As a result, salaries in some grades such as those of sergeant and second lieutenant were raised to the same level as those of white trainees. The scales were as follows:26 Unmarried privates Married privates Unmarried lance corporals Married lance corporals Unmarried corporals Married corporals Unmarried candidate officers Married candidate officers New Scale R 4,02 8,04 6,47 8,63 8,69 11,59 7,81 10,41 Old Scale R 3,64 4,85 5,76 7,68 7,77 10,36 6,97 9,29 As part of the pay-rise package, the Prime Minister received a 9% increase bringing his salary to R73 200 p.a. of which R25 200 comprised a non-taxable allowance. Cabinet ministers' salaries increased by 9% to R46 800 p.a. The salary of the leader of the opposition was increased from R32 660 to R35 599 p.a., while the salaries of members of parliament increased from R23 000 to R25 288.127 The opposition criticised the general disorganisation within the public service. Mr H Schwarz (PFP) stated that the public administration had been allowed to drift into a state of crisis because of the 'inept, shortsighted and race-bound policies of the National Party'. 128 In outlining the developments in the reorganisation of the public service, the minister stated that the rationalisation process regarding the functions of departments had been completed, and advances had been made in the rationalisation of legislation. 129

174 Provincial authorities The average numbers employed and average wages per race group for provincial authorities for June 1981 and the percentage changes over June Local 1980 were as follows:130 Government Average Average monthly numbers % wages % employed change R change White 125 326 -1,6 801 32,3 Coloured 25252 4,6 279 16,7 Asian 4 293 2,8 599 23,1 African 95 696 2,8 200 26,5 Local authorities The average numbers employed and average wages per race group for local authorities for June 1981 and the percentage changes over June 1980 were as follows:"' Average Average monthly numbers % wages % employed change R change White 56 300 -0,5 953 22,9 Coloured 27 300 -1,4 287 15,1 Asian 5 600 no change 363 28,7 African 137406 2,0 189 17,1 Staff shortages were also experienced at the local government level. The Johannesburg City Council's staff dropped from 25 808 employees in 1975 to 22 381 in 1980, a decrease of 3 427, while the official population of the city rose from 1,35m to 1,47m. The annual reports of the city's electrical, fire and emergency departments stated that staff shortages were overloading employees and crippling services. The electricity department was short of 160 artisans, while the work load of Johannesburg's fire and emergency services had increased in 1980.132 Despite its worst staff shortage in 10 years, which left more than 16% of posts vacant, the Pretoria City Council stated it would not employ Africans to relieve the shortage. Instead it had stepped up its recruitment drive overseas particularly for engineers and other professionals. Fourteen of the 23 posts for electro-technical engineers and almost half the 229 posts in the administrative section were vacant. Women had been recruited to ease the shortage of bus drivers.33 In July, as a result of staff shortages, the Port Elizabeth City Council decided to recruit Africans as firemen. There were 22 vacancies out of a total of 65 posts. Twenty out of the 43 employees had less than one year's experience.'34 The Director of Personnel Services in the Durban Municipality announced that parity in salaries and job opportunities for all races had been achieved in the municipality. In the City Police seven Africans, 164 Indians, 26 coloured people and 482 whites had been recruited.13

In March the Durban City Council's Management Committee approved a general wage increase of 12% for graded municipal workers in the city, effective from May 1. Normally salaries would have been reviewed on August 1. The total wage bill was estimated at R14,5m a year. Of this RIOm would be met by the rates account and the rest borne by trading undertakings such as electricity, water and transport. The committee recommended an 18% increase in certain areas where there was a shortage of personnel.136 The Durban Municipal Employees' Society representing some 4 006 white workers had requested a wage increase of 16% and a special R200 per month increase for artisans. The Johannesburg City Council announced that it would pay the bus and rail fares to Johannesburg of employees recruited in the homelands. It decided as well to increase from R3 to RIO a non-recoverable allowance to cover the personal expenses of African labour recruits until they received their first pay packet. Mrs Janet Levine, a PFP city councillor, welcomed the move but asked that the R10 allowance be raised. She felt that it was not possible for a worker to survive for 12-14 days on the amount. Pretoria City Council's white workers received an average wage increase of 15% and African workers 20% as from July 1. Key scales of African workers were brought into line with those of salaried staff. Improved housing, pension benefits and allowances were also granted. These benefits and wage increases amounted to Ri 7m with the total cost of wages being R91 m.137 The question of the reorganisation of local authorities and direct representation by other race groups on white municipalities was widely debated. Dr D Curry, chairman of the Cape Management Committee Association and vice-chairman of the ad hoc committee of coloured and Indian local affairs bodies, called in February for direct representation for all races in common municipalities as a way towards solving the financial crisis faced by local authorities. Government plans were to link white, coloured and Indian municipalities in umbrella metropolitan structures, but not to include African local authorities. A council working committee placed plans before the Durban City Council calling for a greater Durban Metropolitan council to be set up as soon as practical. The new council should give direct representation to all races and provide for joint decision making, and should recognise that the greater metropolitan area including Amanzimtoti, Chatsworth, Inanda, Isipingo, Kloof, Kwamashu, Ntuzuma, Phoenix, Pinetown, Umhlanga, Umlazi, Verulam and other areas formed an integrated economic whole and that no area could be excluded from the new system.3 In its blueprint for the running of Johannesburg, the PFP gave among its priorities equal representation for all groups on the local level; a fairer allocation of resources; support for the development of a regional metropolitan infrastructure including Africans; the imposition of taxes on valuable mining ground; the establishment of corporate groups to undertake certain activities such as transport; the allocation of more power to the town clerk; and the promotion of public awareness and participation. Mr S Moss, PFP leader in the Johannesburg City Council, also proposed that the city be run on well-accepted business principles such as adequate staff training and incentives, fair and appropriate labour relations procedures and effective planning."' 175 Local Government

176 In reply Mr J F Oberholzer, chairman of the Management Committee, stated that it was irresponsible to create expectations amongst Africans that they would be given a seat and representation in the council. Workman's He stated that Africans, being the majority, would take all the revenue Compen- for the African community, irrespective of where it was collected. Insation stead he proposed a metropolitan co-ordinating body, not authority, where the various races could meet.140 Other workers In an investigation of the wages of watchmen, the Wage Board recommended new minimum wages of R34 per week (R147,33 per month) for the period May 1, 1981 to April 30, 1982, and R37 (R160,33) per week from 1982. The board argued that a wage of R37 per week was desirable immediately, but 'because the recommended wages may occasion difficulties for some employers, the board decided to recommend lower wages, namely R34 a week for the first year to afford employers an opportunity to adjust and sort out their position with their clients'. The Centre for Applied Legal Studies at the University of Witwatersrand argued that the minimum was unacceptably low, and that the board had failed to carry out its duty in terms of the Wage Act, which stipulates that it must take into account 'the cost of living in any area in which the trade concerned is carried on'. The Centre recommended instead a R50 per week minimum wage for watchmen when first employed, R55 for watchmen with one year's experience, R60,50 for watchmen with two years' experience, R72,60 for experienced watchmen and R87,12 for 'indunas'. In addition wages should be increased by 10% at six- monthly intervals until the next determination was made. It was reported that African clerks articled to African legal firms were dissatisfied with their conditions of work. The clerks sent a letter to the firms protesting against their conditions. They claimed that they were paid only R100 to R180 per month.41 Workmen's Compensation Amendment Act No 24 of 1981 The Amendment Act allows for an increase in the benefits payable to workmen sustaining injuries while at the workplace. Temporary disablement Previously, in calculating the amount to be paid to workers suffering temporary disablement, earnings above R400 were not taken into account, calculations being based on 75% of earnings up to R400. Now 50% of earnings above R400 will be included in payments as well. As a result the monthly payment to a workman earning R700 per month will increase by R1 50 from R300 to R450. Permanent disablement Section 39, dealing with permanent disabilities of 100% and of 30%, has been amended. Previously a workman with a 100% disablement was paid 75% of the first R400 of his monthly earnings. The amendment provides for an additional 50% of his earnings above R400 to be taken into account as well. A workman who sustains a permanent disablement of 30% or less is entitled to a lump sum instead of a monthly pension. Previously a work- 177 man with a 30% disablement was awarded R4 080, or a proportional amount for a disablement less than 30%. The lump sum amount has now been increased to R6 000. Workman's Pensions CompenPensionssation Section 43 bis has been amended to increase all current pensions in respect of accidents which occurred prior to the Amendment Act by 15%. Burial expenses The maximum amount payable towards burial expenses has been increased from R250 to R400. Section 3 of the principal Act has been amended so as to raise the ceiling above which people are excluded from the ambit of the Act from R9 600 to R12 000 p.a. Microfilm Section 97, that providing for the keeping of records by employers, has been amended to legalise the keeping of such records on microfilm. In terms of a further amendment copies of microfilmed material or any other document may now be used as prima facie evidence in court. The Act also includes under its ambit workers who, with the consent of their employers, are engaged in 'firefighting or other emergency services' on or off the employer's premises. The Department of Manpower Utilisation stated that it planned to reduce the number of laws administered by it from 14 to eight. Two draft bills were published for comment. The draft Machinery and Occupational Safety Bill included in its provisions: 142 * greater power for the minister and his inspectors to prohibit or stop processes which were harmful to the safety and health of employees; * the participation of local authorities in enforcing health and safety regulations; " a more active role for the courts in enforcing the legislation; * the active co-operation of employers and workers in providing safe and healthy working environments. Excluded from the ambit of the draft was the South African Railways Administration, an employer subject to the provisions of the Mines and Works Act and an employer or user of premises situated within the danger area of an explosives factory in terms of the Explosives Act. The second draft bill was the Conditions of Employment Bill'41 which was designed to replace the Shops and Offices Act. The bill set out conditions for the regulation of hours of work and conditions of employment of employees in most establishments including shops and factories. References Hansard 2 Q col 647 August 12 2 Hansard 2 Q col 648 August 12 3 Financial MailMarch 6

178 Employment 4 Report of the National Manpower Commission January 1 1980 - December 31 1980, p 184 1 PE Consulting Group, The SA Salary Survey, vol 11 June 1981 6 Report of the National Manpower Commission, op cit, p 5 7 In the Asian and Coloured categories the foremen were responsible for supervising more than 50 staff 8 Information supplied by the Department of Statistics 9 Stats March 1981, taken from Sadie J L, Labour Force 2000, HSRC vol 3 No 2. No explanation was given by Stats for the fact that the percentages in the male and females columns for the projected figures do not add up to 100% 10 Hansard 5 Q cols 231 - 2 February 26 11 Hansard 3 Q col 144 February 13, Hansard 3 Q col 115 August 8 12 Figures for the months August-November were not available at the time of writing. Figures for December are not computed I.I Figures for September-November were not available at the time of writing 14 ArgusMarch 14 I1 StarAugust 24 16 lbidOctober 29 17 Report of the National Manpower Commission, op cit, p 186 18 lbidp 84 19 Ibidp 138 20 Rand Daily Mail April 13 21 Report of the National Manpower Commission, op cit, pp 117-121 22 /bidp 110 23 Ibid 24 Rand Daily Mail August 14 25 Hansard 5 Q cols 330 and 328 February 26 26 Rand Daily Mail/July 16 27 Star September 8 28 Hansard 5 Q col 298 September 4 29 Star September 22 -0 Hansard 2 col 785 August 12 31 -Hansard 2 col 809 August 13 32 Hansard 5 Q col 294 February 26 33 Hansard 5 Q col 295 February 26 34 Hansard 8 Q col 510 September 24 35 Ibid 36 Hansard 1 Q col 11 January 30 37 Rand Daily Mail August 5 38 Hansard 10 Q col 702 October 9 39 Hansard 10 Q cols 657-8 October 7 40 Rand Daily Mail November 2 41 Star November 3 42 Hansard 5 col 2421 August 31 43 Hansard 5 Q col 256 September 2 4 Report of the National Manpower Commission, op cit, p 142 15 Hansard 5 col 2419 August 31 46 Hansard 5 col 2887 September 1 17 Information supplied.by the Department of Statistics 08 Paper on decentralisation produced by the government's Working Group for Economic Affairs 49 Information supplied by the Department of Statistics 10 StarFebruary 19 s1 Citizen March 18 12 Rand Daily MailMarch 13 53 StarSeptemb'er 18 s4 Information supplied by the Department of Statistics '5 Eastern Province Herald 11 December 1980 s6 StarJuly 8 '7 lbidAugust 7 i8 Daily Dispatch January 15 9 IbidOctober 19 ,0 Information supplied by the Department of Statistics 1 Rand Daily MailMarch 25 ,2 Information supplied by the Department of Statistics ,3 Fourth annual report of the Indian Industrial Development Corporation, 1981

Information supplied by the Chamber of Mines StarJune 23 Rand Daily Mail August 6 Report of the Commission of Inquiry into Labour Legislation, part 6, RP28/1981 Ibidp 10 White Paper on part 6 of the Report of the Commission of Inquiry into Labour Legislation, WPV-81 Rand Daily Mail April 8 IbidJuly 14 IbidJuly 22 IbidJuly 28 Star November 20 lbidMarch 5 Information supplied by the Department of Statistics Hansard 5 Q col 282 September 9 Simkins C, Distribution of the African Population of SA by Age, Sex and Region-type 1960, 1970 and 1980 SALDRU Working Paper No 32, University of Cape Town, January 1981 StarSeptember 10 Hansard 7 col 3693 September 14 StarSeptember 9 Hansard 6 Q col 328 September 8 Hansard 7 col 3701 September 17 Hansard 7 col 3702 September 17 Hansard 4 col 2160 August 27 Hansard 7 col 3665 September 14 Hansard 5 Q col 299 February 26 Daily News May 21 Hansard 7 col 3728 September 14 Rand Daily Mail January 20 Information supplied by the Department of Statistics Ibid Financial Mail September 31 StarJuly 17 Eastern Province Herald May 16 African Business January 1981 Star October 22 Financial MailJuly 10 Rand Daily MailJuly 27 lbidJune 25 Information supplied by the Department of Statistics Hansard 8 col 4386 September 21 Financial Mail June 19 Hansard 7 col 3884 September 16 Hansard 8 cols 4352-4355 September 21 Star May 7 Information supplied by the Department of Statistics Hansard 1 Q col 40 August 7 Hansard 5 cols 2505-6 September 1 Star February 21 Hansard 5 Q col 300 September 4 Hansard 5 col 2630 September 9 Hansard 2 Q col 37 February 4 Rand Daily Mail February 11 Information supplied by the Department of Statistics Annual report of the Commission for Administration 1979-80 Hansard 6 col 3038 September 7 Rand Daily Mail September 16 Hansard 6 col 3040 September 7 Rand Daily Mail October 1 Ibid February 2 Hansard 6 cols 3029-3030 September 7 Hansard 1 Q col 23 January 30 Hansard 1 Q cols 17-18 January 30 StarMarch 18 IbidApril 22 179 Employment

180 Employment IbidFebruary 26 Rand Daily Mail February 2 Annual Report Commission for Administration 1979-1980 Information supplied by the Department of Statistics Ibid StarMarch 18 Rand Daily MailJanuary 12 Eastern Province HeraldJuly 31 Post NatalJune 10 Daily News March 27 Star February 17 IbidAugust 10 Rand Daily MailJuly 1 StarJuly 2 lbid Apri1 10 Notice 550 Government Gazette No 7697, July 31 Notice 551 Government Gazette No 7696, July 31

TRADE UNIONS AND LABOUR RELATIONS MAJOR TRADE UNION GROUPS The major trade union groups and their affiliates are given below: Federation of SA Trade Unions (FOSATU) National Automobile and Allied Workers' Union Sweet, Food and Allied Workers' Union Chemical Workers' Industrial Union Metal and Allied Workers' Union National Union of Textile Workers Paper, Wood and Allied Workers' Union Transport and General Workers' Union Engineering and Allied Workers' Union Glass and Allied Workers' Union Jewellers and Goldsmiths' Union Council of Unions of SA (CUSA) Building Construction and Allied Workers' Union Commercial, Catering and Allied Workers' Union Food and Beverage Workers' Union SA Chemical Workers' Union SA Laundry, Dry Cletaning and Dyeing Workers' Union Steel, Engineering and Allied Workers' Union of SA Transport and Allied Workers' Union United African Motor Workers' Union Trade Union Council of SA (TUCSA) At the time of writing 60 unions were affiliated to TUCSA. SA Confederation of Labour Blanke Bouwerkersvakbond Die Spoorbond Mine Workers' Union Provinsiale Medewerkersvereniging Running and Operating Staff Union SA Diamond Workers' Union SA Engine Drivers', Fireman's and Operators' Association 181 182 SA Iron, Steel and Allied Industries Union SA Karweiersweknemersvereniging SAR and H Employees' Union Trade union The SAR and H Salaried Staff Association groups Transvaalse Transportwerkersunie Wesrandese Administrasieraad Unregistered unaffiliated unions African Food and Canning Workers' Union Black Allied Workers' Union Black Municipality Workers' Union General and Allied Workers' Union (SA) Hotel, Liquor and Catering Trade Employees' Union Media Workers' Association of SA Motor Assemblers and Component Workers' Union of SA National Federation of Workers National Union of Brick and Allied Workers Orange-Vaal General Workers' Union SA Allied Workers' Union SA Society of Journalists General Workers' Union General Workers' Union of SA Registered unaffiliated unions There were 96 registered unions not affiliated to any federation at the time of writing. Notes on Union Federations Federation of SA Trade Unions (FOSATU)1 As at November, FOSATU had 94 617 signed up members of whom 60 297 were paid-up and had organised 387 factories. The majority of its members are African workers, although the constitutions of its affiliates are non-racial. It had signed over 30 comprehensive agreements, 14 preliminary agreements and 55 informal agreements (conceding mainly shop stewards' rights). Despite the increase in agreements FOSATU stated in its annual report that there was a hardening of management attitudes in the latter half of 1981 regarding the negotiating of agreements. During the year FOSATU ran a variety of seminars for its members, viz, national policy seminars, skills seminars, an interdisciplinary labour studies programme, and shop steward training seminars. In April, FOSATU filed an appeal in the Natal Provincial Division of the Supreme Court against a proclamation issued in 1980 by the Minister of Health, Welfare and Pensions, Dr L A P A Munnik. The proclamation, issued in terms of Section 29 of the Fund Raising Act, had prevented FOSATU from raising funds from sources both within and without the country. In August, the Judge President of Natal, Mr Justice James, set aside the notice. In his judgement he ruled that before imposing the ban the minister should have applied the rule of audi alteram partem by allowing FOSATU to make representations on the issue.2

In October however, a further prohibition on the raising of funds by FOSATU was gazetted by the Minister of Health, Welfare and Pensions, again under Section 29 of the Fund Raising Act 1978. This followed on an amendment to the Fund Raising Act which removed the right of an organisation to appeal against a ministerial decision prohibiting it from raising funds. Opposition parties in Parliament attacked Dr Munnik for disregarding the legal principle of the right of appeal and claimed that the amendment made a mockery of the courts. FOSATU released a statement condemning the ban and stating that the government had 'once again revealed its contempt for the courts and the rule of law'.3 In April the Transvaal branch of FOSATU adopted a policy calling on employers to pay workers a minimum wage of R2 an hour. It also demanded that the right of unionised workers to bargain on wages with their employers at factory level be recognised in law. Employers who failed to do this would be guilty of an unfair labour practice. It also asserted that: * unions should have full access to company profit figures in bargaining; * wages should automatically be linked to the cost of living and wage negotiations should be concerned with rises above those granted to compensate for COL increases; " pay and benefits should be linked to long service with the company; " union shop stewards involved in negotiations should be given paid study leave to allow them to become familiar with negotiation methods and company financial and accounting procedures.4 In July, the Transvaal headquarters of FOSATU in Benoni were severely damaged by a fire which appeared to have been started deliberately. 'Irreplaceable' union records were destroyed. The damage was estimated at R30 000. In April, Mr Alex Erwin resigned as general secretary of FOSATU and was replaced by Mr Joe Foster. For further information of FOSATU's activities see the main subsections in this chapter. Council of Unions of SA (CUSA) CUSA claimed it had 49 000 signed up members of which 18 000 were paid-up. Most members were Africans. This year it signed 17 recognition agreements of various kinds with employers bringing the total of all agreements signed to 19. A further 19 agreements were in the process of being signed. Three of its unions were members of industrial councils. Trade Union Council of SA (TUCSA) At the time of writing TUCSA had 209 000 coloured and Indian members, 63 000 African members and 97 000 white members.6 Mr Ronnie Webb, deputy vice-president of TUCSA, resigned in June in order to serve on the President's Council. In defending his decision he stated that the Council represented an opportunity to form a new, more equitable social and political structure for SA. At TUCSA's annual conference in September, Mr Andre Malherbe, 183 Trade union groups

184 Trade union groups its outgoing president, warned that militant action by workers on the shop floor could only lead to instability. He also criticised the government for what he called its 'dangerous shift towards socialism' through excessive controls on the economy. The question of the adequacy of the industrial council system aroused heated debate. Eventually a resolution was passed urging TUCSA to show its 'strong support' for the system. However, a sub-committee was established to examine the industrial council system and the question of registration and to make recommendations to the National Manpower Commission (NMC). A resolution introduced by the Textile Workers' Union (Transvaal) that it was 'wrong and inexpedient to institute mixed unions at this stage' without guarantees for the rights of African workers, was defeated. The motion was introduced as the TWU, an all-African union, believed that the Textile Workers' Industrial Union (a mixed union) was 'poaching' its members. The conference passed a resolution calling on the government to cooperate with the International Labour Organisation (ILO) in any investigations of the labour scene in SA. It voted in favour of urging the government to introduce an effective programme of career guidance for young people; resolved that all medical practitioners should be subject to one established tariff fee; called for an enquiry into the cost of medicines and payment of staff; and warned against price increases and unchecked inflation. The conference also instructed the general secretary and the executive to implement a resolution passed at the 1980 conference that a specialist committee be appointed to investigate all aspects of unnecessary sex discrimination, and the Minister of Finance be urged to rectify the inequitable tax structure for women. SA Confederation of Labour (SACLA) This year SACLA removed the 'dissolution' clause from its constitution. The clause required the Confederation to disband if its membership fell below the 10 000 mark. SACLA's numbers had been steadily depleted by the defection of unions, which, contrary to the confederation's policy of admitting white members only, had wished to open their ranks to other races. (See 1980 Survey p 167.) An affiliate of the Confederation, the 36 000-strong Iron, Steel and Allied Industries' Union, reaffirmed its view that African trade unions should never have been accepted because they could be used for political purposes, and recognition would encourage them to make political demands. Mr Bornman, secretary of the union and of SACLA, said that the union had again appealed to the government to force African unions to register to bring them under control .8 At its annual congress in January, the Mine Workers' Union's 52member general council stated that the union would go on strike if blasting certificates were granted to Africans in terms of the government's labour reform programme. Mr Arrie Paulus, general secretary of the union, called on all white workers to join one union as the only way in which 'we can protect our jobs' and announced that he intended to organise teachers, nurses and the police.

In a move to increase his union's strength, he applied for the exten- 185 sion of its scope to include workers from Escom and Iscor's plant at Vanderbijl Park. The former application was granted. No decision on its application to organise Iscor workers had been reached at the time of Unaffiliated writing. Unions Notes on Unaffiliated Unions South African Allied Workers' Union (SAAWU) SAAWU claimed a membership of 70 000 signed up members and, at the time of writing, had signed two recognition agreements with employers, with a third in the offing. Most of its members were Africans. At SAAWU's annual congress in Durban in May, Mr Thozamile Gqweta was elected president of the union, Mr Sam Kikine general secretary and Mr Sisa Njikelana vice-president. At the congress, SAAWU * stated that it would not register; " demanded universal franchise in SA; " passed several resolutions criticising the Ciskeian authorities' treatment of SAAWU; and * called on the Ciskeian authorities to clarify what their attitude to unions would be after the territory became independent later in the year. The union passed the following resolutions, demanding 0 the introduction of a national minimum wage of R2 an hour in the urban areas and R50 a month in rural areas; 0 an 8-hour day for all workers; 0 an end to compulsory overtime and a stipulation that workers should receive double pay for overtime worked. SAAWU also demanded that workers work a maximum of 50 hours a week; * 21 days' sick leave and four weeks' annual leave a year; * that workers be eligible for full pension at the age of 50; 0 that women workers be allowed to participate in 'all aspects of production' without discrimination; 0 the release of the imprisoned African National Congress (ANC) leader Nelson Mandela; The Union, in further resolutions " rejected the ' system' which made workers foreigners in the land of their birth; " condemned the new draft bill on labour relations which was 'intended to destroy the only peaceful weapon (i.e. the strike) workers could use in the struggle for their rights'.' In May SAAWU's president Mr Thozamile Gqweta, challenged Brigadier Sebe, head of the Ciskei Intelligence Service, to prove in a court of law claims he had made that SAAWU was involved in the distribution of pamphlets calling for a worker stayaway along with the SA Communist Party and the ANC. Mr Gqweta said that SAAWU was a non-violent labour organisation which maintained and upheld its nonviolent labour stance 'no matter how hard our enemies try to incriminate '.10 us'.

186 SAAWU announced this year that it would form a union for unemployed workers. It would cater primarily for workers who lost their jobs after taking industrial action. Unemployed unionists would be Unaffiliated encouraged not to take the jobs of dismissed union members. The union Unions was being formed in response to the systematic dismissal of workers by employers in the East London area. General Workers' Union (GWU) This year the General Workers' Union signed five recognition agreements bringing the overall total to six. It had a paid up membership of about 14 600 workers and an active membership of 19 000-21 000. The majority of the members were Africans. At its first annual national conference the General Workers' Union (formerly the Western Province General Workers' Union) committed itself to a policy of democratic control by workers. Democratically elected workers' committees would be established in every organised factory and would send representatives to the union's major decision-making bodies. The union also committed itself to obtaining recognition for such committees and to worker education and training. It rejected the industrial council system as it felt it was the task of the workers' committees and not union officials on their own to negotiate with employers. Union officials could meet with the employers only when instructed to do so by members. It reaffirmed its refusal to register and its belief in the non-interference of the authorities in union affairs. It also called for a concerted stand against the draft labour bill 'which further indicates the state's contempt for trade union autonomy'." African Food and Canning Workers' Union The African Food and Canning Workers' Union reported a paid up membership of about 10 000 workers. In its annual report it stated that this year it had negotiated 14 agreements in 34 factories covering wages and in some cases conditions of work and union recognition as well. In addition a further four informal agreements had been negotiated. In all cases the union had negotiated directly with the employers without the involvement of the Department of Manpower Utilisation. The union had 28 branches and had organised about 70 food factories. In the report the union condemned the government's proposed pension bill, voiced its opposition to Ciskei's harassment of trade unions and criticised amendments in the Labour Bill which aimed to control unregistered unions. Media Workers Association of SA (MWASA) MWASA, comprising mainly African workers, negotiated its first agreement with newspaper employers this year. The union took a decision not to invite representatives of the 'big five' nations to its annual congress in May. It stated that it had banned them from attending 'because we believe our continued association with them implies our acceptance of their utter contempt for liberation. For as long as we can remember, the "big five" have hunted with the hound while giving the impression of running with the hare'.,,

At the congress Mr C Ngqakulu, a reporter on the East London Daily 1 87 Dispatch, was elected president of the union. The previous president, Mr Zwelakhe Sisulu, and acting president, Mr Phil Mtimkulu, had been banned earlier in the year. Unaffiliated In his address Mr Ngqakulu stated that they had come together to Unions reaffirm their loyalty to their organisation and their commitment to the struggle for the total liberation of the African in SA. Mr Ngqakulu was banned in August. The congress released a calender of holidays for a future SA as follows: March 21 - Heroes' Day; May 1 - Labour Day; June 16- ; September 12- Biko Day; September 24- Shaka Day; October 19 - Banning of black organisations and individuals; December 16 - National Day of Prayer. Good Friday and Christmas Day would be retained. Motor Assemblers and Component Workers' Union (MACWUSA) MACWUSA reported a signed up membership of 2 700 workers. In July the union disassociated itself from a pamphlet which appeared under its name and which stated that MACWUSA 'agrees with the policies of our leaders on Robben Island'. The pamphlet also labelled FOSATU as a 'government front organisation'. The executive committee stated that the pamphlet was nothing but 'a sickening ploy to discredit us and incriminate the executive of MACWUSA'. General Workers' Union of SA (GWUSA) In April, a new union, the General Workers' Union of SA (GWUSA), was formed in Port Elizabeth under the direction of the Motor Assemblers and Component Workers' Union. Membership was open to all workers outside of the motor industry. Black Allied Workers' Union (BAWU) The National president of BAWU stated that the organisation had 16 affiliates and was active in various centres in Natal and the Free State. It was committed to black consciousness and to working for political change through the labour movement.13 Overseas union movement In February the British Trade Union Council (TUC) allocated R16 000 from its central funds for the 'training of black South Africans'. A move to have SA readmitted to the ILO was unsuccessful. The US had backed SA's re-entry. The new president of the ILO, Senegal's Aluire Diagne Mbor, stated that 'the SA government has put itself outside all moral and humane concepts and cannot sit at the same table as countries who have a humane conscience'.14 In May, the international trade union movement condemned Leyland SA for dismissing workers who had been on strike. The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions - representing 71 m members - decided to send a cable of 'support and solidarity' to the workers' union, the National Motor Workers' Association in SA. They also cabled Leyland's SA management urging them to reinstate the workers and to nego-

1 88 tiate with them over their demands. In June, shop stewards at British Leyland voted unanimously to move towards 'blacking' vital parts and kits destined for SA."5 (See also subsection on the Wilson Rowntree boycott.) Trade In August the American Federation of Labour and Congress of Indusunions trial Organisation (AFL-CIO), the labour group working under the auspices of the African-American Labour Centre (AALC), announced that it overseas was launching a programme to support black trade unionism in SA with the aim of helping to eliminate apartheid and to hasten majority rule. The unit was headed by Mr Nana Mahomo, one-time member of the banned Pan African Congress. Mr Mark Anderson of the AFL-CIO's international affairs department stated that the programme would work openly to seek non-violent change in SA. The programme would include training in unionism in the US, seminars and training programmes in SA, help for SA unions in their organising and collective bargaining activities, and the assignment of a representative to work in SA. A report revealed that the African-American Labour Centre was alleged to have close ties with the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). It was also revealed that Mr Mahomo had worked with the CIA since the early 1960s. The director of the AALC, Mr Patrick O'Farrel, denied that the AALC had CIA connections.16 Mr A Grobbelaar, general secretary of TUCSA, stated that the AALC had been 'presumptuous' in deciding to open a branch in SA before consulting local unions. Both CUSA and FOSATU rejected the need of assistance from external bodies. In July, at its 67th annual conference, the International Labour Organisation adopted a declaration on SA which affirmed 'that a government which deliberately practices the policy of apartheid is unworthy of the community of nations'. The declaration allowed for the establishment of a permanent watchdog body to monitor the adherence of members to a programme of action against SA adopted at the 1980 conference. The declaration also asked the ILO to 'increase its technical assistance to the liberation movements', as well as to African workers and independent trade unions in SA. To achieve this it proposed that a voluntary fund be created to which member states and worker and employer bodies would contribute.7 In October two trade unionists, Mr T Duffy, president of the British section of the International Metal Workers' Federation, and Mr Bill Sirs, general secretary of the Iron and Steel Trades Federation, called off a planned visit to SA following protests from other trade unionists, Labour Party conference delegates and the anti-apartheid movement. The unionists had aimed to give aid and advice to SA black trade unionists.8 Mixed unions See Section on the Labour Relations Act for information on the abolition of all restrictions concerning mixed unions (page 203). From July 1, 1979 to September 1980, 57 registered unions applied for permission to extend their scope to admit members of other race groups. Of these applications 54 were granted, none refused, with 3 applications pending. 9 Worth mentioning were moves by unions with a strong whites-only tradition to open their ranks to other races. A leading white SA Railways (SAR) trade union, the Artisan Staff Association, decided to open its ranks to all workers on the SAR and to apply for affiliation to TUCSA. It would only accept African apprentices if they were subject to compulsory military training, or if white apprentices were exempted from such training. Coloured and Indian railway workers were admitted to the Federal Consultative Council of Railway Staff Associations, an umbrella organisation with 90 000 white members. The Mine Surface Officials' Association of SA- a TUCSA affiliate with a membership of 15 000 - announced in March that it had opened its ranks to all races. (See also the chapter on Employment.) 189 Industrial council agreements COLLECTIVE BARGAINING industrial council and conciliation board agreements The number of industrial councils, industrial council agreements and employees covered by such agreements is given below:2" Number of industrial councils 102 102 101 102 101 105 Number of agreements 92 102 102 99 102 98 Number of employers 39 146 42 124 39 933 39 528 40 483 41 280 Total 046 105 065 366 988 372 955 299 045 929 095 472 Number of employees White Coloured Asian 189116 211511 68699193369 220979 67944200173 189201 66653 204339 182409 69154205638 198578 73421205885 205143 81590 African 576 779 583 074 532 345 539 397 568 292 602 854 The number of conciliation board agreements for the same period was as follows:2' December 31 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 Number of Number of agreements employers 2 25 2 21 2 21 2 20 2 20 2 14 Total 12 598 9 470 7 827 7 816 7816 11 598 Number of employees White Coloured Asian 248 4 796 5 267 4596 5 116 4 195 108 4 187 108 4 187 344 4 837 - The Minister of Manpower stated that 34 industrial council agreements, 57 wage determinations and no conciliation board awards applied in border areas. However, numerous exemptions from the terms of wage determinations had been granted to employers in border areas.22 Registration of unions The Minister of Manpower Utilisation stated that between January 1, 1980 and December 31, 1980, 19 unions for African employees, two for coloured employees and 10 mixed unions had applied for registration. As at December 31, 1980 there were 78 unions registered for whites only, 51 for coloured/Asian members, and 17 for Africans only. There December 31 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 African 754946023516 3 521 3 521 6417

190 Trade unions: Registration were 48 racially mixed registered unions covering 5 502 whites, 216 467 coloured and Asian members and 30 013 African members.23 As at September 1980, 47 unions had been refused registration. Early in the year six FOSATU unions which had applied for non-ra. cial registration were granted registration for specific race groups only (i.e. either for Africans only, or African/coloureds). The unions, in protest, took a decision not to make use of the machinery of the official bargaining system. FOSATU decided to appeal against the decision and announced that the unions would deregister if this were unsuccessful. In giving his reasons for refusing the FOSATU affiliates non-racial status, the Industrial Registrar stated that he was legally bound to take race into account as an interest; that in some cases the unions were unable to serve the interests of certain race groups as they did not have paid-up members from these groups; and objections were placed by other unions in respect of certain race groups. He had upheld these objections as he found that FOSATU was not sufficiently representative in certain instances at the date of application.24 At the time of writing all CUSA unions excepting the Commercial, Catering and Allied Workers' Union had been granted registration. Resistance to registration continued to be expressed by many of the more radical unions such as SAAWU, the General Workers' Union, MACWUSA, GWUSA, the General and Allied Workers' Union (GAWU), the African Food and Canning Workers' Union and MWASA. The government expressed its opposition to the anti-registration stand taken by these unions thus echoing the concern which the Wiehahn Commission (Part 1) had expressed that two labour relations systems would develop alongside each other. Government concern was reflected in the amended Labour Relations Act where many amendments were designed to extend controls applying to registered unions to those refusing to register. (See Section on Labour Relations Act below.) During the budget debate in Parliament on the Department of Manpower vote, Dr Alex Boraine (PFP), urged the government to resist pressures to make the registration of trade unions compulsory. He said that the registration of organisations by the state was a controlling rather than a facilitating function. Compulsory registration of unions would destroy notions of self-government and voluntarism which had long been part of SA's labour-relations philosophy. The chairman of the National Manpower Commission's Standing Commission on industrial relations, Professor S M Swart, expressed support in October for 'automatic' union registration. He stated that the representativeness of trade unions should not play a role in registration, but only as far as union recognition was concerned. Recognition could be sorted out either at plant or industrial council level. He said that part 3 of the Wiehahn Commission was 'superficial and lacking in technical depth' as far as registration and the decentralisation of collective bargaining was concerned.25 (See section on the Wiehahn Commission's report, Part 5.) Recognition of unions An increased number of African and mixed unions received recognition this year. (See notes on individual unions for statistics.) One of the main issues under discussion by employers was whether to recognise unions which refused to apply for registration. Varying poli- 191 cies on the question of negotiation with African unions were expressed and the policy statements of the major employer groupings are given below. Trade In May, the Afrikaanse Handelsinstituut called on its members to recognise African trade unions. Its 36th annual congress approved a motion calling on members 'to recognise credible and representative trade Recognition unions as negotiating partners' and to establish and maintain healthy relations with them. Members were urged to 'engage in dialogue' even with unregistered trade unions and to persuade them to join the established labour relations system.26 In March, in a major policy statement, Barlow Rand committed itself to recognising representative unions even if they were unregistered. The statement went further than its policy expressed in 1980 that the group would negotiate with unregistered unions in certain circumstances only. In the new guidelines it stated that: " companies should recognise a union which represented the workers it sought to aid and had an acceptable constitution. Although it still supported factory level bargaining through works councils, workers should be free to choose either union or council representation; " companies should not encourage or obstruct recruitment by unions, and should be careful not to take action which could be seen as victimisation of union members; " companies should never take sides when rival unions were competing for membership.27 Mr R Hofmeyer, the group's executive director in charge of labour relations, stated that the group had no option but to recognise unregistered unions until negotiation was made simple and attractive. In its guidelines released in January, the Federated Chamber of Industries (FCI) urged employers to talk to all unions. The guidelines provided for the recognition of unregistered unions.28 They endorsed the system of registration and the industrial council system but added that these were an ultimate objective. They recognised that the representativeness of unions was 'a more important issue' than negotiation and laid down suggested procedures for employers whose workers belonged to representative but unregistered unions. In such cases an 'early step' should be the negotiation of an agreement between the two parties. The guidelines suggested that employers should respond to the growth of militant African unions by taking a more flexible approach. They stated 'it is pointless to force unions into a system imposed from the top. We must reach an accommodation with them at the grassroots. Out of that, an official system which all can endorse should emerge'. The guidelines argued that it was likely that emerging African unions would voice political demands and that labour relations would become 'more politicised'. Employers and unions should, however, realise that concentrating on purely labour issues would better serve their interests in the long run. They also argued that worker demands had been 'more strident' in areas with a 'relatively poor economic growth performance'. They sug-

192 gested that regional development programmes were an important element in maintaining industrial peace. The FCI called for the streamlining of registration requirements beTrade cause unions feared the 'regulation and control elements in registration unions: and were, therefore, reluctant to register'. The guidelines were welcomed by most of the independent unions Recognition which, however, had reservations on certain aspects. Strong opposition to the recognition of unregistered trade unions was voiced by the Chamber of Mines in its guidelines. The Chamber stated that: * Chamber of Mines' managements would not negotiate with unregistered unions 'irrespective of the consequences'. * Even if unions attained registration for workers in the mining industry, they would not be recognised until they complied with further stringent recognition criteria. * Unions would have to prove that they had recruited at least 30% of a certain class of employee throughout the entire mining industry - an unprecedented condition which unionists stated was almost impossible to meet. The Chamber would also refuse to recognise a union seeking to represent workers in classes or occupations already represented by another recognised union. * Unions wishing to recruit mineworkers would be investigated by the Chamber to establish whether they were 'non-subversive' and 'registerable'. * Closed shop facilities would not be extended to any new unions, but no final decision was taken on the extension of the closed shop to Africans who became members of existing unions recognised by the Chamber. The document stated that before union organisers would be given access to mine property, information on the union should be sent to head office which would then decide whether to allow them access to hostel dwellers. Unregisterable unions and unions which could register but refused to do so for political reasons, should be denied such access. Unions which had submitted proof of their committment to register might be granted stop-order facilities on condition that they had recruited the required 30% in each class of employee. The criteria were regarded as so stringent as to render it almost impossible for African unions to gain registration. Later, the Chamber modified these criteria. Registered unions would have to prove only 'significant' membership rather than the 30% enrolment of members previously required to win recognition. Furthermore, more than one union could be recognised by the Chamber as representing workers in a particular job category or occupation. Individual cases of recognition Due to lack of space only the most important recognition agreements are mentioned below. SAAWU signed a recognition agreement with the multinational corporation Johnson and Johnson. This was regarded as a breakthrough because of the government's attempt to discourage employers from dealing with SAAWU (see section on action against unions).

In May, the General Workers' Union won recognition from the Stevedoring Committee in Port Elizabeth giving it a monopoly in three docks. It had already been recognised in the East London and Cape Town docks. An industrial relations spokesman for the national SA Stevedores Employers' Association said that the company had entered into the agreement with the union because it believed that representativeness rather than registration was the key issue. In August, the Argus Printing and Publishing Company signed an agreement with the Media Workers' Association of SA (MWASA) officially recognising the union. It was the first of a three-part agreement. In September, the Trident Marine Services of Cape Town, a subsidiary of the Freight Service's Group, recognised a workers' committee formed by the General Workers' Union and agreed to negotiate all work conditions, including wages, with the committee. It also included a 'mutually' accepted disputes procedure which would work outside the Labour Relations Act and a grievance procedure negotiated by the two parties. This was regarded as significant because the company was a member of the steel industries' industrial council which stressed that employers should only deal with registered unions. In April the FOSATU-affiliated Chemical Workers' Industrial Union announced that it had applied to the Minister of Manpower Utilisation for a conciliation board hearing in an attempt to resolve its dispute with Colgate Palmolive over full recognition of the union. The company had agreed to recognise the union but would only negotiate with it on 'shop floor' grievances. It said that issues such as pay and working conditions had to be negotiated by the industry's industrial council, even though only 23% of Colgate's 290 African workers were covered by the council. A formal deadlock was reached at the conciliation board meeting held in May. The workers then indicated that they would consider holding a legal strike, as they had taken all formal steps set out in law towards this end. The company stated that it was prepared to continue negotiations to avoid strike action by members of the union. FOSATU called for a countrywide boycott of Colgate products. In a statement it stated that the firm's refusal to grant the union full negotiating rights at plant level was a flagrant example of a foreign owned company taking advantage of the labour situation in SA. In a ballot in June workers voted overwhelmingly in favour of a strike, but this was averted when both parties reached an agreement on the dispute. The company agreed, in principle, to the right of the union to negotiate wages and conditions of employment on behalf of its members on an inplant basis, conditional upon the provision by the union of a written undertaking to call off strike threats and the consumer boycott of Colgate's products. The company would no longer insist that the union should seek admission to the industrial council for the chemical industry. The union stated that it welcomed Colgate's acceptance of the principles of inplant bargaining for wages and conditions of employment. Accordingly the union had called off both the strike and the boycott.29 In August, a breakthrough was achieved when Premier Paper, a subsidiary of Nampak, (in turn a subsidiary of Barlow Rand) signed an agreement with the Paper, Wood and Allied Workers' Union. The agreement granted full plant-level bargaining rights on wages and working conditions to the union, and made no attempt to force the union into 193 Trade unions: Recognition

Trade unions in homelands the industrial council. In signing the agreement, the company broke ranks with other employers who had insisted on industrial council membership as a requirement for union recognition. The move was welcomed by Barlow Rand." Attitudes of homeland leaders to trade unions President Lucas Mangope of Bophuthatswana declared that he would consider granting recognition to trade unions. This attitude was in marked contrast to those of Ciskeian and Transkeian authorities. However, in November, the Bophuthatswana Police broke up a union meeting of BMW workers at GaRankuwa and arrested three organisers of the FOSATU-affiliated National Automobile and Allied Workers' Union. They were later charged under the Bophuthatswana Internal Security Act with attending an illegal gathering. The Ciskei, in particular, waged a campaign of victimisation against trade unions. (See section on Victimisation.) Inkatha showed an ambivalent attitude towards the recognition of trade unions. In March the inner committee of Inkatha accused certain unions in Natal of 'exploiting black workers for political ends' and serving as 'mere surrogates of certain exiles'. Inkatha warned further that certain unions should check their political direction lest there be 'internecine strife amongst blacks, with disastrous consequences for the black trade union movement and for black unity'." However, at the inauguration of a shop stewards' council of FOSATU in March, Chief Gatsha Buthelezi, Chief Minister of KwaZulu, said that the intertwining of politics and trade unionism had to be accepted as a reality in SA since the movement operated in a structure created by white political interests. 'The insistence the government (SA) now has to keep union matters and political matters apart is, in itself, intensely political.' Industrial councils A central aspect of the collective bargaining system - the industrial council system - came under concerted attack by many black unions and its functioning was widely discussed by employer bodies as well. The unions argued that industrial councils were too cumbersome to deal effectively with disputes and prevented workers from participating more actively in bargaining over their conditions of work. It was suggested that plant level bargaining on conditions of work should be introduced. Unions argued that some employers could afford to pay much higher wages than the minima set in industrial council agreements and that bargaining at plant level between unions and individual employers on these and other issues would allow for a more realistic setting of conditions of work. Furthermore, plant level procedures would allow for a quicker resolution of disputes. This stand was shared by certain employers. Ford's industrial relations director, Mr F Ferreira, warned that industrial councils faced 'disintegration' unless they allowed for greater worker participation. Mr Ferreira criticised the 'tendency' for negotiations to take place on a 'national industry basis'. He said that this had meant 'removing the worker and the individual employer more and more from the bargaining process, and replacing them with professional bureaucrats'. He made a plea for 'greater devolution of bargaining authority to include the shop floor'.32 Some employers such as Anglo American, while critical of the system as it presently stood, still supported it. In its report for the period ending March 1981, Anglo American called for 'a comprehensive review' of the industrial council system in order to hasten the registration of African unions and their incorporation into the official bargaining process. However, it said that the system had proved to be 'an effective negotiating forum for unitary bargaining in a multi-union situation' and the 'best structure for industrial peace'. In its revised labour relations guidelines released in November, the giant Steel and Industries Federation (SEIFSA) - comprising 8 500 employers and representative of 440 000 workers - reaffirmed its opposition to negotiating with unions not on an industrial council and advised employers to grant facilities more readily to unions which joined the councils. However, it felt that changed circumstances and especially the inclusion of Africans under the Labour Relations Act meant that the industrial council system would have to be adapted. Plant level facilities would be freely granted to union parties to the industrial council and could be 'points of negotiation' with unions outside it. These included recruiting access, access for union officials to shop stewards and access to company notice boards. In this way SEIFSA hoped to encourage unregistered unions to register and to persuade them and registered unions who refused to join the industrial council to do so. Earlier in the year the Metal and Allied Workers' Union, which had been granted registration, had refused to join the industry's industrial council. Also recommended in the guidelines were: " procedures for the accreditation of shop stewards elected by secret ballot; " grievance and disciplinary procedures. Companies wishing to negotiate on wages outside the industrial council were warned in the guidelines that they were 'in effect establishing an alternative bargaining arrangement' to the council. The guidelines differed from those issued in 1979 which expressly ruled out wage bargaining outside the industrial council. The 1979 guidelines had rejected plant level facilities for unregistered unions and the recognition of unions by individual companies. Unions which had refused to join the council said that the new guidelines showed a change in style, not substance. ACTION AGAINST TRADE UNIONS Harassment of trade union leaders and members by both SA and homeland authorities reached a peak this year. In the first half of the year the Ciskeian authorities detained about 61 workers, most of them former employees of Wilson Rowntree. In June 57 of those detained appeared in court, 21 being charged with public violence and 36 with violating the Riotous Assemblies Act. In September the Ciskeian authorities detained 205 members of 195 Industrial council system

Trade unionists: Detention three trade unions under Proclamation 252. They were held when returning to Mdantsane township in three buses after a union meeting in East London. The Minister of Manpower Utilisation, Mr Fanie Botha, refused to respond to an appeal by SAAWU that he intervene on behalf of the detained unionists. The GWU, African Food and Canning Workers' Union and SAAWU lodged an appeal with the Eastern Cape Supreme Court Division declaring the detentions null and void. A joint statement by the independent trade union movement said that the 'detentions and the shallow reasons given for justifying the detentions, are the most serious challenge to the democratic union movement for some time'.33 The SA security police moved against union officials on a number of occasions. The following officials of SAAWU were detained: Mr T Gqweta (on three occasions); Mr S Njikelana (on three occasions); Mr Xolani Kota, the union's branch secretary; and Mr Eric Mntonga. Messrs Mntonga, Gqweta and Njikelana were still being held under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act at the time of writing. The police also moved against MACWUSA detaining five union officials in all. Three of them were still being held under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act at the time of writing. Five committee members of the General Workers' Union were detained for questioning in July by Railways police after organising workers at the East London docks. As part of a major swoop in November, security police detained a further five trade unionists from different unions. They were Emma Mashinini, general secretary of the Commercial Catering and Allied Workers' Union, Samson Ndou, chairman of the General and Allied Workers' Union (GAWU), Mr Sam Kikine, general secretary of SAAWU, Mrs Rita Ndzanga, organising secretary of GAWU, and Dr Neil Aggett, Transvaal regional secretary of the African Food and Canning Workers' Union. Also detained was Dr Liz Floyd, a worker at the Industrial Aid Society. Messrs Gqweta, Njikelana and Mntonga of SAAWU were also redetained at this time. Details of a government plan to break SAAWU were disclosed in a circular sent to companies in East London. The document, dated September 11, 1980 stated that urgent action was needed 'to break the power of SAAWU and unregistered unions'. It advocated a number of measures designed to hamper SAAWU. These included: " drawing up by employers of lists of potential strike breakers, so that they could sack their workers and replace them quickly in the event of a SAAWU-led strike; " efforts 'to activate and motivate TUCSA to show more interest and become more active in the recruitment and organisation of black workers'; * legislation to ban general workers' unions such as SAAWU by requiring unions to act for one trade/industry only; * legislation requiring all unions to register - which would have the same practical effect.

The document stated that the chairmen of the Chamber of Industries, Chamber of Commerce and of the Afrikaanse Sakekamer had attended meetings where the aims of SAAWU were explained to them, as well as the necessity of uniform action by industry in East London against SAAWU. It was reported that at one of these meetings the Minister of Manpower Utilisation, Mr Fanie Botha, urged businessmen to resist SAAWU demands until legislation could be introduced to curb the union. These meetings were to be forerunners of further meetings to rally all major businesses in East London against SAAWU. Answering a question in Parliament, the Minister of Police admitted that a security branch officer had formulated and distributed the document. According to the minister the officer was acting on his own initiative with the knowledge of his commanding officer; and the document contained limited references to police files.3" In answer to a later question the minister stated that the formulation and distribution of such a document did not fall within the duties of the security police but that the officer concerned 'had acted in good faith and towards the maintenance of law and order as provided in Section 5 of the Police Act of 1958'. No steps would be taken against the officer as this was unwarranted.35 Victimisation In April workers from Auto Industrial in Kempton Park brought an application in the Rand Supreme Court for an interdict restraining the company from victimising them for union activities. The workers belonged to the Metal and Allied Workers' Union. Mr Acting Justice Browde granted the workers an interim interdict restraining the company from doing so until the case was decided. In June the interdict was confirmed by Mr Justice F S Steyn. In April, in a precedent-setting move, the Pietermaritzburg Supreme Court granted an application made by a dismissed worker, Mr Cyprian Ngewu, allowing him to return to his living quarters in his employers' compound. Mr Ngewu was one of 400 workers who had been dismissed in March by the Union Co-operative Sugar Company in Dalton, Natal after they had failed to return to work after a 'work stoppage'. Workers were dissatisfied because they felt that a 17% increase in wages which they had been granted had been nullified by the withdrawal of their food rations. Police arrested about 400 workers on March 3, and they were charged with trespassing. They were evicted from their accommodation in the compounds belonging to the company and were transported back to the homelands. The charges of trespass were later withdrawn by the company. After the court had granted Mr Ngewu's application, another was brought by FOSATU on behalf of 180 of the workers, asking that they be allowed to move back into the compound. This was delayed for 14 days because the judge demanded evidence to prove that the loss of their homes had inconvenienced the men and their families. A ruling was made that the workers' affidavits must include the statement that they were prejudiced by the loss of the compound accommodation. 197 Trade unionists: Victimisation

198 The judgement in favour of Mr Ngewu was seen by labour lawyers as significant because it meant that where accommodation was provided in terms of a contract of employment, employers could not evict workers Wiehahn without a court order. Commission recommendations LABOUR RELATIONS Wiehahn Commission (Part 5) The Wiehahn Commission of Inquiry into Labour Legislation published Part 5 of its report on industrial relations this year.' Many of its recommendations had already been incorporated into the Labour Relations Act prior to it being made public. It made the recommendations described below. 1 International law The Commission recommended that SA align its labour law with international labour conventions, that it resume the submission of annual reports to the ILO, and that the National Manpower Commission undertake and co-ordinate comparative research on SA's labour and industrial relations laws in the light of international labour standards. This was accepted by the government in its white paper.' 2 Registration The Commission voiced concern that some emergent worker organisations were ignoring the statutory system of labour relations which it felt was 'fundamentally sound', and recommended that both employers and employees be encouraged to make maximum use of the statutory system; and that legislative adjustments and the administration of labour law be done in such a way as to provide maximal incentives for employer and employee organisations to avail themselves of the statutory system as well as disincentives for bypassing it. This was accepted by the government. 3 Freedom of association/trade union autonomy It found that existing limitations on the eligibility of foreign migrant and commuter workers abrogated the principle of freedom of association and recommended that they should be abolished. A minority report recommended that they be retained on the grounds that foreign migrant and commuter workers could not be expected to demonstrate the same degree of allegiance and responsibility to SA as was expected of indigenous workers and could be subject to disruptive external influences. It recommended that the existing restrictions on racially mixed membership of trade unions be deleted in accordance with the principles of freedom of association. A minority view recommended that these restrictions be phased out over time in consultation with the National Manpower Commission. The majority recommendations were accepted by the government.

4 Registration of trade unions and employer organisations The Commission found, inter alia, that there were no grounds for the contention that registration implied excessive state control over the employer and employee organ isations; and recommended that: (a) registration remain voluntary rather than compulsory; (b) the registration procedure be streamlined to avoid delays; (c) provision be made in the Labour Relations Act for the holding of ballots to determine the degree to which an organisation was representative for the purposes of recognition; (d) provision be made in the Act for an appeal to the industrial court against decisions of the industrial registrar in regard to registration; (e) certain requirements pertaining to registered organisations be extended to unregistered organisations and that the Department of Manpower have the right to demand from an unregistered organisation any information it may require; (f) recognition of a workers' organisation by an employer should be voluntary, but the refusal by an employer to recognise a registered organisation which has proved by a secret ballot that it was representative, should constitute grounds for the submission of a complaint of unfair labour practice to the industrial court; (g) where an unregistered organisation enjoys an advantage prejudicial to the interests of a registered organisation this should be grounds for the submission of a complaint of an unfair labour practice to the industrial court; (h) the inadequately defined criterion of 'representativity' in the Act be replaced by a criterion of the 'most representative' organisation and the registrar be allowed to take into account quantitative representativeness as well. A minority recommendation was that all organisations be required to register with the registrar, with the right of appeal to the industrial court. The government said that further examination would be given to the recommendations 4(b) (c) (d) and (h). It rejected recommendation 4(f). It accepted recommendations 4(a) (e) and (g). 5 Future role of the Department of Manpower Utilisation The Commission recommended that the Department play a more assertive role in directing the private sector on labour relations; and that it establish a law-drafting section to assist in the drafting and editing of laws administered by the Department. This was accepted by the government. 6 Industrial court It recommended that the court's functions be examined and the court be substituted for the minister where judicial or quasi-judicial decisions were concerned. The government said that this would be considered further in the light of the investigations by the National Manpower Commission into the functions of the industrial court. 199 Wiehahn Commission recommendations

200 7 Decentralisation of collective bargaining The Commission recommended that the prerequirements for the meaningful exercise of negotiating rights by works committees and works Wiehahn councils be built into the legislation; that collective bargaining be conCommission ducted at the highest level; and where there was no higher level bargainrecommen- ing, works councils and committees should have full negotiating rights. dations The government stated that these recommendations would be considered further. 8 Closed shop The Commission stated that the recommendations of Wiehahn part one and the government's response had led to confusion over the interpretation of the closed shop. The Commission recommended that this ambiguity be cleared up as soon as possible. The government, in response, gave its view on the recommendations in the NMC report on the closed shop. (See section on closed shop.) 9 Deduction of trade union membership fees The Commission recommended: (a) that the deduction of such fees be a matter for negotiation between employer and employee organisations; (b) that recourse be provided to the industrial court where the employer refuses unreasonably to accord such facilities; (c) that the minister be empowered to prohibit their deduction in cases where employee organisations involve themselves in illegal activities, provided that an aggrieved party shall have recourse to the industrial court; (d) that provision in Section 78 for the compulsory deduction of fees be deleted. The government accepted 9(a) (b) (d) and rejected (c). 10 Industrial relations rights for public sector employees Public sector employees are excluded from the Act. The Commission recommended that such employees be included, and compulsory arbitration be substituted for the right to strike in disputes where these workers are involved. The government stated that a Committee of Inquiry had been appointed to make a study of the matter. Consequently it would await the results of the inquiry before making a decision. 11 Agricultural sector and private households The Commission recommended that the exclusion from the Act of persons in respect of their employment in farming operations and domestic households be deleted. The government said that while it was sympathetic to this, it would not take a decision on the issue-until it had consulted with all relevant parties. 12 Fees of the industrial court The Department of Manpower had suggested that court fees be increased from R60 to R100 per day. The Commission rejected this; and recommended that the present prescribed fees be retained, and that the amount of the fees be prescribed in the rules of the court rather than in regulations under the Act. The government stated that it would retain the status quo. 13 Strikes and lockouts The Commission recommended that strike ballots be secret and officially supervised. At present the procedures regarding strikes do not relate to bodies negotiating at the level of the enterprise. The Commission recommended that the National Manpower Commission examine this with a view to including such organisations under these provisions. The government rejected both these recommendations. 14 Picketing The Commission recommended that the Industrial Conciliation Act be amended to provide for the legitimate use of peaceful picketing as an instrument of industrial action; and that its definition encompass the notion that picketing is an attempt peacefully to induce fellow workers or members of the public to support workers engaged in a lawful strike. This was rejected by the government. 15 Fair employment practices legislation The Commission recommended that such legislation be implemented. The government accepted this in principle. 16 NewAct The Commission recommended that a new Act be formulated over time. This was accepted by the government. 17 Mediation authority In the light of labour unrest in recent years a minority of commissioners recommended that a National Mediation, Conciliation and Arbitration Authority be established in order to intervene in industrial disputes where requested by the employers, employees or under the direction of the minister. 18 The Wage Act The Commission recommended (a) that provisions in the Wage Act excluding workers in the agricultural section and in domestic service be deleted; (b) the Wage Board be requested to review its administrative and other procedures constantly, in order further to eliminate delays in the finalisation of wage determinations; (c) that employers in SA be urged to introduce steep wage rises. A minority opinion recommended the extension of the current minimum wage system on a national scale throughout SA. The government rejected 18 (c) and accepted 18 (b). It said that a decision regarding 18 (a) would be taken after consultation with the relevant parties. 201 Wiehahn Commission recommendations

202 19 General A number of other recommendations dealt with the question of funds of industrial councils, the duration of agreements, the right of industrial Labour councils to recovery of remuneration underpaid, the keeping of records Relations on microfilm, allowances of members of conciliation boards, private regAmendment istry offices and labour brokerage, regulation of the activities of personAct nel consultants, decriminalisation of certain offences under the Act, and monopolistic practices by employer organisations. The report also contained a section on women in employment. Many of its recommendations on this issue were rejected by the government. Labour Relations Amendment Act, No 57 of 1981 Far-reaching amendments were made to the Industrial Conciliation Act this year in terms of the Labour Relations Amendment Act, No 57 of 1981. Most of the amendments flowed out of the recommendations of the Wiehahn Commission (Part 5) on industrial relations. The Act followed on a draft bill which appeared in March (Government Gazette notice 235 of 1981) and which had been severely criticised. Definition of employee A new definition of 'employee' included all African workers, both foreign and local, under the Act. (The 1979 amendment Act had defined employees as African workers excluding foreign and local migrant workers and commuters, although an exemption made by the minister had thereafter included local migrants and commuters.) Registration The Act stated that when one union objects to another's application for registration, the registrar should only have 'regard to the members of the objecting union who are eligible for membership of the applicant union' when deciding which union should be granted registration. A further amendment stated that a trade union which is not registered under the Act shall notify the registrar of any alteration made to its constitution within 30 days of it being made. The procedure of 'provisional' registration, introduced in the 1979 Amendment Act, was repealed. A new provision was added making it compulsory for unregistered unions which fail to apply for registration within three months of the commencement of the new Act to submit to the registrar a copy of their constitutions and furnish him with the names of office bearers and officials. Failure to do so constitutes an offence. Provisions relating to regulations regarding the conducting of union affairs were extended to unregistered unions. These relate to the keeping of proper books, registers of all members and fees paid, and records of voting procedures regarding the election of candidates for union positions. Unions are obliged to forward details of members, officials, addresses of the head office and branches to the registrar. Furthermore, inspectors may at any time inspect union offices and question any person regarding a union's affairs. A clause in the draft bill which was dropped because of widespread criticism was that allowing the minister to close down a registered trade 203 union if it had acted unlawfully or had failed to observe any provision of its constitution. It could also close down the union if the government's industrial registrar decided that it had acted in 'a manner which is unrea- Labour sonable in relation to its members and which causes serious dissatisfac- Relations tion among a substantial number of members'. TUCSA as well as other registered unions had stated that they would consider withdrawing from Amendment the official bargaining system if the clause remained. Act Mixed unions The Act deleted provisions introduced in 1956 which prohibited the establishment of new mixed unions. If members of a newly-formed mixed union wish to hive off and form a uniracial union, they may do so but will have to apply for registration in the normal way. The draft bill had granted automatic registration to members of a mixed union wishing to hive off and form a uniracial union. A public outcry that this would encourage the fragmentation of unions had led to this measure being dropped. Politics Clamps on a union's involvement in politics were tightened. Previously a registered union could not give financial assistance to a political party or candidate for election to a legislative body. The prohibition was extended to include unregistered unions. The granting of 'other' assistance is also forbidden. Furthermore, a union may not influence its members to give such assistance to such parties/candidates nor to any candidate for election to any office or other position in a political party. This provision does not go as far as that in the draft bill which had debarred unions from assisting a 'political organisation' as well as a party. A 'political organisation' was defined as 'any person, association, or group of persons who or which has as his or its object, or one of his or its objects, whether expressed or otherwise, the promotion of his or its political interests or the political interests of its members or some of its members'. A new section made it obligatory for the head office of a registered or unregistered union or employers' organisation to be situated in the Republic excluding any territory 'which is a self-governing territory (i.e. homelands) Within the Republic in terms of the law'. In clarifying why the headquarters of unions could not be established in independent states the Minister of Manpower stated in Parliament that SA's inspectors did not have access to those countries, that such territories had their own legislation, and that 'if any trade union desires to leave SA and to move to a homeland or to Maseru or Mozambique, with its head office, it has ulterior motives for doing so'." Works councils The Act repealed the Black Labour Relations Regulation Act which provided for works and liaison committees, but made provision for the establishment of works councils which 'may' be introduced by an 'employer and all or any of his employees'. At least one half of the members

204 Labour Relations Amendment Act must be elected by employees. Any committee established in terms of the BLRR Act which has substantially the same functions shall be deemed to be a works council. The draft bill had omitted provision for such councils. Industrial court Certain amendments dealt with the delegation of functions by the minister or president of the court to additional or suitably qualified people. A further amendment introduced contempt of court rulings if a person 'wilfully mouths, disparages or belittles members of the Industrial Court, or wilfully interrupts proceedings of the court or otherwise misbehaves himself in the place where the court is functioning'. It is also an offence to contradict the court's findings or obstruct a member of the court in the performance of his functions. A clause in the draft bill stating that the costs of arbitration proceedings of any party to a dispute would be borne by the party concerned was withdrawn. Strikes In terms of the Amendment Act it is an offence for any union (registered or unregistered), federation or employers' organisation to give 'financial' assistance to a person involved in an illegal strike. This new provision is less stringent than that in the draft bill which stated that it was an offence for 'any person' to grant 'financial or other material assistance' to any person striking illegally. Employers must now notify the inspector if there is a strike. A failure to do so constitutes an offence. Stop order facilities It is an offence for an employer to award stop order facilities to an unregistered union, unless permission for this is granted by the minister. A provision in the draft bill making it obligatory for an employer to grant a registered union stop order facilities was dropped. In debating the Bill in Parliament, the minister stated that he was not prepared to grant unregistered trade unions stop order facilities as they were undermining 'order in the labour field'. Such a right could be obtained if the union registered and thereby showed its intention to co-operate with the state. If it remained unregistered and applied for exemption, the minister would first consult the employers, industrial council and other unions concerned before taking a decision."9 Sex discrimination Sex discrimination regarding matters dealt with by the industrial council was prohibited. There were numerous other minor amendments to the Act. Responses to the Amendment Act In Parliament the official opposition welcomed certain positive features of the Bill such as the elimination of all references to race, the outlawing of sex discrimination, the extension of trade union rights to Africans, and the repeal of dualistic legislation.

The PFP objected to the controls introduced to encourage unregistered unions to register, particularly the clause relating to stop order facilities. It recommended that the employer and union should be allowed to negotiate an agreement on the issue. It also objected to the clause prohibiting a union from granting financial assistance to workers striking illegally. Mrs Helen Suzman suggested that strikes should be decriminalised. She urged the Department of Manpower to refrain from calling in the police when a dispute occurred, and from arresting and detaining trade union leaders.4" Dr Boraine urged that further investigations be made into the running of the industrial court. The Minister of Manpower said that further amendments were to be made to the law in 1982. He stated that the president of the industrial court and the National Manpower Commission had been asked to consider the future operation of the court. The Commission was also investigating the question of negotiations at plant level. In a general response to the Act, a meeting of African trade unions representing at least 150 000 members resolved to support each other in defying the 'anti-strike' measures in the Act. A statement said that strikes occurred because of 'low wages, inadequate bargaining procedures and completely unworkable official dispute procedures . . . Workers therefore have no alternative but strike action outside the law . . . It is the duty of a union to stand by its members - including giving strike pay in defiance of any law. The prohibition of strike support will therefore not be obeyed.' The unions also rejected the present system of registration 'insofar as it is designed to control and interfere in the internal affairs of unions'. They * agreed to support each other 'in any abuse of powers of investigation given to the authorities in terms of the Labour Relations Act'; * rejected the present industrial council system as an acceptable means of collective bargaining and recommended that unions not party to the councils should stay out of them; * noted the 'severe harassment and constant detention of unionists in Ciskei', and resolved to send a delegation to Chief Minister Sebe to discuss the homeland's anti-union stance. The meeting resolved to continue to resist bannings and detentions in any way possible and warned that continuation of this practice could only worsen the already deteriorating industrial relations situation. To give effect to the resolutions at the meeting the unions resolved to establish an ad hoc solidarity committee in each region. The committees would discuss and initiate solidarity action arising out of their cooperation." Industrial court Widespread criticisms of the functioning of the industrial court continued to be voiced. In its first report, the Wiehahn Commission had argued for a special labour court as the procedure in ordinary civil courts was too formal and cumbersome to resolve labour disputes speedily. Ordinary courts were also too expensive and beyond the financial means of most workers. 205 Labour Relations Amendment Act

206 Industrial court The court, however, has failed to live up to expectations. Its shortcomings were highlighted by a case brought before it by 206 dismissed workers from Raleigh Cycles (Springs). The dismissed workers alleged that they had been victims of a lockout because their employer had allegedly promised to rehire them after a work stoppage but had then refused to do so. They also alleged that this was an unfair labour practice. The workers asked for an interim interdict restraining the company from continuing the alleged lockout and unfair labour practice. Under the Labour Relations Act, disputes involving an unfair labour practice should pass through the industrial council or conciliation board before reaching the court. In this case the workers bypassed the council because it could not hear the case within a time period acceptable to them. In judgement, the court's president, Mr B J Parsons and his deputy, Dr D B Ehlers, ruled that the court had no jurisdiction to hear the case, as it had power only to hear cases 'arising out of the application of the provision' of a law administered by the Department of Manpower Utilisation. They stated that the court could act only where somebody could actually be seen to have applied the law and a dispute had arisen therefrom. This referred chiefly to industrial council agreements, government wage orders etc. On the issue of an unfair labour practice the court decided it could not hear this as the workers had not gone through the industrial council. Mr Parsons rejected the argument that the court should hear the case as the workers had no form of speedy redress, by pointing to their right to approach the minister directly for an order against the employer. Labour lawyers were vociferous in their condemnation of the judgement, saying that it confirmed suspicions that the authorities were opposed to the court being used by African workers to achieve collective aims. Major changes to the court were proposed in a draft amendment to the Labour Relations Act published in October. The bill introduced a right of appeal to the Supreme Court against industrial court decisions. This would apply only in respect of unfair labour practices. It also introduced new powers to enable the court to intervene more swiftly in labour disputes by the making of status quo orders. Such interim orders would reinstate dismissed or suspended workers or prohibit an alleged unfair labour practice, pending the resolution of a dispute. Labour lawyers, while welcoming the changes, stressed that the bill failed to address itself to the basic problem of the court's absurdly narrow' area of jurisdiction. The court still could not hear disputes arising out of strikes, lockouts, victimisation, unlawful dismissals or unilateral changes in conditions of employment. Furthermore, applicants for 'status quo' orders would simultaneously have to refer the matter in dispute to an industrial council or conciliation board. A lawyer stated that this would add unnecessarily to the bureaucratic steps which have to be taken in resolving disputes. Closed shop A majority recommendation of the Wiehahn Commission (Part 1) had been that the closed shop should be retained. The government, in its white paper, however, had accepted the minority view which stated that 207 the closed shop practice should be suspended, no new agreements being allowed, but existing agreements should continue, subject to the wishes of the parties concerned. The government had also briefed the National Closed Manpower Commission (NMC) to re-examine the situation. Part 5 of the report of the Wiehahn Commission, while acknowled- shop ging that the NMC was investigating the issue, pointed out that the government's statement in the white paper was ambiguous and had led to a great deal of confusion. The Commission recommended that the ambiguities should be cleared up as soon as possible.42 In its report on the closed shop,41 the NMC stated that as at September 1980, out of a total of 94 industrial council agreements, 57 contained closed shop agreements. It was estimated that on the dates at which the agreements were concluded, about 250 000 employees qualifying for membership of the councils were affected by these agreements, about 230 000 of them being union members. In its findings the NMC stated that the closed shop was a long established practice in SA, the retention of which would, on balance, have more advantages than disadvantages. However, it recognised that if such agreements were applied 'without self-restraint or control' a variety of malpractices or abuses would occur, especially in SA with its different races. It recommended that the government's decision in principle on the closed shop embodied in the white paper on Part 1 of the Wiehahn report should be repealed. The legislation relating to closed shop agreements should remain as it was before the government's decision but with an amendment being made to Section 24. The amendment would grant a worker a 30-day period in which to become a member of a union party to a closed shop if he is employed by an employer party to a closed shop agreement. Previously the worker was obliged to become a member of a union before such an employer could employ him. The 30-day period also applies, in turn, to employers. The commission recommended that religious grounds be introduced as a valid reason for a worker being granted an exemption from the provisions of the closed shop. It recommended further that care should be taken to ensure that provisions will no longer occur in industrial council agreements in terms of which employers are obliged to give preference to trade union members in employing workers. It also stated that certain aspects of the closed shop would still be investigated. These were: * whether closed shop agreements that had arisen outside the ambit of the Labour Relations Act should be subject to safeguards within the Act; " whether it was desirable that the Act should require a secret ballot among workers to establish the opinions in favour of or against the closed shop when a significant proportion of workers concerned (say 30%) requested it by petitioning the minister. The government accepted these recommendations apart from that pertaining to exemption on religious grounds. It also changed the period of grace from 30 to 90 days.14

208 Strikes N st wor Strikes and work stoppages in South Africa 1970-80 Number of Nun umber of employees concerned manrikes and All African All k stoppages workers workers workers 76 4168 3210 4528 69 4451 4067 3437 71 9224 8711 14167 370 98378 90082 229281 384 59244 57656 98583 274 23323 22546 18709 245 28013 26291 59861 90 15304 14950 15471 106 14 160 13 578 10558 101 22803 15494 67099 207 61785 56286 174614 nber of days lost African workers n/a n/a n/a n/a 95 327 18275 22014 14 987 10 164 16 515 148 192 The break-down of the 1980 totals is as follows: Strikes 137 White Coloured Asian African 4 239 224 42 444 Work stoppages 70 1 036 13 305 Total 46 907 14 341 A draft bill on the closed shop published in October proposed that newly recruited workers be allowed a 90-day period of grace before having to join a trade union party to a closed shop agreement. Officials stated that the 90-day provision was an attempt to prevent unions from using the closed shop to keep Africans out of skilled jobs because workers would be able to take up jobs before the closed shop came into effect. Complaints were voiced by African workers that they were being compelled to join existing unions on the industrial council because of the operation of the closed shop. About 26 employees of the United Tobacco Co were fired and more threatened with dismissal after refusing to join the TUCSA-affiliated African Tobacco Workers' Union which was party to the tobacco industry's closed shop agreement. The agreement compels workers to join one of the registered union parties to the industrial council on pain of dismissal. Workers complained that they had not been consulted about the union. A spokesman for United Tobacco said that the company had applied unsuccessfully for an exemption from the agreement. Strikes The report of the National Manpower Commission for the period ending December 1980 gave the following statistics for the number of strikes and work stoppages for the previous 10 years: Year 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980

The reasons for the strikes were as follows: 209 Number of strikes and Strikes work African stoppages workers Other Wages 79 21420 2488 Wages and another reason 9 10 052 246 Union matters 20 5 948 897 Disciplinary measures 29 6 908 906 Working conditions and benefits 46 6 056 631 Otherorunknown 24 5902 331 Total 207 56 286 5 499 Of the strikes 50 took place in the Eastern Cape, 46 in the Durban/ Pietermaritzburg region, 39 in the PWV area, 31 in the Western Province, 21 in the Orange Free State and Northern Cape, and 20 in other areas. As at the end of November this year a reported 190 strikes involving an estimated 99 000 workers had taken place - all 'illegal'. (These figures are underestimates as they relate only to reported strikes.) The most common cause was dissatisfaction over wages (63 strikes) and the dismissal of colleagues (40). At least 37 strikes were called over the government's proposed pension legislation. Seven occurred due to union matters, the reasons for 17 of the strikes were 'other or unknown', and the remainder happened for multiple reasons. Police intervention Police intervention in strikes was widely condemned by the trade unions and the official opposition. In 1979 police were called to the scene of a labour dispute in 38 instances, to a work stoppage 14 times, and to a strike on 53 occasions. The figures for 1980 were 52, 20 and 94 respectively41 Despite the adverse effects of such intervention police were present in 30 of the reported strikes this year. Dismissals Many employers chose to dismiss workers on strike rather than negotiate a settlement with them. In the 190 strikes during the year, an estimated 40 employers dismissed striking workers. The inexperience of many companies in dealing with labour disputes was highlighted by the Minister of Manpower Utilisation, Mr Fanie Botha, who in Parliament in August warned employers to be more aware of labour issues. Employers did not know what a strike looked like and did not know how to handle one, he said. They should make financial contributions to train people so that they could handle labour relations. A large part of the problem existed because the needs of the employees were not satisfied. He reported that in Britain top management spent 60% of its time on labour relations, in Germany 35%, the rest of Europe between 30%-50% and SA only 1 %.46 210 Industrial unrest over the draft Pensions Bill Large-scale industrial unrest was sparked off by the government's proposed Pensions Bill. Countrywide strikes, and representations by trade Strikes unions and employers to the governement led to the legislation being dropped. (See section on Pensions for details of the legislation.) The unrest led to an examination of the administration of workers' pensions by employers and trade unions alike. After lengthy deliberations on the issue, the Federated Chamber of Industries (FCl) said that it believed reforms in the private pension industry could best be achieved by negotiation between workers and employers. The FCI said that it still supported the concept of preservation of pensions, but recommended the development of a code of pensions practice by employers, employees and managers of pension funds to direct reform in the administration of pension funds. Mr Rod Ironside, chairman of the FCI's labour affairs committee, stressed that reform could not be achieved through 'governmentdirected change' and said that the only sound basis for achieving change was through negotiations with an 'absolute minimum' of state intervention.7 In a document on the pension issue, FOSATU rejected the government's view that the unrest had been sparked by workers' failure to 'understand the real benefits of pensions' and that the unrest could be eliminated by 'opening up the appropriate channels of communication'.48 The document said that workers were suspicious of the Bill because it 'entrenches and extends a system which they know is not meeting their needs'. It listed the following as problems: * workers had never been consulted about pension schemes and therefore believed that these were not serving their interests; * workers were 'denied access to adequate information on funds' which again fed suspicion; * many workers failed to receive their benefits because a 'satisfactory system of training and paying pensioners was not laid down'; * many pensions lay down a minimum period of service before employer contributions were added into the fund. 'Through no fault of their own', unskilled black workers often failed to work for long periods in one company and industry; and " where workers withdrew their money after leaving their jobs they 'almost never receive management contributions'. Criticism was also levelled at the pension fund agreement applying to SEIFSA, the employer body for the iron and steel industry, as it also allowed for the preservation of pensions. SEIFSA stated that it would resist changes to the rules - of the metal industries' pension fund after calls had been made by employers for such changes. The metal industries fund prevents workers from withdrawing their pension contributions when they changed jobs. The contribution was 'preserved' and workers only received their pensions when they retired or died. A SEIFSA board member stated that they supported preservation, believed that it was in the interests of the workers and that the unrest was the result of misunderstandings. Individual strikes Some of the more important strikes have been isolated for comment.

Ford Strike 211 One of the major strikes this year occurred in May, when about 1 000 workers in the Eastern Cape downed tools in sympathy with 150 Firestone workers whom management had refused to re-employ after a Strikes strike. Workers at Ford's Cortina plant refused to handle Firestone tyres. They were joined by 400 workers from Ford's Struandale plant and 40 from its Neave plant. The strike spread to General Motors on May 19 where 200 workers downed tools in sympathy and over their own grievances. Workers from Firestone itself struck on the 21 st. In the first week in June, after extensive negotiations between MACWUSA and Firestone, Ford and GM respectively, workers decided to return to work. Firestone agreed that it would immediately take back 21 workers of those dismissed in the earlier strike, and others as vacancies arose. It was later revealed that Firestone would not take back all workers - those with bad work records would not be considered. Sigma The largest strike this year was that at the Sigma Corporation's factory in Pretoria involving 4 500 workers. Workers struck on April 9 when management refused to accede to their demand for a R3 per hour minimum wage. Instead they were offered R1. Workers had also demanded that management negotiate with a committee elected by union members of Sigma instead of the liaison committee. The union representing the workers was the National Union of Motor, Rubber and Assembly Workers (NUMARWOSA). Mr M Lemmer, Sigma's personnel director, stated that Sigma would agree to recognise the union as its sole negotiating partner if it obtained majority support in the factory. Sigma gave workers until April 24 to reapply for their jobs without loss of their benefits. At a meeting on April 23 workers decided to end the strike. This followed negotiations between management and the union on April 22 and 23. A joint statement by Sigma and NUMARWOSA said that the union had agreed to recommend to the workers that they seek reinstatement with Sigma, and that it appeared that the union was reaching the 50% membership mark among Sigma's workers to establish itself as the sole organ isation representing the workers with management. Negotiations on conditions of service for 1981/82 would commence once the union had achieved the agreed representation. About 200 workers were refused re-employment, including all but two of the 20-member workers' committee. On April 29 more than 2 000 workers demanded that these members should be reinstated before negotiations could begin. Workers expressed anger that the union had already begun wage talks with the company before the issue had been resolved. As a result the committee members concerned severed links with the union. Wilson Rowntree About 350 workers at Wilson Rowntree (East London) were dismissed in February after striking in sympathy with three co-workers whom they believed had been unfairly dismissed. Apart fromthe reinstatement of the workers, further demands by the union were for its recognition, and the rights of workers to join a union of their choice. Management claimed that the TUCSA-affiliated Sweet Workers' Union had the majority sup-

212 portoftheworkers.However, SAAWU claimed that before the dismissal 80% of the workers supported the union. In an attempt to get the workers reinstated the South African Allied Strikes Workers' Union, which represented the workers, sent a telex to the company's head office in London (UK). However, head office supported local management and the chairman of Wilson Rowntree (UK), Sir Donald Barron, sent a telegram to Mr Thozamile Gqweta, SAAWU's president, in which he alleged that the escalation of unrest in the factory had been caused by the 'tactics' of Gqweta and union officials. Large numbers of the dismissed workers were detained at various times. (See section on Action against Trade Unionists.) In March SAAWU took a decision to launch a boycott to force management to reinstate the workers. Support for the boycott was expressed by students at the Universities of the Western Cape, Cape Town, Rhodes, Witwatersrand, Durban and Durban Westville, by the Natal Indian Congress, COSAS, the Soweto Chamber of Commerce and Industry, AZAPO, FOSATU, and the General Workers' Union. A BBC Televison programme on the dispute drew criticism from Rowntree- Mackintosh for saying that the company's 'legalistic approach' to the strike had led to a confrontation of 'enormous political significance' for SA and 'ultimately threatened white power'. By the end of November management had replaced all the dismissed workers. Court cases The number of African workers charged and convicted of illegal strikes in 1979 and 1980 were as follows:48 Charged Convicted July 1, 1978-June30,1979 24 17 July 1, 1979-June30,1980 61 48 Many workers appeared in court under the General Laws Amendment Act, Riotous Asserrblies Act or Labour Relations Act this year. In September, the Transvaal Supreme Court set aside the convictions of 176 Greyhound bus drivers who had been convicted in February of striking illegally. They had been tried in the Krugersdorp magistrate's court under the Black Labour Relations Regulation Act on the same day that they went on strike. They were not represented and pleaded guilty. The Supreme Court criticised the sentences meted out by the Krugersdorp magistrate, saying that they were draconian. The workers had been sentenced to 18 months' jail, suspended for five years. One of the conditions of the sentence was that they were subject to 18 months' jail unless they returned to work immediately. In June four former Toyota workers appeared in the Randburg magistrate's court in a sequel to a work stoppage in January at the company. The workers faced charges under the rarely-used Section 10(a) of the Riotous Assemblies Act. This makes it an offence for anyone to try to compel another person not to do anything they are legally entitled to do - in this case, going to work. The section carries a maximum 5-year sentence. The court refused an application by Mr George Bizos, defence counsel, to have the charges quashed or the case struck off the roll. In October all 213 workers were acquitted in the Johannesburg magistrate's court on the ground that the state had not proved its case. Codes of conduct Codes of Sullivan code The Reverend Leon Sullivan, architect of the 'Sullivan Principles' on employment practice called in February for the halting of loans and investments to the Republic and proposed that a multiracial conference be held in SA to seek ways of resolving inequalities here. Union leaders again voiced their rejection of the codes, regarding them as 'paternalistic'. They held that agreements should rather be reached within each company by management and workers and not be subjected to outside controls. In a second audit9 of employment practices at the Ford Motor Company, a team of investigators commissioned by the SA Institute of Race Relations found that its labour relations were 'exemplary', and that it had removed discrimination in pay and employment opportunities, but that this had not led to rapid African advancement. It recommended that special measures be introduced to compensate for the peculiar problems which workers faced. Ford's industrial relations director stated that the company accepted, in principle, most of the recommendations with minor exceptions and that many had already been implemented. It rejected a recommendation that the company should provide its own housing on its own land for certain of its employees. However, it would continue to help employees build and improve their own homes. The company was also reluctant to accept a recommendation that shop stewards be consulted in the selection of trainee supervisors, but it agreed with the sentiment that prospective supervisors should be acceptable to the workers. The unions labelled the report a 'whitewash' and stated that it gave unfounded credence to company adherence to the 'questionable' Sullivan principles. FOSATU representatives also criticised the second audit because it contained no interviews with workers, nor did it reflect the views of the black unions active at Ford."° However, the investigators stated that the same number of workers were interviewed in 1980 as in 1979. Members of FOSATU and officials of MACWUSA were also interviewed)51 In September a bipartisan group of congressmen wrote to President Reagan calling on him to call a meeting with the heads of all American corporations doing business in SA to urge them to sign and to comply with the Sullivan code. In September the House Africa Sub-Committee launched a series of hearings on legislation designed, among other things, to make the application of fair employment practices mandatory for American corporations doing business in SA.2 In his fifth annual report on the application of the Sullivan code released in October, the Reverend Leon Sullivan stated that although the code had made considerable impact on SA not enough had been achieved. He said, for example, that more than half the 300 American corporations operating in SA were not yet signatories to the principles and more than a third of the signatories had received a 'failing' grade in

214 the latest assessment of their application. He announced that he was to embark on an 'aggressive' campaign to deal with recalcitrant corporations. He had enlisted the support of ministers of 1 000 of Codes of America's largest churches for a movement of 'moral persuasion' against conduct unco-operative companies. Another 4 000 churches would be contacted to join the campaign. He planned to contact trade union pension funds, colleges and other organisations investing in corporate stocks to ask them to withdraw their investments from unco-operative companies. He had already requested legislation from the US Congress for mandatory sanctions, tax penalties, loss of government contracts and government licenses to be applied to corporations who did not apply the fair employment principles as fully as they should. He made it clear that he was advocating withdrawal of investments in American corporations operating in SA as a means towards fair employment - not as part of a total withdrawal from SA. The report showed that 144 of the 300 US corporations had agreed to apply the code. Of these, 34 companies were 'making good progress', 32 were 'making progress' and 20 had failed to submit reports. The remainder were companies which endorsed the code but which had less than 10 employees in their SA operations. Improvements since the initiation of the code were as follows: * 95% of the reporting units showed that all their facilities were desegregated; * 96% of all reporting units claimed common medical, pension and insurance plans for all races; * nearly all signatories provided equal pay for equal work, with African employees receiving higher average pay increases each reporting period; * an increasing proportion of the participants in training programmes for sales jobs was made up of African employees; * the proportion of Africans in supervisory positions had increased from 27% to 38% since the report was issued. However, the number of Africans in managerial positions remained at 3%; * contributions to 'community development' increased sharply from R2,8m to almost R5m between the fourth and fifth reports; 0 the amount of money contributed by signatories to help educate SA's African people increased from R3,5m to R4m between reports four and five.53 References 1 Information taken from FOSATU's annual report, 1981 2 StarAugust 31 3 Ibid October 10 4 Rand Daily Mail April 13 5 Information supplied by CUSA 6 Information supplied by TUCSA 7 Garment Worker June 19 8 Rand DailyMailJune 23 9 Information supplied by SAAN 10 Daily Dispatch May 27 11 Rand Daily MailApril 29 12 lbidMay 22 13 StarMarch 6

14 lbidJune 10 215 15 lbidJune 6 16 lbidOctober 20 17 lbidJuly 3 18 lbidOctober 6 Labour '9 Hansard 5 Q col 274 September 2 20 Report of the National Manpower Commission January-December 1980 relations 21 Ibid 22 Hansard 7 Q col 414 September 10 23 Hansard 5 Q col 276 September 2 24 Financial Mail March 20 25 Rand Daily Mail October 13 26 IbidMay 15 27 Barlow Rand guidelines on labour relations, 1981 28 Federated Chamber of Industries' guidelines, 1981 29 Compiled from newspaper and union sources 30 StarAugust 3 31 Financial Mai/June 3 32 Rand Daily MailJuly 3 33 IbidSeptember 14 34 Hansard 1 Q col 23 August 7 35 Hansard 3 Q col 92 August 18 Report of the commission of Inquiry into Labour Legislation Part 5 RP 27/1981 37 White Paper on the Report of the Commission of Inquiry into Labour Legislation Part 5, WP27/1981 38 Hansard 2 col 591 August 11 39 Ibidcol 586 40 Ibidcol 575 41 Rand Daily MailAugust 29 42 Report of the Commission of Inquiry into Labour Legislation Part 5, p 49 43 Report of the National Manpower Commission on the Closed Shop in the RSA. Report 1-1981 44 White Paper (WP 27/1981). The government's response to the NMC report was contained in its White Paper on the Wiehahn Commission report Part 5 45 Hansard 6 Q col 330 September 8 46 Hansard 4 col 2195 August 27 4' Hansard 3 Q col 236 August 28 48 Internal document by FOSATU on pensions 49 SA Institute of Race Relations, The Sullivan Principles at Ford, Audit 2, February 1981 50 Financial Mail March 6 5 Race Relation News April 1981 52 StarSeptember 25 51 /bidOctober 6

GROUP AREAS AND HOUSING FOR THE WHITE, COLOURED, AND INDIAN GROUPS HOUSING Comparative statistics According to Stats, a monthiy statistical and marketing digest,' the rate of construction of housing units in SA and various other countries was as given below. The figures refer to housing units built over a sixyear period (1975 to 1980). Construction of houses as a rate per 1 000 of population South Africa White Indian Coloured African Greece Canada Norway 22,8 + 9,3 + 9,3 The average number of rooms per dwelling then was:2 Size of dwellings: rooms per dwelling South Africa White Coloured Indian African 4,5 less than 3 less than 3 less than 3 The average number of people per room was:' People per room South Africa 0,7 2,1 2,1 more than 3. 216 White Coloured Indian African

People per room 21 7 Australia less than 0,7 New Zealand less than 0,7 Colombia more than 2,1 Housing S Korea more than 2,1 Philippines more than 2,1 In a recent paper dealing with housing,' Mr C Swart gave figures indicating the income levels of people of the various racial groups in SA in 1978 and the types of dwellings that were needed. People classified as 'independent' could be expected to provide their own houses: the rest needed subsidised housing. Those in the sub-economic group could afford to pay only very small sums in rentals, hence dwellings for them would have to contain only the barest of essentials. Population group Independent Economic Sub-economic (R6 000 (R2-R6 000 (- R2 000 p.a.+) p.a.) p.a.) White 69,1 25,8 5,1 Coloured 20,0 58,6 21,4 Indian 25,4 67,7 6,9 African 1,5 43,4 55,2 This table shows that the proportions of the people requiring subsidised housing were 30,9% of whites, 80,0% of coloured people, 74,6% of Indians, and 98,6% of Africans. Mr Swart said that in order to provide for the needs of the people in these categories, 4,9m housing units would have to be provided by the year 2000, with 2,4m units in the economic category, and 2,5m units in the sub-economic category. Provision of the housing units would cost R23 000m. In addition, community facilities and amenities would cost R11 000m and infrastructure R5 500m, giving a total of R39 500m.1 These figures were calculated at 1978 prices, but taking inflation into account the figures for the period 1980-2000 would be more than R120 000m. Shortage of housing Addressing the annual meeting of the Institute of Municipal Treasurers and Accountants in April, Mr B van der Vyfer, the Deputy DirectorGeneral of Community Development, gave the following figures indicating the housing shortage:6 New housing units needed annually for the growing population White 5 500 Coloured 13 500 Indian 4 030 African 31 600 Total 54 630 Existing backlog for black people (i.e. African, coloured, Indian): + 200 000 units

218 Number of new dwellings per annum required to eliminate backlog in five years: 42 000 units Housing Total number of units required per annum to meet annual need and to eliminate backlog over a five year period:7 96 630 units According to Mr van der Vyfer, the state would require R420m a year to eliminate the backlog within five years. The cost of meeting the new housing needs of all race groups was calculated as R565m, giving a total cost of R985m annually.8 Shortage of funds was a major problem for the state in the provision of housing. According to Mr van der Vyfer, 'building costs are increasing by 20% a year, while the department's budget does not increase by the same percentage'.9 He said the state was not prepared to accept 'inferior' forms of housing, like site- and-service schemes, for lower and middle income groups."0 (See section on housing under Urban African Affairs.) Building costs have continued to rise, going up by 30% during the last quarter of 1980.11 According to the Bureau for Economic Research, by April 1981 the annual increases in cost were between 28% and 32%.12 It was estimated that the cost of an average house was likely to rise by 25% in 1982.13 The private sector The building industry in SA continued to boom in the first quarter of the year, as indicated by an increase in the number of dwelling plans passed and in the total value of these plans.14 In 1979 the private sector spent R778m on housing, and from 1976 to 1981 it accounted for 65% of total investment in housing (but only for 40% of all new units constructed). The average cost per unit built over this period was R20 500. About 80% of the funds for the building programme of the private sector is provided by building societies. During the period 1975 to 1979 these societies granted RI 650m in loans for the construction of new houses and R1 60m in loans for flat complexes.5 The first half of the year was characterised by a general shortage of building society loan funds.16 Over the past three years building societies have experienced declining reserve ratios because the profitability of mortgage loans is dropping.17 According to Mr H Dodds, immediate pastpresident of the Association of Building Societies, there was a drop in net lending from a peak of RI5m a day in August 1980 to R3m a day in February 1981.18 Addressing a conference of the SA Institute of Civil Engineers, Dr J Roux, a member of the social planning branch of the Prime Minister's office, said that the private sector was not interested in becoming involved in large-scale provision of low cost housing.'9 Provision of housing by the State Since 1957 the National Housing Fund has provided R1 816m for the construction of 653 931 housing units, distributed as follows:20

Units % of total 219 White 73 605 11,3 Coloured 213 119 32,6 Indian 60 580 9,3 Housing African 306 627 46,8 Total 653 931 100,0 According to the Minister of Community Development and State Auxiliary Services, between December 1975 and December 1980, 23 532 state-subsidised houses for whites, 75 951 for coloured people, and 15 454 for Indians, were built.21 Between March 31, 1978 and March 31, 1980, 78 921 housing units were financed by the National Housing Fund. Of these 39 002 were built for coloured people, 10 353 for Indians and 3 963 for whites. During the past five years the average cost of each unit built has been R6 700.22 Current government spending on housing is 1,36% of the GDP, as compared with the 4,6% recommended by the UN, although SA is only slightly behind the global average. Government expenditure on African housing -the area of most severe shortage - remains static at 0,53% of theGDP.23 In April the Minister of Community Development, Mr P Kotze, appointed a special committee to investigate ways of overcoming the critical shortage of low- cost accommodation. The committee was headed by Professor T Lopjw, chairman of the National Housing Commission.24 Further information about housing for Africans is given in the chapter on Urban African Affairs. The rest of this chapter deals with housing and group areas for the white, coloured, and Indian groups. In reply to questions in the Assembly, the Minister of Community Development gave the following estimates of the housing backlog as at September 7: White 20 000 Coloured 40 000 Indian 14000 According to the minister the following housing units were built in the 1979/80 and 1980/81 financial years: White Coloured Indian 1979/80 5 649 14 514 3441 1980/81 2 862 9 823 6 271 On March 31 there were 8 353 dwelling units for whites, 44 896 units for coloured people and 18 815 units for Indians in housing projects under construction or at the tender stage.-These projects were not all completed in a single financial year and expenditure could extend over a period of three or more years in the case of large projects.2" The total vote of the Department of Community Development for 1981/82 was R579 989 000. The amount allocated to the provision of housing was R136 132 000.26

GROUP AREAS Group Areas Statistics The Minister of Community Development and State said the following numbers of families were moved during 1980 in terms of the Group Areas Act:27 Auxiliary Services from their homes Cape Transvaal OFS KI - I White 25 6 Coloured 2 312 348 67 11l Indian 46 457 C-.AI II I JU" Total 31 2 842 1 143 The minister gave the following information about the group areas that had been proclaimed in SA as at December 31, 1980:28 Number of group areas 841 581 258 Total area in ha. 767 544 93 848 45 747 The following numbers of from the commencement of 31,1980:29 families had been disqualified and moved the Group Areas Act up to December White 757 688 Cape Transvaal OFS Natal Coloured 61 119 11 186 2 300 3 588 Indian 2 774 10911 23 227 Total 2 259 78 193 36912 In the 31 years during which the Group Areas Act has been in force, 225 000 Indian and 375 000 coloured people have been moved from their former homes to other areas.30 As at December 31, 1980 the following numbers of families remained to be moved in terms of proclamations under the Group Areas Act:31 Cape Transvaal OFS Natal White Coloured 86 5 200 - 1 678 Indian 797 1 847 711 1 928 Total 132 7 589 4 572 The figures for people who were moved from business premises in 1980 in terms of the Group Areas Act were unavailable. 220 White Coloured Indian

General comments on the Group Areas Act Criticism of the Act continued to be widespread. According to the Minister of Community Development and State Auxiliary Services, almost 90% of the persons removed in 1980 previously lived in dilapidated and slumlike conditions.2 Professor Erika Theron, chairman of the Theron Commission, queried this figure. She maintained that since most of the group areas had already been proclaimed it was unnecessary to keep the Act on the statute book. She could not foresee a large influx of blacks into white group areas. She said that local authorities could contribute to limiting influx into white areas by making the coloured areas more attractive.33 Professor Theron alleged that removals under the Act sometimes resulted from the pulling of strings between politicians and power groups whose only interest in the coloured group was as a labour force and for its purchasing power.34 The Minister of Community Development claimed that the Theron Report supported the Group Areas Act as a means of bringing about order in living patterns. He criticised Professor Theron for repudiating her own report.31 Professor Theron's criticism was endorsed by Professor R E van der Ross, the Rector of the University of the Western Cape. The Act was also attacked by the Reverend D Botha, Moderator of the NG Sendingkerk36 and Mr Dawood Khan, chairman of the Western Cape Traders' Association, who said that it had done much to prevent black entrepreneurs from becoming successful.37 According to the Minister of Community Development and State Auxiliary Services, prominent organisations made representations in 1980 that the central business areas of Durban, Richards Bay, Cape Town and Johannesburg be designated open trading areas for all population groups. Although none of these requests had -been acceded to, he pointed out that the government intended amending the Group Areas Act in order to open business areas for trading by all population groups. Section 19 of the Act already made provision for the establishment of open trading areas. As at January 30, 17 such areas had already been proclaimed and a further 1 7 were being investigated.38 According to prominent members of the SA Indian Council, this council was uncertain about whether to condemn the Group Areas Act and demand its immediate repeal, or to press for eventual repeal and to plead with the government for its application to be tempered with mercy.39 Early in 1981 the President's Council recommended that there be a judicial inquiry into the Group Areas Act and related legislation. A committee headed by Mr Justice Jan Strydom was subsequently appointed by the government to make such an inquiry. In a press statement issued on November 1 7, the Acting Leader of the Opposition, Mr Colin Eglin, criticised the composition and terms of reference of this committee. He pointed out that its membership included no representatives of the coloured or Indlan communities - the people most seriously affected by the Group Areas Act - nor did it include any representative of the private sector. Furthermore, the committee would be hamstrung by its terms of reference. It had been directed in its investigations to accept and maintain the principle 'that the South African community can best 221 Group Areas

222 Group Areas Transvaal be ordained and served on a basis of the traditional way of life of residential separation'. Group areas and housing developments: Transvaal Pretoria The Pretoria Indian township of Laudium was reported to be severely overcrowded. It was officially estimated in April"0 that 1 688 families were on the waiting list for housing: Indian leaders put the figure as nearer 2 500 families, or some 20 000 people. The quality of housing in a sub-economic scheme called White Blocks was considered by these leaders to be inadequate." Early in 1981 the Department of Community Development adopted plans to build 1 450 dwellings in this township)2 Besides this, an area near Laudium called Dairy Farms was proclaimed on March 13 for Indian occupation.43 The African Atteridgeville/Saulsville community council objected to this on the grounds that Dairy Farms was the natural area for the expansion of Atteridgeville (which had its own housing shortage), and that the presence of Indian traders there would pose a threat to African businessmen. Johannesburg Coloureds The Johannesburg housing department estimated that the coloured population of the city numbered 119 000 in 1980.2 For many years there has been a critical shortage of housing for coloured residents of the city. Estimates vary considerably, but according to Mr H Rudolf, a Johannesburg city councillor, some 27 000 coloured people were waiting for houses in March.6 The chairman of the coloured management committee, Mr M Richards, said in April17 that approximately 7 000 families were on official waiting lists, but that the actual shortfall of housing was nearer 14 000 units: out of sheer frustration many people had failed to register their names on these everlengthening lists. At the end of March, 3 315 dwellings were under construction or at the tender stage in housing projects of the municipality and the Department of Community Development .8 Coloured families living in Coronationville have been given an opportunity to buy their houses from the city council at prices ranging between R6 000 and R8 000.49 During the 1950s it was decided that Africans should be moved from Western Township, which would become a coloured township to rehouse families from and other areas allocated to whites. The city council subsequently planned the redevelopment of Western Township, but the coloured residents have been dissatisfied with the standard of the houses built there. At a joint meeting of the council's representatives and the Residents' Action Committee in June, it was agreed that the project should be replanned.50 Another of the early re-zoning plans was that Protea township should cease to be coloured and become part of Greater Soweto. Housing for between 12 000 and 15 000 Africans is envisaged for the area. For the past eight years the Department of Community Development has been buying houses from coloured families who are willing to sell, and moving in African people from Kliptown. The Protea Residents' and 223 Tenants' Association has petitioned the government to abandon this scheme.5' Indians Group Areas Johannesburg's Indian housing shortage has been estimated at between Johannesburg 3 000 and 10 000 units. There are about 5 000 families on official waiting lists.52 The main Indian group area is at Lenasia, some 30 km south of the city centre. In the current financial year about R30m was allocated to build a further 3 000 housing units there by 1984. There are owner-built houses in the township together with subsidised economic and subeconomic dwellings, the latter being located in an area called Thomsville, which accommodates some 600 people. In January about 100 of them demonstrated at the offices of the Department of Community Development against the slum conditions there. Dwellings were stated to be rotting from the damp. Four-roomed dwellings were being shared by 16 and more people. The department agreed that the area should be renovated. 14 Pageview, near the city centre, is part of the old Malay location allocated to coloured people and Asians by the Transvaal Republican government in 1887. In terms of the group areas proclamation of 1956 it was allocated to whites, although it was then about 95% Indian-owned and was occupied by a mixed population of coloured, Indian, and African families. By October 1981 only about 140 Indian families remained there, and all the coloured and African people had been moved."5 Most of the buildings, including formerly prosperous trading stores, had been demolished. The majority of the Indians relocated had gone to Lenasia. Over the years there have been repeated calls from many sources for the return of Pageview to the Indians, and in September the President's Council recommended that this should be done. However, the government again rejected this proposal. It decided that Indians should be given areas in Fordsburg, Burgersdorp, and part of Newtown, a little further to the south, across a railway line; (these areas are already fully occupied and mainly industrialised). The government's decision was widely deplored. A number of prominent Johannesburg Indians resigned in protest from the outgoing SA Indian Council and/or refused to stand for election to the new Council. (These elections, held on November 4, are described in the chapter on political developments in SA's Indian community, p 20.) Coloured and Indian people in 'white'Johannesburg As reported in previous issues of this Survey, considerable numbers of coloured and Indian families or single persons unable to find accommodation in areas allocated to their groups have over the years moved into vacant flats or houses in the white areas of central Johannesburg - e.g. Hillbrow, Joubert Park, Braamfontein, Mayfair, Jeppe/Troyeville, etc.56 Others were born and brought up in areas which at the time were racially mixed, e.g. Doornfontein and Ferreirasdorp.11 It was estimated in July 1980 that more than 2 000 coloured and Indian persons were illegally resident in white areas of central Johannesburg.18

224 Group Areas Johannesburg Some to these are single young people, earning good salaries, readily accepted as tenants by flat-owners. A representative of the Department of Community Development said during October that his department could not accommodate single persons without dependants in coloured and Indian group areas." A number of the coloured persons living in 'white' Johannesburg were, apparently, light- skinned and generally accepted as being white. Particularly since 1979 these illegal residents have been charged under the Group Areas Act and brought to court. A voluntary organisation called the Action Committee to Stop Evictions (ACTSTOP) was formed during that year. It consisted of lawyers, social workers, coloured and Indian leaders, and other concerned individuals who attempted to assist affected people by defending them in court and acting as a pressure group. A number of attorneys and advocates volunteered to defend cases without payment. Two cases were taken as far as the Appellate Division during 1979, but both were dismissed in September 1980 (see Survey 1980 p 355). One of the persons concerned had been given a sentence of R100 or 50 days suspended for three years, and the other was sentenced to R75 or three months, also suspended for three years. Other charges, held up while these appeals were in progress, were then proceeded with. It was reported in the Financial Mail on February 20 that 125 cases had been withdrawn because the persons concerned had since moved out of the white areas. The Minister of Police said that 233 prosecutions were still pending."0 Most of these were again remanded because there were not enough magistrates in Johannesburg to deal with the ordinary workload and handle these group areas prosecutions too. When cases were finalised, the sentences imposed on persons convicted were comparable with those imposed in the two cases which had earlier been taken to appeal, although a period of grace was allowed. During the general election campaign, National Party candidates in constituencies where people of colour were living illegally were reported to have assured voters that these people would be moved. The Minister of Community Development announced in September that legislation would be introduced in 1982 to speed up the process. The press speculated that the authorities would be empowered to evict illegal residents without a court order, which was required under the existing law."1 Whites There was no serious shortage of housing for whites in Johannesburg in 1978, but from then on the position deteriorated as the population grew and was augmented by hundreds of immigrants from Zimbabwe and overseas. By the end of the year, new immigrants were arriving at an average of 2 000 a month, a significant proportion of them coming to Johannesburg.12 Building costs were meanwhile rising sharply. By mid-i 981 it had become almost impossible for any but the wealthy to buy homes. Rentals of houses and flats had been very greatly increased; they are reported to have practically doubled during 1981 alone. Many people were thus forced to leave homes where they had lived for years because they could not afford to pay the higher rents and were forced to seek cheaper accommodation. Large numbers of others were 225 evicted when private hospitals or large business firms bought up blocks of flats to provide accommodation for skilled workers whom they hoped to attract to their concerns. Still others were evicted after the Sectional Group Areas Titles Act came into operation in 1979: this had the effect of displacing Boksburg previous tenants of flats who could not afford to pay the prices charged when these were sold. Meanwhile, very few new blocks of flats were being built, developers asserting they were unprofitable because the maximum return on their investment allowed in terms of the Rents Act could be below what they required for payment of mortgage bond interest, maintenance expenses, and repayments of the capital expended.63 Boksburg A coloured group area to serve the East Rand was developed from 1965, around the nucleus of a township named Reiger Park, where people could build their own homes, and adjoining municipal townships with cheaper housing that could be rented. Over the next few years coloured people were moved there from Benoni, Germiston, Springs, Brakpan, and other towns on the East Rand. By mid-1981 the population had grown to an estimated 28 000. Interviews with the chairman and the secretary of the Reiger Park Tenants' and Ratepayers' Association, Mrs Ellen Lambert and Mr George du Plessis, were published in The Star on October 30. They talked of desperate overcrowding in the township: as many as four families were to be found living in one room in a slum area called 'Single Quarters'. There were 3 067 families on the official waiting list for houses, yet only 52 new houses had been planned by the authorities. There was no proper hall in the township, no cinemas, and only one stadium to serve 32 soccer teams and almost as many hockey clubs. The town council stated that Reiger Park was being run at a loss of R5m a year,64 and asked the government to take over the responsibility. In March it refused a request by the residents that a white area called Delmore should be added to the township to relieve overcrowding, stating that this would mean an even greater financial loss which the white ratepayers would have to bear.6 Rents in Reiger Park were raised as from January 1, which caused great anger. Mr du Plessis, quoted above, stated that 48 families were evicted within two months for non-payment of the increased amounts. A number of Indian traders were living in the township. Plans had been made much earlier to move them to the Indian group area of Actonville, Benoni, but this area was overcrowded too, and could not absorb them. Indian occupation of land which was needed by coloured people caused resentment, and after the rent increase the anger of some of the coloured residents was directed against these Indians. Early in May a serious riot broke out, 17 Indian shops being sacked and looted. During the rioting, two people were killed and 21 injured.', After the riot, the Boksburg management committee decided to acquire more land at Delmore, but that this would be developed for home ownership only, the scheme to be self-financing.67 It decided, later, that the rents at Reiger Park's Single Quarters should again be raised, as from October 1. After a series of mass protest meetings, the residents decided to take the town council to court.68

226 Alberton Alberton municipality, too, has found great difficulty in financing its coloured township, named Eden Park, and has asked the Department of Group Areas Community Development to take over the administration. According to Natal Mr J van der Merwe, chairman of the management committee, the town council has been losing R500 000 a year in running Eden Park.61 (Coloured residents do not earn enough to pay rents at a rate which would make the township self-sufficient.) Group areas and housing developments: Natal Durban In 1973 the central Grey Street area of Durban was proclaimed an area for Indian business but not for residence. According to Mr K Manjee, chairman of the Grey Street Indian Local Affairs Committee,0 the resident population dropped from 13 000 in 1973 to 6 500 in 1981. An application for the restriction to be removed had been refused. As reported in the 1979 Survey (p 482), new housing is being provided at Phoenix for Indians and at Newlands for coloured people. Early in the current year the Durban city council raised the rents in Indian and coloured townships by 15%.7 The Durban Housing Action Committee, composed of organisations from these townships, sent a memorandum to the council pointing out that the per capita monthly incomes were only R45,43 in Phoenix and R62,03 in Newlands. Some 44,4% of the Indian households, and 47,5% of the coloured, were living below the household subsistence level. Average incomes were dropping because of increasing unemployment. About 6 000 Indians are stated to be living in a shack settlement called Malukazi, where there is no electricity, sanitation, or tarred roads, and no proper water supply. Many heads of households are unemployed.72 Other Natal towns In Ladysmith, an Oriental Plaza has been built on the fringe of the existing central business district, to which about 50 Indians have moved their businesses. Others are said to be carrying on as before in the CBD with the aid of white 'front men': they fear that if they move to the Plaza their trade will fall off because of competition. On the other hand, white businessmen have expressed a fear that if the Plaza proves a success it will draw African and coloured trade away from the CBD. Ifafa, on the Natal South Coast, has been proclaimed a coloured group area, despite protests by a local white action committee.71 During 1976 the Natal Provincial Administration made the Indian area of Marburg at Port Shepstone an autonomous area. The Indians have continued to protest because they find it difficult to finance the services, and because they would prefer representation on the Port Shepstone town council (which has white members only).75 It was decided in the early years of 'separate development' that Indians would not be allowed to settle in Northern Natal (loosely known as Zululand), and coloured residence would be restricted. However, during July, Indian and coloured group areas were proclaimed at Richards Bay.

Group areas and housing developments: Cape 227 Group areas removals in the Cape Peninsula According to the Minister of Community Development and State Auxiliary Services, 195 white, 29 336 coloured, and 1 506 Indian families Group Areas were moved from their homes in the Cape Peninsula from the Cape implementation of the Group Areas Act until December 31, 1980. Eighty white, 2 736 coloured, and 540 Indian families remained to be moved at that date.76 As mentioned in previous issues of the Survey, District Six in Cape Town was proclaimed a white group area in 1966. Although about half of the properties there were owned by whites, some 90% of the occupants were coloured. Adding together figures given by the minister at various times," 9 462 coloured and 457 Indian families had been moved out of the area by the end of 1980, most of the coloured people having had to go to new housing schemes some distance away on the Cape Flats. At the end of 1980 there were still 759 coloured and 53 Indian families to be moved. During 1979, District Six was renamed Zonnebloem. Large numbers of vacated buildings have been demolished; some of those that were of better quality were however, renovated for use by white families or for occupation by members of the SA Police and Defence Force. An Oriental Plaza-type of business centre has been erected for use by Indian traders, while a technikon for white students is to be built. In September the President's Council recommended that plans for the technikon in this area should be abandoned, and Zonnebloem restored to the coloured people, but the government rejected this recommendation .78 Racial zoning in other parts of the Cape Peninsula Parts of Woodstock have been declared white, and in 1979 two sections were proclaimed coloured. Both areas remained racially mixed, however. The minister said in the Assembly that as at September 30, 1980 there were 36 coloured and 17 Indian families living in the white area and 79 white families in the coloured area."' A further portion of Woodstock remains unzoned because the coloured and white residents are approximately equal in numbers. Maitland Garden Village was established in 1928 to cater for 300 coloured families. According to a group areas proclamation of 1958 it was destined to become a white area, but the minister has reversed this decision.8° Early in April the authorities forced the closure of a play centre in the Methodist Church buildings in Kenilworth (a white area) which catered for about 100 coloured children.,, During 1981, part of Wynberg was declared a coloured group area and a third residential area was proclaimed for Indians, at Zeekoeivleil (the two existing ones are Rylands/Gatesville near Athlone and Cravenby in Elsies River).

228 Housing Cape Peninsula Provision of housing for coloured people in the Cape Peninsula The Minister of Community Development and State Auxiliary Services said in the Assembly" that during 1980, 7 314 family housing units were built in the Cape Peninsula with the assistance of his department. The Director of Housing for Cape Town informed the Institute of Race Relations that as at August 21, there were 19 000 coloured families on the waiting list for housing; but Mrs E Stott, chairman of the city's housing committee, considered that the number of families in need of accommodation was in excess of 22 000.85 The city treasurer stated that in 1981 a total sum of R76 133 020 was allocated for new coloured housing in the Peninsula area, most of this consisting of loans from the National Housing Fund. The extensive housing scheme being built for coloured people at Mitchells Plain, between the D F Malan international airport and False Bay, was described on page 357 of last year's Survey. It is planned that some 250 000 people will be housed there by 1983, when the scheme is due for completion. Different types of dwellings are being provided for the people of various income groups. According to Mr G Brand, the Cape Town city engineer, by mid-January all 19 424 houses in a first home-ownership scheme had been purchased.8" By March however, 819 had been repossessed because residents fell badly into arrears with their payments. Nearly one in three of families in the 'economic' category were in arrears, between them owing the city council more than R1 m.87 Another very large housing scheme for coloured families is being developed at Atlantis, about 45 km north of Cape Town. There are a number of factories in the area, and the creation of local employment opportunities there is being encouraged. The scheme was officially opened in 1977. According to the responsible official of the Cape Divisional Council, the population of Atlantis had grown to 24 000 by February and was expected to rise to 32 000 by the end of the year.88 The local Civic Affairs Association complained that the provision of sevices and amenities was lagging too far behind the building of houses.89 It was maintained in the March issue of the publication Social Review that massive dormitory towns like Mitchells Plain and Atlantis create a captive labour force. Residents are more or less compelled to accept low wages at factories close to these areas, for if they seek work farther afield their higher wages are offset by the prohibitive cost of transport. Port Elizabeth and Uitenhage According to the Housing Department of the Port Elizabeth City Council, the 1981 budget for coloured housing in the municipal area was R1 1 583 050, nearly all to be derived from National Housing Fund loans. The chairman of the Coloured Management Committee stated in February 90 that there were 8 000 families on the waiting list for housing, but the actual shortage was probably more than 10 000. Mr D Cleary, the city's Director of Housing, estimated that 40% of the 8 000 families on the official list would be unable to afford economic housing.91 A high proportion of Port Elizabeth's Chinese residents (numbering about 1 321) live in the only Chinese group area in SA, called Kabega. Be- cause there is little space for further development there, some Chinese 229 families have been granted permits to live in white areas.92 The Indian group area at Uitenhage is to be extended93 Group Areas and Housing References 1 STATSApril 1981 2Ibid 3 Ibid Swart, C 'Urbanisation: the causes and effects with special reference to housing for the next 20 years', 1981 Op cit b Eastern Province HeraldApril 15 7 Rand Daily MailApril 15 8 Ibid 9 Ibid 10 Natal Witness April 15 1 Hansard 1 col 323 January 29 2 StarMarch 26 13 IbidJune 11 14 IbidJune 3 Is FiatLuxMay 16 StarMarch 26 1 FinancialMailJune 12 11 Rand Daily MailJune 10 19 IbidJune 17 20 Fiat Lux May 21 StarMay 14 22 FiatLuxMay 23 StarMay 19 24 IbidApril 9 25 Hansard 6 Q cols 309, 310 September 7 26 Estimates of expenditure RP 2/1981 27 Hansard 5 Q cols 203, 204 February 24 28 Hansard 2 Q col 66 February 6 29 Hansard 6 Q cols 307, 308, 309 September 7 30 PostNatalJuly 1 3 1 Hansard 6 Q cols 307, 308, 309 September 7 32 ArgusApril 1 13 IbidApril 3 34 lbidApril 1 35 StarApril 8 36 IbidMay 26 37 Argus April 20 38 Hansard 1 Q cols 9, 10, 11 January 30 39 Natal Mercury March 20 40 StarApril 7 41 Rand Daily Mail May 8 42 lbidMarch 27 43 FinancialMailMay 22 44 Rand Daily MailMarch 18 45 StarApril 29 46 Rand Daily Mail March 11 47 StarApril 29 48 Hansard 4 Q cols 178, 179, 180 August 27 49 Sunday Times April 26 50 StarJune 26 51 Rand Daily Mail February 14 and April 8 52 lbidMarch 19 13 StarFebruary 12 14 /bidJanuary 26, Rand Daily MailJanuary 29 11 StarOctober 30 56 Sowetan February 19

230 Group Areas and Housing See Survey 1980 p 355 StarJuly 14, 1980 IbidOctober 30 Hansard 5 Q col 287 February 26 Rand Daily Mail September 16 Star November 3 Ibid Rand Daily MailMay 11 Beeld March 5 Financial Mail May 15 IbidMay 19 Star October 30 Ibid june 5 Daily News March 20 Grassroots J u ne Post Natal February 11 Sunday Tribune June 14 Daily News March 20 Natal Mercury March 27 Hansard 4 Q col 169 February 19 IbidQ cols 168, 169, 170, and previous issues of this Survey Rand Daily Mail September 18 Hansard 5 Q cols 301, 302 February 26 BurgerMay 26, Financial Mail May 29 Argus April 3 IbidMay 5 Cape Times April 22 Hansard 3 Q col 115 February 11 Cape Herald March 14 StarJune 10 lbidMarch 14 Rand Daily Mail February 20 Cape HeraId June 13 Weekend Post February 14 Eastern Province Herald May 5 Weekend Post January 10 Evening Post December 12, 1980

URBAN AFRICAN AFFAIRS GOVERNMENT POLICY [ he government reiterated its view that urban Africans would not be included in any new constitutional dispensation on an equal footing with other races. Urban Africans would realise their political aspirations through the homelands. In a document setting out its policy on the issue, the government acknowledged the inadequacy of the present system, whereby Africans could only participate in homeland politics if they registered as voters in the homelands. In discussing ways of strengthening the connection between urban Africans and the homelands, the document stated that urban Africans could be provided with a number of representatives in the 'homeland parliaments' on the basis of urban constituencies. They would then be represented through the homeland body in the proposed council of states designed to establish 'co-operation between the components in the constellation of states'. Another method of strengthening such ties would be to allow governments of homelands to undertake certain functions and services for their citizens in non-homeland areas. Urban Africans would also have to be granted 'strong' local government structures so that they could take charge of the matters affecting their daily lives. Such local authorities could have control over matters such as the provision of electricity, water, streets and sanitation. In response to warnings that the situation of urban Africans needed re- examination, the government announced that this was being undertaken by the Commission for Co-operation and Development. The Commission had been enlarged for this purpose to at least 12 members, with half being given the task of investigating and reporting on Africans living outside the homelands. The other half would concern themselves with examining the consolidation of the homelands. Dr Koornhof, Minister of Co-operation and Development, announced that Dr P Smit, vice president of the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) and an expert on urbanisation and housing, would serve the Department of Co- operation and Development on a contract basis. Influx control continued to be stringently applied in urban areas. Government attempts at 'rationalising' the influx control system received a setback when widespread criticism forced it to withdraw the draft bill on the issue. This and two other bills governing urban African affairs were submitted for redrafting to the Grosskopf Commission (see below). New methods of solving the housing crisis were examined by the Department of Co-operation and Development. In particular it sup- 231

232 ported the idea of introducing site-and-service schemes. The government also stated that the private sector should play a more active role in the provision of housing, the state's task being limited to providing sub-econUrban omic housing. In line with its policy of encouraging greater involvement African by the private sector, permission was given to private contractors to Affairs build houses in the African townships. The Prime Minister stated that he would not grant freehold rights to Africans, and in line with this, freehold rights were abolished in such townships as Evaton near Vereeniging, and Fingo Village in Grahamstown. The government indicated that it would continue with its policy of relocating people in pursuit of its aim of consolidating the homelands. Controversy arose over the methods used by the state in relocating people, and in particular criticism was levelled at the government for its handling of the Nyanga squatter situation. Later in the year the Department of Co-operation and Development released a statement setting out departmental guidelines governing the relocation of African communities. Opposition views Professor M Wiechers, director of the Institute of Foreign and Comparative Law at Unisa, stated that the establishment of a SA confederation was increasingly seen by the majority of South Africans as an elaborate scheme for subordination. He stated that constitutional development was still severely hampered by ideological and political considerations reminiscent of past separate development policies which created almost insurmountable obstacles to internal consolidation. These considerations had resulted in: " loss of SA citizenship for the citizens of homelands who lived permanently in SA; * consolidating land in terms of outdated and anachronistic 'native reserves' legislation; * creation of institutions for whites, coloured people and Indians from which Africans were excluded., Leading businessmen expressed their disillusion with the government's failure to introduce meaningful change on a range of issues including matters concerning urban Africans. At the Carlton conference in 1979 businessmen had pledged their support of the government providing such change was implemented. Grosskopf Commission As a result of large-scale criticism, the government withdrew its three draft bills on urban African affairs for redrafting. The bills had been published in 1980 for general comment. (See 1980 Survey p 319.) Critics of the proposed law dealing with influx control, the Laws on Co-operation and Development Amendment Bill, stated that it would have limited the mobility of Africans and increased their insecure status in urban areas rather than having the opposite effect. The government established a ten-person committee including two African members to be chaired by Mr Justice I M Grosskopf to review the three bills.2

The commission's report was submitted to the cabinet and circulated 233 in government circles towards the end of the year, but was not made public. Informed sources stated that the commission recommended full Urban property ownership for Africans in urban areas. Other recommendations were as follows: African * that existing conditions under which Africans acquired permanent Affairs rights to be in urban areas under Section 10 of the Urban Areas Act be repealed; * that the right of residence in an urban area should be made dependent on a job and 'approved housing'; * that permanent residence rights should be granted to Africans who had come within five years of obtaining qualification under the existing Section 10 provisions; * that the provision preventing Africans from remaining in an urban area for longer than 72 hours be scrapped; ° * that it should be replaced with a provision granting Africans the right to remain in areas for three months if they acquired a permit to do so; * that the R500 fine applicable to employers who employed Africans who were not qualified to be in the urban area should be increased; " that the passbook system under which Africans could be asked to show their passes in public places be abolished; * that this should be replaced with a system of control at the workplace and in township homes. These recommendations follow closely those of the Riekert Commission (see 1979 Survey p 3943). CITIZENSHIP There was no change in the government's policy on SA citizenship for Africans. With the independence of Ciskei a further 2,5 million Africans lost their SA citizenship. Earlier claims by Chief Sebe, Chief Minister of the Ciskei, that Ciskeians would retain their SA nationality as well as Ciskeian nationality proved to be hollow. Speaking in Parliament Mr E K Moorcroft (PFP) condemned the government's policy of denationalisation of Africans which was a 'quid pro quo' of independence.4 A Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) report (not made public), the result of a survey conducted in 1978, showed that the majority of urban Africans had very tenuous links with the homelands. It established that: 0 57% of African men in white areas in 1978 were born in the white area where they lived; * 80% had neither children nor parents living in a homland, and only 55% still had relatives or friends there; * 60% had not visited a homeland in the year before the survey; * more than 40% did not know if their homeland had a representative in the area in which they lived.

234 Pass Laws Mrs Helen Suzman (PFP) stated that these details showed that urban Africans were like all other urbanised people who had broken links with the rural areas. The government's policy of attempting to recreate these links therefore verged on the 'absurd'. A call was made by Mrs Suzman for the Minister of Co-operation and Development, Dr Koornhof, to make public the findings of the report which had been conducted in 1978. A follow-up study had been commissioned by the government to establish how urban Africans could be persuaded to regard the homelands as the outlet for their political aspirations.' (See also chapter on the African homelands, page 288.) ARRESTS AND PROSECUTIONS UNDER THE PASS LAWS Statistics The report of the Commissioner of SA Police for the year ending June 1980 contained the following information regarding certain of the cases investigated under laws restricting the movement of Africans :6 Cases Reported Curfew regulations Foreign Africans entering certain areas Registration and production of documents Black (Urban Areas) Consolidation Act 1978-79 20 870 11 200 129 984 144 796 1979-80 15 266 4 777 134 480 84 903 Commenting on these figures Mrs Sheena Duncan, director of the Black Sash advice office, stated that the drop in police investigations did not mean influx control had been relaxed. Rather, the focus of control had also moved to places of employment and accommodation, where policing was carried out mostly by administration board inspectors. She said that no proper picture could emerge until their figures were also released.7 The Minister of Co-operation and Development gave the following figures for the number of Africans arrested for offences relating to reference books and influx control in each of the main urban areas in the Republic in 1979-1980, and in the first six months of 1981:8 Pretoria Johannesburg Soweto Durban Pietermaritzburg East London Port Elizabeth Cape Peninsula Bloemfontein West Rand East Rand 1981 (first six months) Males Females 4 951 335 14614 3 511 21 158 109 247 107 49 38 507 80 1 027 399 2 680 362 1980 Males 13 273 29 601 142 2 592 12 394 111 318 1 551 2 935 1979 Females 848 6 568 37 320 240 Males 35 269 17 519 397 3 707 18 221 610 602 331 4 902 Females 4 901 1 922 11 356 26 23 326 132 1 398 4648 1164 6753 2104 Total 24254 4941 55577 11272 70329 11199 The above figures relate to people arrested by the SA Police and not those arrested by administration board officials. The total number of arrests by the SA Police relating to reference books and influx control in 1980 was 66 397 and 14 653 for males and females respectively.' Arrests made by administration board officials in the major urban areas for 1979, 1980 and the first six months of 1981 were as follows:'° 235 Pass Laws Pretoria Johannesburg Soweto Durban Pietermaritzburg East London Port Elizabeth Cape Peninsula Bloemfontein West Rand East Rand 1981 (first six months) Males Females 27 4 940 413 206 171 2 181 2 483 669 3 741 7 052 6 116 4 421 284 2 402 2 218 Total 15301 10035 24856 16794 30855 13824 The total number of arrests in the Republic for the first six months of 1981, including the above figures, was 36 468."1 The Minister of Co-operation and Development said that 10 704 Africans were tried and 10 250 convicted for offences relating to influx control and identity documents in the Johannesburg Commissioner's Court during the first six months of 1981. About 87 such cases were heard daily.12 He also said that R229 351 was derived by the Western Cape Administration Board during the first six months of 1981 from fines imposed for offences relating to influx control and identity documents. Of this, R79 445 was paid by 419 employers for the illegal employment of Africans.3 It was reported that pass law offenders formed 40% of SA's daily prison population of around 100 000. Such offenders were processed at a rate of two a minute in the Langa court, Cape Town, and only 12% per annum had any form of legal representation.'4 A study by Mr C Simkins of the Southern African Labour Development and Research Unit (SALDRU) at the University of Cape Town concluded that laws such as those relating to influx control had led to the removal of a net total of 2m Africans from 'white' SA to the homelands. In 1960, 40% of the African population was resident in the homelands, by 1980 this figure had risen to 54%. Administration of the pass laws The pass laws continued to be stringently applied through street raids and raids on homes and places of work in the main urban areas. This was contrary to the Riekert Commission's recommendation that raids be restricted to the two latter types, street raids being dropped as they were bad for SA's public image. (See 1979 Survey p 394.) 1980 1979 Males 174 1 016 23 2 574 18 29 7747141956606196 Females 30 457 1 1 465 1565811340531783065 Males 3 391 1 387 23 292 266 539 12863422308387012309 Females 1 313 416 30 165 47 574 13 3413 452 2 942 4 459

236 Pass Laws Raids against 'illegal' workers on building employers' sites on the East Rand were severely criticised in May by the building contractors concerned. They stated that they were forced to employ labour 'illegally' because of the red tape involved in obtaining registration for their workers. They specifically cited the requirement that Africans be housed in approved accommodation before registration could be granted as being a major stumbling block, for there was a shortage of approximately 21 000 houses in East Rand townships. In a pre-election address, Dr Koornhof, Minister of Co-operation and Development, announced a limited relaxation of influx control measures for certain categories of African people temporarily in the Cape Peninsula. He said that those who came for medical treatment or to visit relatives, and would otherwise be 'illegally' in the area, could stay provided they found their own accommodation and notified the administration board of their addresses. The Chief Commissioner of the Western Cape, Mr Timo Bezuidenhout, stated a month later that he had issued guidelines to administration board and court officials aimed at implementing Dr Koornhof's concessions. This followed on the report of the arrest of 50 mothers with children who had arrived in the Western Cape for medical treatment.'5 Large-scale raids were made on Langa barracks in Cape Town in July and about 1 500 people appeared in court on charges of being 'illegally' in the area. Defence counsel lawyers took a decision to draw out the pass law trials in an attempt to bring the pass raids to a halt. As a result the administration board was forced to fly in magistrates from other parts of the country to preside over additional courts which had been set up.6 The raids were widely condemned. Speaking in the Assembly, Mrs Suzman, MP, said that the pass laws were the single greatest cause of racial friction in SA. (See section on Relocation for details on the Nyanga arrests.) Court cases Criticism from a number of bodies was levelled against the government and administration board officials for ignoring the Komani case ruling of 1980 by endorsing out of urban areas wives of men legally in these areas. In 1980 the Appeal Court upheld an appeal by Mr V Komani that his wife be considered qualified to remain in the prescribed area of Cape Town in terms of Section 10 (1) (c) of the Black (Urban Areas) Consolidation Act, No 25 of 1945, in view of the fact that he was living there legally. It also set aside the requirement in terms of Regulation 20 (1) of Government Notice R1036 of 1968 that a lodger's permit be obtained before the person concerned be granted permission to live in the urban area. (See Survey 1980 p 304.) In February, Commissioner Mr L Van Wyk of the Langa Commissioner's Court ignored the Komani ruling when he found a Mrs V Yapi guilty of being in Cape Town illegally. Counsel for Mrs Yapi argued that she was in the city legally as she had fulfilled all the requirements of Section 10 (1) (c) viz: she had proved that she was the wife of a man who qualified to be in the area in terms of Section 10 (1) (b); and she had entered the area lawfully and ordinarily resided with her husband in the prescribed area.19 Mrs Sheena Duncan of the Black Sash stated that many advice off- ices cases showed that the government and administration board officials 237 ignored the Komani case ruling until forced to implement it by threat of legal action, and, in some cases, the institution of such action.18 In replying to a question asked by Mrs Helen Suzman on the imple- Pass Laws mentation of the ruling, the Minister of Co-operation and Development stated in Parliament that a circular of August 26 1980 (not made public) had been sent to all chief commissioners in which he clarified the issue. They were also advised that Regulation 20 (1) had been declared ultra vires by the ruling and that it would serve no purpose to promulgate further fees payable in respect of lodgers' permits. The commissioners were requested to inform the administration boards accordingly. The minister was unable to reply to a question as to whether or not the directives had been complied with.9 In an historic Supreme Court judgement in July, which reinforced the Komani judgement, Mr Justice Goldstone upheld an application by Mrs Maria Mafiri Mhlongo that she be granted permission to reside with her husband in Soweto. With his ruling the judge issued a directive to Dr Koornhof and the West Rand Administration Board, (WRAB), communicating the court's 'extreme displeasure' at the apparent disregard by WRAB of the Komani ruling. He stated that WRAB's failure to oppose the action indicated that it was aware of that judgement. The judge stated that the consequence of this attitude was that affected persons were being compelled to approach the court for relief which the Appellate Division had held they were entitled to claim.201n response, Mr John Knoetze, chairman of WRAB, stated that the board was aware of the Supreme Court ruling and its implications and did not expect a repetition of the Mhlongo case. He admitted that WRAB had not studied the full effects of the Komani judgement. In September a further precedent-setting judgement was made when Mr Justice O'Donovan ruled in the Rand Supreme Court that Mr Mehlo Rikhoto, a Germiston contract worker, was entitled to live permanently in the city with his family. He instructed the East Rand Administration Board's Germiston labour office to endorse Mr Rikhoto's pass book accordingly. Mr Rikhoto's right to permanent residence was granted in terms of Section 10(1)(b) of the Urban Areas Act which grants such status to any worker who has worked 'continuously' in an urban area for 10 years or for several employers for 15 years. In 1968, however, in an attempt to prevent contract workers from gaining this right, the government issued a directive stating that workers had to return each year to the homelands to have their contracts renewed. This would be done in terms of the 'call-in' card system, which would ensure they could return to their previous jobs. The implication of the directive was that the worker's contract was broken each year, even if he worked for the same employer. The worker could thus not apply for permanent residence in the urban area on the grounds of 'continuous' employment, as required by the law. Mr Justice O'Donovan rejected the submission by the East Rand Administration Board (ERAB) that workers who had to return to homelands each year were automatically barred from working 'continuously'. He found that 'continuity' was not broken by 'temporary absence due to illness or injury, or by occasional departures for some legitimate purpose unconnected with a change of work'. He stated that although Mr Rikhoto had worked for one employer under ten different contracts 'he and

238 Pass Laws the company had a common and continuing intention that he should remain in employment'. The arrangements for renewing his contract were made during his annual paid leave. He had worked for no other employer and had been absent from work on isolated occasions only. 'In reality there were no breaks in the applicant's employment. At most what was created was the semblance of a series of breaks,' the judge found. In response to ERAB's argument that the required break in contract had been imposed on Mr Rikhoto 'to ensure that he and other Africans from the homelands would not qualify for exemption under Section 10(1)(b)' the judge stated that 'this objective was not one which was authorised by the legislature'. Legal principles, he stated, prevented ERAB from 'utilising the procedures of the call-in-card system to frustrate the purposes of the legislature in enacting section 10(1)(b)'. He also ruled that workers from the three independent homelands, as well as those from non-independent homelands had not lost their rights to qualify under Section 10. The judgement was hailed as a major blow to the government's influx control policy, and it was predicted that thousands of contract workers in the Transvaal - the area covered by the ruling - would be affected. The Legal Resources Centre, which had represented Mr Rikhoto, stated that even if ERAB decided to appeal, it would regard the ruling as binding in the Transvaal pending an Appeal Court decision.2' Answering a question in Parliament in October, the Minister of Cooperation and Development stated that action would be taken in terms of the findings once the record of the case, the judgement itself, as well as its implications had been studied thoroughly22 In October ERAB announced that it would appeal against the judgement. In response the Daveyton Community Council decided to appeal to the Chief Commissioner of the Witwatersrand, Mr D A Van Heerden, to prevent the appeal from being heard.23 The outcome had not been reported at the time of writing. Various allegations of and investigations into corruption in the administration of the pass laws were made this year. A report on gross abuses in the trial of pass offenders compiled by Mr Adam Klein, a former commissioner's court prosecutor, was submitted to the Attorney General of the Transvaal. Mr Klein resigned in 1980 in protest at the way in which, he said, judicial principles were being flouted in the courts. The 62-page report was based on cases heard at the Pretoria Commissioner's Court between January 1979 and September 1980. Inter alia it quoted from official circulars of the Department of Cooperation and Development to show that independent prosecutors and presiding officers were subject to instructions and 'interference' from civil servants on how to deal with pass offenders. Mr Klein claimed further that aid centres were being used to obscure the true statistics of the number of pass offenders arrested - a circular to officials instructed them to colour the statistics to present a favourable picture. At the aid centres unconventional methods, such as interrogation to obtain information for record purposes, were used. Mr Klein also held that officials ignored the judicial precept that for minor offences the accused should be warned or summonsed rather than arrested. Other allegations were as follows: " There was a standing directive from the Department of Co-operation and Development to commissioners' courts to postpone all pass offence trials for at least three working days to enable the Department to bring its records up to date. Accused were held in custody for these three days. " Bail was granted in only about 50% of the estimated 8 000-12 000 cases heard in the Pretoria commissioner's court in 1980- and then it was so high that the accused could not pay it. " Several youths under the age of 18 had appeared in court without their parents being aware of their whereabouts. By law parents or guardians of youths are obliged to assist them at trials.24 In March, the leader of the opposition, Dr Van Zyl Slabbert, called on the government to appoint an independent commission of inquiry to investigate the claims in Mr Klein's report, or to expand the terms of the Hoexter Commission (established to investigate, inter alia, commissioners' courts) to cover the issue. Later the Attorney General appointed Mr J J Pelser, SC, to investigate the claims made in the report. No further developments on the issue had occurred at the time of writing. Two prosecutors at the Langa Commissioner's Court came under fire for making 'racist and insensitive' remarks while trying Africans on pass offences. The chief commissioner announced the holding of a commission of inquiry into their remarks. Various instances of corruption regarding the issue of passes were uncovered. Seven inspectors of the Western Cape Administration Board appeared on 67 charges of corruption and, alternatively, fraud, while a false reference book racket operating throughout the country was being uncovered. The Black Sash Advice Office complained that WRAB officials were telling urban workers who approached them for registration that this was no longer given to Transkeians. This was denied by WRAB.25 A study of the National Institute for Crime Prevention and Rehabilitation of Offenders (NICRO) found that influx control was one of the significant causes of crime in Mamelodi, an African township near Pretoria. It said that because of restricted movement, people were unable to choose their jobs, resulting in unemployment. This led to social pathology and in turn to crime.26 In commenting on influx control, Mrs Sheena Duncan of the Black Sash stated that interviews with Africans showed that the government was creating a wall to prevent rural Africans from entering the urban areas in search of employment. She said that such laws forced the rural Africans to starve to death in places that had little or no employment. In analysing what she called the government's 'myth of reform', Mrs Duncan said 'the policy remains as it has always been, one of exclusion of all Africans from access to political power and the exclusion of all but those who are necessary to the development of the white economy from access to a share in the economic wealth of the 'white core'.21 239 Pass Laws

240 CURFEW The Minister of Co-operation and Development gave the following figHousing for ures on the numbers of persons prosecuted under curfew regulations for Africans the last three years:28 July 1 1978-June 30 1979-20 777 July 1 1979-June 30 1980-15 222 July 1 1980- June 30 1981-10 835 (These figures differ from those mentioned earlier which were given in the Report of the Commissioner of SA Police.) Commenting on the curfew regulations, Mrs Suzman, MP, stated that despite the Riekert Commission's recommendation that they be abolished, they had still been retained in the Koornhof draft bill on influx control.29 HOUSING Statistics The following information on the housing situation was given by the various administration boards for their areas as at November 1981:30

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242 Housing provided in urban areas The following table gives the number of housing units erected from June Housing for 1976 to March 1981 for the different race groups:3' Africans Private Sector Public Sector Total White 121118 18584 139702 Coloured 12468 69769 82264 Asian 10 176 16004 26 180 African 2 949 34 299 37 248 Total 146711 138656 285394 The Minister of Co-operation and Development gave the following figures regarding the total number of houses built for Africans during the 1980-81 financial year in the main urban areas: West Rand 498 East Rand 1 072 Port Elizabeth 1 081 Cape Town 640 Bloemfontein 287 The appropriation and returning capital of the National Housing Fund for housing for all population groups amounted to R207m, R180m and R232m in the years 1978/79, 1979/80, 1980/81 respectively. The capital for the years 1979-81 was further supplemented by a loan of R165m from the banking sector.32 The following amounts were disbursed by the Department of Community Development in loans for housing for Africans outside the homelands for the years indicated: R 1976-77 5 661 528 1977-78 12 432 622 1978-79 41 049 589 1979-80 59 069 499 1980-81 47 256 202 Interest charges ranged between 1 % and 9% and were determined according to the income of the occupiers. The Minister of Community Development stated that all administration boards had met their commitments regarding the payment of capital and payment of interest charges in respect of such loans."3 An amount of R81,5m was allocated from funds of the Department of Community Development for housing for 1981-82.34 Homeland housing The number of houses built in the homelands (including 'independent' homelands) during 1980-81 was as follows:5 Transkei and Ciskei 768 KwaZulu 1 849 (including Durban and Pietermaritzburg) Bophuthatswana 400

KaNgwane 33 243 Lebowa 360 KwaNdebele 49 Qwa Qwa 362 Housingfor The SA Development Trust (SADT) spent R56 480 900 through the Africans Department of Co-operation and Development on housing in the homelands in 1980-81. This was in addition to funds dispensed by the homelands themselves.36 The amount appropriated in this year's budget for housing in the homelands amounted to R53,7m. In 1981-82 the government appropriated R76,4m for the establishment and administration of townships. Of this R11,1m was for Mdantsane, R4,065m for Mabopane East, R2,8m for Edenvale, R2m for Umlazi and R4, 7m for Onverwacht-Vaalkraal.37 Housing shortages Various estimates of the housing shortage for Africans were given this year. Mr J H T Mills, Director General of the Department of Co-operation and Development, put the shortage at 420 000 houses (urban and rural) which would cost about R3 360m to construct. The urban shortage alone was 160 000. In a speech to a housing seminar organised by the Johannesburg Chamber of Commerce, Mr A Rabie, Director of Community Services (WRAB), estimated that about 4,1 m houses costing R20 000m would have to be built for an estimated African population of 36m people before the year 2000. At least 400 houses would have to be completed during each working day for the next 20 years. In Soweto, at least 45 houses should be completed every working day to meet the demand. Government policy There were widespread reports of a clash over housing policy between the Department of Community Development, which was responsible for funding housing, and the Department of Co-operation and Development, which undertook responsibility for executing the development of housing schemes. A national Housing Commission had been established in December 1980 in an attempt to resolve the conflict. Its brief was to investigate: * the desirability and possibility of providing housing for the lower income groups on a large scale, also by way of unconventional building measures; * the supplementary r6le which could be played by alternative methods in the provision of housing for lower-income families.38 The Commission was headed by Professor Tobie Louw, and its members comprised representatives from the Advisory Committee on Housing Matters, the National Building Research Institute, the Urban Foundation, the United Municipal Executive, and experts from state departments. However, it did not include representatives from the black communities. Mr L Fouche, Secretary of the Department of Community Development, said that his department would not fund housing of a standard any lower than the present minimum as this would lead to the creation of

244 Housing for Africans slums. He also stated that he was opposed to site-and-service schemes, as it had been shown that these were much more expensive and totally unsatisfactory in the long run. The situation was further complicated by the fact that private developers were keen to erect houses for their employees but were not prepared to install services, while the Department of Community Development had said that it would not provide services without funding the houses as well.39 On the other hand the Department of Co-operation and Development showed a greater willingness to examine alternate strategies for overcoming the housing shortage. In January the Director-General of Co-operation and Development, Mr Mills, sent a memorandum to the cabinet recommending that siteand-service schemes should be developed. To accomplish this: * enough ground should be provided for the housing backlog and for population increases. Sites should be available for squatters as well as people building their own homes. The sites should be planned and services including sanitation and water provided; " large-scale building material stores should be established and small loans provided to enable Africans to build their own homes on the sites; * the authorities should make schools and sports grounds available and should also remove all obstacles that deterred white employers from building houses for their African workers.4" In September the Minister of Co-operation and Development read out the following policy statement on housing which had been agreed to by the cabinet: 'It is the responsibility of the individual to provide for his own housing where he is at all able to do so. A minimum norm will have to be cbmplied with in order to qualify for low cost housing. Employers have an equally important responsibility in this connection. The state accepts responsibility for the provision of housing. This implies several possibilities, but the direct contribution of the state will be confined to low-cost housing for low income groups, and social housing such as oldage homes. Squatting does not form part of the housing policy but it is recognised as a reality.' He also stated that site-and-service schemes together with self-built core housing schemes should be encouraged and promoted, subject to control and specified minimum standards.1 A further commission to investigate the involvement of the private sector in housing with specific reference to Soweto was approved in May under Mr A F Viljoen, president of the Association of Building Industries. In its findings, the commission went further than its brief, and its report, which was made unofficially available in October, was considered the most comprehensive official document to date on the housing crisis in African urban areas. In its recommendations the commission called on the government to abandon its present housing policy and adopt a 'dynamic approach' in which the resources of both the public, the private, the formal and informal sectors could be used to raise an estimated RI 700m to meet the backlog. It called on the government to: * abandon the apartheid belief that Africans were 'temporary sojourners' in urban areas and to provide for their increasing urbanisation;

* implement a five-year plan in Soweto to build 35 000 housing units. This would involve adding 1 00ha to the township immediately and 200ha a year for five years; * abolish the many laws and regulations that stood in the way of private sector involvement in building, renting and leasing urban African housing; * apply strict measures to prevent exploitation, arising from the existing housing crisis, of African urban dwellers; * allow the private sector to do the initial drafting of some of the revised legislation; " permit controlled site-and-service core housing and 'self-build schemes'; " offer the houses in Soweto for sale (at present under the 99-year leasehold system) at the lowest price necessary to recoup costs and provide a 'reasonable incentive' to the local authority to undertake the selling and necessary administrative steps; * rechannel a 'reasonable portion' of the profits of such housing sales to the Sowetan local authority; * urgently revise technical standards applied to African housing, to make them less rigid and specific and to stimulate the use of innovative building methods, designs and materials; * set up technical advice and home improvement centres and building material outlets throughout Soweto; * ensure town planning schemes and procedures to promote health, efficiency and economy in town planning; * standardise and simplify procedures for upgrading and extending existing houses; * limit the state's involvement in housing projects to the provision of land, infrastructure and specialist housing; * provide a subsidy to individuals to bridge the gap between the interest rate the individual could afford to pay on a housing loan, and the rate at which private lending institutions would be prepared to lend money; * appoint a co-ordinating committee to maintain the direction and momentum of the report and to monitor the implementation of its recommendations. The commission estimated that if obstacles against the private sector's involvement could be removed it would be able to make an effective contribution of R300m for Soweto alone and could also provide a substantial portion of the R500m capital required by the government. However, the report warned the government that 'private sector finance should not be perceived as the panacea for all housing problems'. It called for the recommendations to be given the 'highest priority' and to be implemented immediately.42 No official response from the government had been made at the time of writing. In October, the government gave permission for private builders to build houses in Soweto and other African townships in a new attempt to overcome the housing shortage. It stated that the state would have to limit its contribution to the provision of the infrastructure. The private sector and individuals would have to play a major r6le in erecting dwellings.43 245 Housing for Africans

246 Housing for Africans Opposition views During the Community Development vote in Parliament, Mr C Eglin (PFP) pointed to the following defects in the government's policy on housing: * the failure of the government to come to terms with the scope and size of the problem; * the 'domination of racial dogma over common sense' leading to the destruction of vital housing units; * the government's 'stubborn adherence' to orthodox building methods and standards; * the obstacles placed in the way of home ownership; * the government's failure to devise a system which would make it possible for the private sector to play a meaningful r6le in the provision of low cost housing; * the 'constant feuding and disagreement' between the Departments of Community Development and Co-operation and Development in respect of an overall housing policy for SA.44 Responses by the private sector A report on housing prepared by the SA Federated Chamber of Industries last year was released in January. It stated that present government policy towards the urban African housing problem had in no way led to the creation of stable communities. It stated that internationally acceptable principles until now 'politically unacceptable to the government' should be adopted; that it was imperative that home ownership and self-help projects be introduced, and that township residents have a far greater say in how they wanted to live. It also recommended: " that private companies constructing houses for their workers should be guaranteed that these homes would be used by their workers or dependants only; * the opening of a free market in residential property in low cost housing; * removing obstructions preventing financial institutions (such as building societies) and private individuals from investing in low income housing schemes; " increasing to R5 000 the tax allowance available to the business sector investing in employee housing. Further, indigenous resources should be mobilised towards self-help by permitting home ownership, encouraging self-help projects and lifting restrictions preventing self employment and job creation by township residents. Furthermore the authorities should commit additional financial resources for the provision of township infrastructure .4 Home ownership 30-year leasehold In clarifying confusion surrounding this scheme, Mr Rabie of WRAB stated that the right of occupation was not for 30 years only. This right was allocated in perpetuity. The advantage of this scheme was that it was cheaper than the 99-year leasehold scheme.

99-year leasehold As at August, 123 147 stands had been approved for leasehold purposes, with 1 122 rights of leasehold having been registered.46 By May the United Building Society had granted only 700 mortgage loans for 99- year leases, mostly for houses in the higher price categories. Of the 5 000 applicants who had applied to the Society for finances many did not qualify, either because they did not have the necessary money for a deposit or did not qualify to be in the urban area concerned. In outlining the problems facing the 99-year leasehold scheme Mr Knoetze of WRAB stated that the cost was beyond the reach of many people. For that reason the home ownership and 99-year lease schemes would have to be run parallel, the normal scheme being much cheaper. He stated that in order to cut costs the possibility of selling houses from aerial survey charts was being investigated. This would reduce the surveying cost of a Soweto stand from R300 to approximately RI 5. Furthermore, the housing backlog could be more easily dealt with if building societies could be persuaded to provide finance for core houses on to which a home owner could build at a later stage. The costs of a leasehold varied from township to township. In existing areas in Soweto the amount payable for the right of leasehold was R450 plus survey costs. In new townships where services such as tarred roads, street lights, waterborne sewerage etc, had been provided, the amount was R725. In the Diepkloof area the contribution for services over and above the amount payable for the right of leasehold amounted to R2 000. This was based on the principle that Diepkloof was a prestigious township and that people who wished to occupy houses in that area must be able to afford the houses and the costs involved. In terms of the law the amount for a leasehold may be adjusted from time to time and the amount may vary for different areas and is approved separately for each area by the minister. From May 1 residential stands were calculated on the basis of R1,50 per sq metre in the case of existing townships, and R2,42 per sq metre in the case of prestigious townships. Employers could erect houses from their own funds on stands allocated by the administration board. The building would then be donated to the board and the employer obtain a right to lease the building from the board for a period of 30 years. A monthly rent would be payable to the board. In addition, an employer could make a loan available to the board in respect of the cost of erection of houses or single quarters. Employers who provided accommodation for their employees in the ways outlined could claim tax concessions at the rate of 25% or R3 000 in respect of each house. Laws on Co-operation and Development Amendment Act No 11 1 of 1981 This Act amends conditions pertaining to the qualification of leasehold in township areas. In terms of an amendment to Section 1 of the Black (Urban Areas) Consolidation Act, the minister may recognise for the purposes of leasehold a person, subject to conditions defined by him. These conditions may provide that a person be recognised 'as a qualified person for a par- 247 Home ownership for Africans

248 Community councils ticular purpose or for a particular period or until the occurrence of a particular event only'. The Act states that the minister may provide that a site acquired by a non-African may be used for residential purposes by one African only. It also makes provision for non-Africans who acquire the leasehold for business purposes to occupy the site. Non-Africans who for any reason cease to be qualified persons are also now included under the section allowing for the cancellation of the right of leasehold. During the debate on the bill the Minister of Co-operation and Development stated that the amendment followed on recommendations of the Viljoen Committee on housing (see earlier). The PFP, while supporting the bill, expressed regret that the minister had not granted free and total property rights to Africans in urban areas.46 Freehold The Minister of Co-operation and Development stated that the government would not consider the granting of freehold rights to Africans.47 However, it was reported that full property ownership for Africans in urban areas was one of the recommendations of the Grosskopf Commission which submitted its report to the cabinet this year. Housing conditions In a housing survey of 1 000 African families living in Soweto, Ga-Rankuwa and Mabopane near Pretoria, Madadeni and Osizweni in Natal, and Sibasa in the Venda homeland, 66% were found to be against residential areas being organised on an ethnic basis as they were at present. The percentage for Soweto alone was 84%. More than two-thirds of householders rented their homes. More than 43% of Soweto residents were negative about their living environment, although inhabitants in all areas said that they would pay up to R20 a month more in rent if it meant extra services.48 COMMUNITY COUNCILS As at November 1, 227 community councils had been established. The average poll in the elections was 39%.49 Community councillors received a 13% increase in their monthly allowances from the Department of Co-operation and Development paid retrospectively from April 1 980. The Minister of Co-operation and Development gave the following information regarding the allowances per annum of community councillors: Cape Town Johannesburg (Soweto) Pretoria (Mamelodi) Durban Pietermaritzburg East London Port Elizabeth Chairman 18301380629341326 696 948 1 830 Member 1 200 3 366 1 830 822 444 570 1 200

Most allowances, however, still fell short of the R100 minimum demanded at the end of 1979 by the Urban Community Councils' Association (UCASA). Allowances were paid from the income made by councils from rents and service charges. The Minister of Co-operation and Development stated that the amount to be paid in allowances was decided by the minister in terms of Section 9 of the Community Councils Act No 25 of 1977, on the basis of the number of registered voters in the area of jurisdiction of a community council and according to other considerations."0 In its recommendations to the Grosskopf Commission, UCASA requested that Africans be granted the legal right to own land. It also recommended the abolition of influx control; freedom of Africans to trade anywhere; abolition of administration boards; provision of additional land for African urban communities; the granting of autonomy for community councils; SA citizenship for all Africans; and the opening of all institutions of learning to all races.51 UCASA voiced its opposition to the proposed merging of the community councils of Soweto, Diepmeadow and Dobsonville into a single council. The Department had appointed a committee under Mr D J Smit to investigate the issue.52 (See section on Soweto.) Mr George Thabe, chairman of the Vaal Community Council, resigned in July and called for the total scrapping of community councils and administration boards and their replacement by township municipalities. Giving his reasons he stated that community councils had no control over finances in the townships, the general administration of the townships was still in the hands of the administration boards, and the community councils had no decision-making powers. Nor had the government indicated any keenness to hand over to the councils complete powers concerning the running of the townships." SHEBEENS The latest All Media and Products Survey stated that Africans were spending RI 000m a year on alcohol .4 In September, the government announced that it had decided to legalise shebeens. Mr J Mills, Director General of Co-operation and Development, stated that the size of the liquor trade in some African residential areas warranted the legalisation of shebeens even though administration boards had not been provided with alternative sources of income. The shebeen licensee would not be allowed to use for residential purposes the room in which liquor was sold and served. Community councils and administration boards would be in charge of setting conditions to be met by prospective licensees because the government had decided that 'uniform and stringent regulations would not serve a useful purpose'."5 The announcement followed continued appeals by the Soweto Taverners' Association (STA) for the legalisation of shebeens and the staging of a boycott of WRAB bottlestores in April to advertise their case and in protest against police raids on shebeens. The boycott was suspended after a meeting between the STA's chairman, Mr Lucky Michaels, and the police to discuss the raids. Raids still continued on a regular basis, however, even after the announcement of the legalisation of shebeens. 249 Community councils

250 Transport Officials from the Soweto Community Council and WRAB stated that most of the 4 000 shebeens in Soweto would not be able to obtain licences because they operated from homes. Moves by some Soweto traders to have their restaurants turned into shebeens caused consternation among shebeen owners who felt that the traders would have an advantage over them.' The government stated that residents who wanted their shebeens licensed should lodge an application with their community council which would then inspect the premises. Thereafter, an applicant could apply for a licence. ' At the time of writing, three businessmen in Soweto, and four businessmen and a shebeen owner in the Vaal complex, had been granted approval of their applications for the running of a shebeen. (The sale of liquor from licensed hotels and restaurants is dealt with in a subsequent chapter.) TRANSPORT General At the biennial conference of the Passenger Transport Association of SA, Mr M J van Zyl, a member of the National Transport Commission, said that SA needed at least R200m in 1981 for urban transport, but that only R20m had been provided.58 The shortage of funds available for transport planning and services was criticised by the Johannesburg Municipality. During the 1979-80 fiscal year, R8m was paid to the Urban Transport Fund by the state. It was said that this was hopelessly inadequate and was totally out of keeping with the recommendations of the Driessen report. (The Driessen Commission reported in 1974.) The most common means of dealing with the problem of lack of funds was to increase passenger fares. The Railways' mini-budget of February increased mainline fares by 15%, while the costs of sending goods by train went up by 13,3%.59 A further increase of 10% was introduced later in the year. Almost all major bus companies in SA raised their fares, or attempted to do so, during 1981, much to the dissatisfaction of cobmmuters. General dissatisfaction with bus services was also reported and the annual report of the Department of Co-operation and Development commented that 'the lack of compassion of local authorities in not providing adequate terminus facilities for commuters is hard to understand'."6o In September, the Minister of Transport, Mr Hendrik Schoeman, announced the appointment of a Commission of Inquiry under Dr P J Welgemoed into the bus passenger transport sector. It would investigate fares, subsidies and the effect of taxis on the bus industry.6 Transvaal In June the Road Transportation Board approved an application by the Public Utility Transport Company (PUTCO) submitted in March for the introduction of a 7,5% increase in bus fares. PUTCO executives stated that the increase 'placed the company back where it was in 1979', when a successful court action by commuter and community organisations had forced the company to withdraw proposed increases. In motivating the increase, PUTCO said that fuel costs had increased by 135% in the past two years and that this had cost the company an extra R9,5m a year. It also said that wage increases had cost the company an extra R4,5m. A proposed boycott against the increase supported by organisations such as the Azanian People's Organisation (AZAPO), the Soweto Civic Association (SCA) and the Committee of Ten failed to gain momentum.62 In August PUTCO again applied to the Road Transportation Boards in Johannesburg, Durban and Pretoria for a 35% increase. Representatives of the company said it sought to absorb a 33,7% rise in operating costs which had accumulated over two years.63 At the same time it was revealed that the company had made a record profit of R4,8m in 1 980 due to a subsidy of R9,5m from the government to counter the cost of the fuel increase. The R9,5m was part of 'about R40m' in subsidies paid to PUTCO. Such subsidies are paid annually by the government to operators of buses for the African community. In September an objection was lodged with the secretary of the Local Transportation Board in Johannesburg by about 20 leaders and community organisations against the proposed increases. They claimed that the increases were 'unreasonable and not in the public interest'.4 Other bus companies on the Reef also increased fares during the year. In June, a fare increase for buses in the Daveyton and Wattville areas near Benoni on the East Rand was announced. In July an announcement was made that the Germiston City Council would increase fares between that town and Katlehong and Vosloorus by more than 20%. In October the Vaal Transport Corporation increased its fares by five cents. During the year, taxi fares in most African townships increased. In April, 30 taxi associations from throughout the Transvaal met to form an umbrella Transvaal taxi association. The need for a pension and medical aid scheme for taxi owners and drivers was discussed, and plans were made to try to convene a countrywide meeting of taxi associations. Northern Transvaal In June, Mr B Harris of the Pietersburg Hamba Buya Bus Company was finally granted a licence to carry passengers between Seshego and Pietersburg. This followed repeated applications to the Pretoria Road Transportation Board, which initially rejected his application. The decision followed a boycott of buses owned by the Lebowa Development Corporation when fares were raised last year.3 Eastern Cape Bus services in various parts of Port Elizabeth were integrated this year. Apart from complaints by one city councillor the move was favourably received. The integration of the service was made more favourable for white commuters in May 1981 when it became legal for them to use clipcards on the buses. This cut fares by up to 45%. Previously clipcards, which are subsidised by the government, were only available to African adult passengers. 251 Transport

252 Transport Western Cape In June, City Tramways applied to the Local Road Transportation Board for a 12% average increase in bus fares. Reasons given for the increase were the increased costs of maintenance and repairs that had to be met following last year's bus boycott and general unrest, as well as increased wage costs and fuel bills. Representatives from 21 community organisations and trade unions marched on the Road Transportation Board offices to lodge their objections to the proposed fare increases. They maintained that City Tramways was already making substantial profits and that there was no reason for another increase in the bus fares. A memorandum submitted by these groups to the Transportation Board stated that the black community would be badly hit by the increases as it was already spending a large portion of its 'meagre' wages on transport. At the same time, Associated Bus Holdings, the company which owned the Mitchell's Plain and Atlantis Bus Service, applied for an average increase in fares of 28% on its routes. One of the reasons for the increase was that the company had to withdraw 30 of its 85 buses from the area after the rail link between Mitchell's Plain and Nyanga Station was opened. The company was running at a R300 000 loss and had to cover a 17% wage bill rise and a 20% rise in maintenance costs. The company said that it expected a 5% passenger resistance to the increases on the Mitchell's Plain route, and 6,5% passenger resistance on the Atlantis route. The new fares would only be announced after the National Transport Commission had decided on the subsidies.G Natal An application by the Durban Transport Management Board (DTMB) to the Local Road Transportation Board asking that the DTMB's buses should be desegregated was refused by the board. Among the reasons given for the application were the following: the duplication in running two services was costing the DTMB R470 000 and 230 000 litres of fuel a year; two separate bus services operated on the same routes and the white service was running at a loss - the expected deficit for the white service during 1981 was expected to be R1,7m. The DTMB requested that the two systems should be integrated but that the fare structures should be kept separate. Among those opposing the proposed integration of the service were the White Rhino Club, a right-wing organisation, and also private Indian bus operators in the northern and southern areas of Durban who felt it would increase competition and adversely affect their profits. The DTMB decided that it would appeal against the ruling. As in other provinces, bus fares in Natal were raised during 1981. The Secretary of the Indian Bus Owners' Association, Mr Logan Chetty, announced that owing to the six cents per litre increase in the price of petrol, the fare increase that had to be paid by Chatsworth and Phoenix commuters at the beginning of June would possibly be followed by another hike later in the year. PUTCO also decided to raise its Natal fares because of the 1979 fuel price increase. An application by PUTCO to the Transportation Board for increases of between 25-30% in fares in the Greater Durban area in May was opposed by representatives of the Natal Indian Congress, the Durban Housing Action Committee, the Federation of South African Trade Unions, In- katha and other organisations. They asked the board to investigate the financial circumstances and operating practises of PUTCO and its related companies and subsidiaries. They objected to the increase on the grounds that black passengers could not afford to pay more, also that the service was unrealiable and the buses filthy.67 Orange Free State The SA Railways announced that a double electrified railway line from Bloemfontein to the African resettlement areas of Onverwacht, Selosha, and Thaba 'Nchu was being planned to provide a high speed service for passengers and commuters. ADMINISTRATION BOARDS Further large losses were revealed in the accounts of five more administration boards by the Auditor-General, Mr W G Schickerling. (See 1980 Survey p 318.) In his audits, Mr Schickerling disclosed deficits, fruitless expenditure, investment in banks which had been placed under curatorship, late submission of financial statements, stores deficiencies and losses on beer sales. The boards were those of the Southern Free State, Northern Natal, Central Transvaal, Central Free State and Southern Transvaal. In response to demands by the PFP for clarification on the issue, Dr Koornhof said that in 1980 he had taken steps to rectify matters including the appointment of a former Auditor General, Mr G Barrie, to investigate the financial position of community councils and boards. Furthermore he had issued a circular to all boards in September 1980 directing them to improve their control measures urgently, requested the Commission for Administration to conduct a special investigation into the rationalisation of administration boards, and had issued instructions and a policy statement on the investment of surplus funds. Mrs Suzman (PFP) condemned the maladministration by the boards, saying that the surpluses which were eventually lost should have been spent on projects in the townships.68 It was revealed that as at the end of June the administration boards had a total of RI 60m invested as follows:69 Central Transvaal Eastern Transvaal Northern Transvaal Western Transvaal Highveld West Rand East Rand Drakensberg Port Natal Orangevaal Southern OFS 12 653 5 801 3 806 8 466 9 360 20 060 27 846 8 127 13 868 28018 7 700 253 Administration Boards

Eastern Cape Western Cape Northern Cape R 7 700 000 5 062 078 2 152 248 Administration Boards 254 The date of investment varied from July 1978 to June 1980, except in the case of the East Rand Administration Board where the investment was made in 1975. Dr Koornhof stated that all the money had been invested with registered financial institutions; interest rates varied from 3% to 14% and the money could be drawn on daily demand or up to three years. However, the East Rand Board had lent R1,7m to the Western Cape and West Rand Boards and the date of repayment had been set at September 1995. In response to PFP criticisms of such investments, given the dire need for the improvement of the state of African townships, Dr Koornhof stated that the boards had recently been instructed 'not to hold on to unnecessary large reserves and to expend them, except those reserves which are reasonably required to be held in hand for the ongoing functions of the boards in respect of services in the African townships concerned'. It was further revealed that administration boards had lent each other funds totalling almost R5m instead of using them for the development of African townships. Commenting on the loans, Mr J Malcomess (PFP) stated that it was 'morally reprehensible' for boards to lend money that they had collected from Africans in one area to an administration board in another area. Speaking in Parliament, Mr N Olivier (PFP) stated that the boards were 'a hopeless failure' and were regarded by Africans as instruments of oppression. In a report tabled in Parliament in July, the Parliamentary Select Committee on Public Accounts criticised the running of the administration boards. It said 'as administration boards occupy a strategic position in regard to the delicate race relations situation in SA, your Committee is concerned that what in some cases are clearly administrative inefficiencies on the part of the boards may result in sources of friction being created in the community'. It recommended that the boards be brought under the closer control of the Department of Co-operation and Development. Dr George Morrison, Deputy Minister of Co-operation, stated that the Department was considering taking over the staff of the boards and bringing them into the civil service. West Rand Administration Board (WRAB) Soweto Housing The estimated official housing shortage in Soweto was placed at 21 760 units although other estimates placed it between 33 000 and 40 000 units." The Minister of Co-operation and Development stated that no housing units had been built by the West Rand Administration Board in 1980, but 420 were built by private owners. The figures for the first six months of 1981 were 48 and 207 respectively.

Mr John Knoetze, chairman of WRAB, announced in April that R250m would be spent in Soweto on both prestigious and lower income homes within the next four years. The amount would be obtained from various sources including the government and private sector." He stated that about 4 000 stands in Dobsonville, Diepmeadow and Soweto would be developed on a 99-year leasehold basis for upper income groups. Houses on these stands would cost between R10 000 and R30 000. A further 10 000 to 15 000 stands would be developed for lower income tenants and buyers in Chiawelo, Protea South and North, and Dlamini. Houses on these stands would cost between R7 000 and RI5 000. He stated that housing not provided by the state should increasingly become the responsibility of prospective home owners and their employers, and maximum use should be made of funds provided by financial institutions, mainly building societies. In 1980 the government made available R1 50m in the form of a loan for the upgrading of existing services in Soweto. The project, which commenced in July of that year, had been planned by the Association of Civil Contract Engineers, the Federation of Civil Engineering Contractors, the CSIR, the Johannesburg Municipality, the Department of Co-operation and Development, the Department of Community Development, the West Rand Administration Board, and the Transvaal Provincial Administration.72 An amount of Ri 6 820 000 had been spent to date on the project. The following amounts had been expended on the provision of infrastructure at new housing schemes: Dobsonville Diepkloof Pimville Chiawelo 592 340 505 903 279 331 117 351 The Transvaal Provincial Administration announced that it would spend more than Ri 1 m on the construction of streets, drainage and water distribution networks in Soweto. The Minister of Co-operation and Development stated that as at July 31, 1 146 applications for 99-year leaseholds had been received and 1 002 had been registered. Totals of 60 495 existing and 2 858 new stands had been surveyed in greater Soweto3 The board announced in September that people who bought their homes would be given permission to extend them. Mr Louis Rive, chairman of the Greater Soweto Planning Council, threatened to resign unless speedier progress in housing construction could be achieved. The major stumbling block was shortage of funds. Mr Rive proposed the following: * approaching major employers directly to collaborate in tackling the problem; " changes in the regulations of building societies and other financial institutions; * the new Small Business Corporation could help African entrepreneurs set up industrial and commercial centres where basics such as windows and doors could be manufactured; 255 Administration Boards

256 0 housing bureaux could be established in Soweto to advise residents on upgrading their houses; * employers should be given greater tax concessions for providing Adminis- housing for their employees; tration 0 ways should be found of overriding the 'red tape' standing in the Boards way of speedy housing construction. He stated that there was no time to appoint commissions of enquiry to investigate the issue and that stumbling blocks should be removed immediately so that positive progress could be accomplished."4 Later in the year, Mr Rive stated that he would not resign because there were indications that the government was investigating the housing situation as a matter of urgency. Other facilities WRAB received R20 000 in bridging finance from the Urban Foundation for the development of the George Goch stadium while negotiations with the government for funds were still under way. A new post office was opened in Dobsonville in August 1980, with a further one planned for Meadowlands."5 An application was approved for the development of a part of Soweto at a cost of R20m. Part of the development would involve the construction of a five-star hotel, a shopping complex and office and medical suites. An out-of-court settlement agreement was reached between the Department of Co-operation and Development and a white-owned company, Western Regional, over development of a 60ha site bordering on Soweto. The company, which owned the site, had planned to set up a shopping complex on it and lease the shops to African businessmen. Resistance from traders who wanted the area placed in African hands, had led to the Department negotiating with the holding company for ownership of the site. In terms of the agreement, reached between the parties, WRAB obtained the site for R4m.76 The following is a list of all existing amenities in Soweto:17 Schools 305 Day care centres 66 Libraries 5 Post offices 4 Banks 4 Churches 303 Trading sites 700 Produce market 1 Filling stations 23 Cinemas 2 Open air theatres 2 Community halls 6 Beer depots 4 Beer halls 8 Beer garden 1 Club houses 22 Golf course 1 Soccer stadia 3

Soccerfields 133 257 Netball fields 98 Cricket pitches 11 Swimmingpools 6 AdminisCamping ground 1 tration Bowlinggreen 1 Tennis courts 54 Boards Athletic tracks 4 Rugby fields 2 Clinics 10 Hospitals: Served by Baragwanath, St John's eye hospital, Charles Hurwitz Centre, and part of the Johannesburg General Hospital. Rents Service charges in St)weto were increased by R8 per month as from October 1, bringing average rents to R40 per month. Community councillors and other community leaders condemned the increases. The chairmen of the greater Soweto community councils claimed that the West Rand Administration Board had failed to consult them over the increases. This was denied by WRAB's chairman, who said that the councillors had been given six months' notice of the increase which was decided on by the Minister of Co-operation and Development. Meetings with residents were held to discuss the issue. Of the community councils only Diepmeadow called on residents not to pay the increased amount. The Soweto Community Council was condemned for not giving residents a clear instruction on which course to follow although it did disassociate itself from the government's decision. Mr Knoetze said that the increases were necessary as greater Soweto was running at a deficit of R1,5m per month due mainly to losses on water, electricity, sewerage and refuse removal services. Mr Knoetze said that families who could not pay the increase because of illness, unemployment or other causes beyond their control should apply to the township manager, chief executive of the area or ward councillor for exemption.78 Rents for four-roomed houses in the Kagiso and Munsieville townships were increased by R5,70 from August bringing the monthly rent to R18,41. Service fees for stand owners were also increased by R5,70 from R9,96 to R15,66. Three hundred newly built homes in Kagiso were excluded from the increases, rent there being R48 per month. A series of meetings was held to protest against the rents. Residents at a meeting on July 30 vowed not to pay the increases. The meeting was broken up by security policemen.71 Electrification The Minister of Co-operation and Development stated in Parliament that the final estimated cost for the provision of electricity in Soweto was R190m, R153m for the reticulation system and R37m for the wiring of houses. Contracts valuing R108m were being executed. The project included the wiring of approximately 110 000 houses. This was occurring at a rate of 200 houses per day. As at February 3 600 houses had been newly wired and the wiring of 500 inadequately wired houses upgraded.8" It was

258 anticipated that 110 000 houses would be wired by 1983. An estimated 900 mini-stations would be constructed; 8 000 street lights would also be erected and 3 000 - 5 000 jobs made available to Soweto residents as a Adminis- result of the scheme. tration Finance had been organised through a consortium of banks who had Boards raised R20m through loan stock issue, R80m through stock investment in the Post Office, and had provided R50m themselves with the government as guarantor. The contract for reticulation had been granted to GEC and Siemens which had formed a consortium called TESACON. The contract for house wiring was granted to Industrial Electrical and Livanos Bros and included the wiring of non- electrified houses (100 000) and upgrading of homes which had electricity installed privately (10 000). Sowetans would be charged at a rate of 3,5 cents per kw/hr. It was estimated that average bills would range from R10 to R25 per month. A Star newspaper survey showed that the amount presently spent on other methods of heat/electricity varied from R27,15 per month for a family of four to R53,81 for a family of eight. In October delays were reported in the electrification project because of the poor condition of some of the cables which had been laid, necessitating their re- excavation. Contractors claimed that millions of rands had been wasted as a result.81 Squatters In July WRAB commenced with the demolition of 'illegal' shacks in Kliptown. No alternative accommodation was offered to the homeless families. Some of them moved to a chicken farm nearby where they lived in the open, their only source of food being rotten vegetables and fruit scrounged from dustbins. They were served with further eviction orders, which they disregarded, and refused to accept official transport to the homelands. A large-scale protest was mounted by church groups with the Witwatersrand Council of Churches (WCC) supplying four large tents for the homeless in defiance of WRAB's orders. After a series of meetings between WRAB and the WCC, WRAB stated that there would be no further removals, the situation would be contained at its present level, and all efforts would be made to resolve the situation as humanely as possible. The WCC had also requested that the City Health Department send a doctor to the area and that dustbins and toilet facilities be provided. The eviction orders served on the 18 families at the chicken farm were reversed and ten prefabricated units were provided for them."2 Shack dwellers in Orlando East defied orders issued by the Soweto Council and WRAB instructing them to demolish their shacks. After a meeting on May 24 security police detained Mr Mandla Nkuzo, an executive member of the Orlando Civic Association. The council eventually took a decision not to demolish the illegal shacks until an extra room could be added to each house. Finances The Soweto Council lost R50 000 in cash and goods as a result of thefts by employers and robberies of bottlestores in 1980. WRAB warned the council that it should exercise strictrer control over its finances and stores.

In April a R7,5m civil action commenced in the Rand Supreme Court in which WRAB sued its insurers, SANTAM for damage caused during the Soweto 1976 riots. Of the R7,5m, Rl,5m was being claimed for spilt and stolen liquor and R9 540 for the life of Dr M L Edelstein who had been killed on the first day of the riots. WRAB contended that the riots fell within the ambit of 'uprising or civil unrest' while SANTAM contended that they fell within the ambit of a 'rebellion or popular revolt', which they stated was not covered by the insurance policy. The insurance policy came into operation on April 1, 1976, and was issued by SANTAM on June 8, 1976, a week before the riots. On June 21 SANTAM gave WRAB 30 days' notice of the cancellation of certain clauses in the policy and cancelled the whole policy two months later. WRAB had not agreed to the reduced coverage.3 The judge gave notice in May that all questions of law and fact would be decided on first. Thereafter, the question of amounts to be paid for damage and argument on whether adequate notice and proof of claims had been given would be heard. No outcome of the case had been reached at the time of writing. Local government In May Mr David Thebehali, 'mayor' of Soweto, escaped injury when a hand grenade was hurled at his car as he was leaving the council chambers. Resistance to the merging of the councils of greater Soweto as a prelude to the development of municipalities for urban Africans was voiced by the Diepmeadow and Dobsonville community councils. In giving evidence to the Smit Commission, established to investigate the matter, the councils stated that they opposed the move because their areas had their own projects and special problems. They acknowledged that major ventures such as electrification, water and sewerage systems were regional in scope and should be undertaken collectively. Their main object was a fear that the merger would give WRAB control of urban African local government. The consolidation of the councils would be accompanied by a division of duties between the administration boards and the community councils with the boards, as development agencies, assuming responsibility for major projects, including housing. Arrangements proceeded for the organisation of the election of the Soweto Community Council due to be held in January 1982. The election, originally planned for September 1980, had been postponed by the Department of Co- operation and Development on request by Mr Thebehali, chairman of the Soweto Community Council. Alexandra Housing Dissatisfaction was expressed by Alexandra residents and by the official opposition over the slowness in the development of Alexandra. Dr Koornhof was upbraided for stating in Parliament that 50 new houses had been built in the township whereas the correct figure was nine. These were built with funds from private enterprise. The Alexandra Liaison Committee produced a memorandum complaining about the lack of development to date.84 259 Administration Boards

260 Administration Boards Vosloorus Daveyton Tembisa R 907 920 on the existing 6 000 houses. A further 160 would be completed in 1981; 10 922 to complete an existing 308 units scheme; 1 900 000 on two new hostels for 6 096 people; It was revealed in August that WRAB would be unable to build any houses in Alexandra in the immediate future because the government had not provided the funds. Mr Rabie of WRAB stated that WRAB had started on a Rlm programme to provide essential services for the first phase of redevelopment. However, until the government approved the finance, no new accommodation could be built. Originally it was proposed that 3 000 homes and flats would be erected within three years. On the question of the future of coloured persons in Alexandra, Dr Koornhof stated that as there was a limited area available for African families, housing could not be provided for coloured people on a permanent basis. They could remain in Alexandra on a temporary basis until other suitable accommodation could be found for them.85 Facilities Barclays Bank donated R20 000 to the Alexandra clinic to help it meet its deficit of R51 000.86 The Reverend Sam Buti, chairman of the Alexandra Liaison Committee, annnounced that a hospital would be built in Alexandra as part of the 'Uplift Alex Campaign'. He also stated that there were plans to build a textile, furniture and steel frames factory in Alexandra at a cost of R9 000. Employment would be provided for 50 people. Local government The Save Alexandra Party recorded a 53% landslide victory in the Alexandra elections on September 8. The party won all the seats, polling 4 500 votes to 136 for the Alexandra Action Committee, and 167 for the Alexandra People's Action Party. Of a total of 5 779 papers, 101 were spoiled.7 Mr Buti, leader of the Save Alexandra Party claimed that the percentage poll was low because residents in arrears with their rents were prevented from voting. East Rand (ERAB) Housing The shortage of housing on the East Rand was again a prominent issue. The East Rand Administration Board, (ERAB) announced a R48m budget for 1981/82 of which R27m would be for housing, subject to the approval of the Department of Community Development. The money was not part of the board's capital programme and would come from that department. This amount was cut to R10,5m by the government. ERAB's chairman said that as a result very few houses would be built in 1981. Most of the R10,5m would cover services on projects (costing R14m) already under way. Later the board announced that R2,6m of its own funds would be added to the R10,5m to be spent in part as follows:88

R 261 Duduza 163000 on 604existinghouses and 38newhouses; Kwa-Thema 1 000 000 on the existing 821 housing scheme with a further 400 houses to be completed during Adminis1981; tration Thokoza 2 500 000 on the existing 1 000 unit scheme; Boards Delmas 200 000 to complete the 141 house scheme; Katlehong 3 600 000 on the existing 2 000 unit scheme. In February more than 100 women, all members of the Sinaba party, protested against the housing shortage in Daveyton. The government announced in March that a farm, Holtfontein, would be added to Daveyton township to ease the housing shortage. The board stated that is was also attending to the development of 879 stands for family housing in the township. Fifty houses had been built and another 400 were still under construction.89 However, in September, ERAB announced that no further housing construction could be undertaken because funds had dried up. In September, Barlow Rand applied for a portion of land in Daveyton township on which to build 110 houses for African families. To alleviate the shortage of accommodation for contract workers in Tembisa three large companies decided to spend more than R2m on new hostels in the township. Klipfontein Organic Products would build a 700bed hostel, Triomf Fertilisers a 630-bed hostel, and African Gate and Fence Works a 600-bed hostel. Other companies providing accommodation for contract labourers in the area were Davy Construction, CMGM, John Thompson Africa and LSL builders.90 The Katlehong Community Council announced that it would build 3 000 houses with the aid of the Urban Foundation. About 12 000 families in Katlehong lived in backyard shacks. A 6 144-bed hostel costing R4,5m was also to be built. The Mohlakeng Community Council decided to make representations to Dr Koornhof on the housing shortage. This would be a follow-up to a memorandum sent to the Deputy Minister in December 1980 to which no reply had been received. A temporary scheme in Duduza allowing people to erect shacks was started by Mr K Moloi, a Duduza councillor, in March. In July the board issued a directive that all backyard shacks should be pulled down within ten days. ERAB undertook to redraft the deed of sale contracts signed by Thembalisha residents in Kwa-Thema, Springs, two years ago when they were allotted new houses. The promise followed on a meeting between lawyers and the National Housing Commission in April over residents' complaints. These were that the rent of R54 per month and selling price of R4 468 were too high, especially given the fact that the walls of many of the houses were collapsing due to poor foundations. ERAB announced that it had budgeted more than R4,2m for the rehousing of 100- 120 African families living in the Payneville location. They would be rehoused in the Kwa-Thema and Tsakane townships. A further 1 200 families living in the Brakpan Old Location would also be rehoused.

262 Rents The question of rents became a major issue in East Rand townships. A council decision to reduce monthly rents in Daveyton from R44,05 to Adminis- R24,05 from March 1 was later suspended. ERAB stated that the council tration had no power to increase or reduce rents. Daveyton residents, however, Boards decided to pay the reduced amounts. In March the Daveyton Community Council announced that there would be a further R1,75 per month rent increase to meet the high cost of services to the township. Widespread protests and rioting greeted a rent increase in Tembisa implemented on April 1. The increase was to cover the installation of electricity and improvement of services. Hostel rents increased from R8,50 to R14,50 per month and house rents by R5 to R22,50 per month for a rented house and R18,20 for a purchased house. Police were brought in to disperse about 200 residents who stoned the administration board offices on April 1. Violence also broke out in Evaton and Sebokeng. During the week-long unrest, members of AZAPO were detained, while the board barred Tembisa's ministers from allowing residents to use their churches for rent protest meetings. At a meeting attended by senior officials of ERAB, the Chief Commissioner for the Witwatersrand and members of the community council, it was decided that all future rent increases would be decided by the community councils. Each decision would, however, be subject to ministerial approval. After an emergency meeting on April 10 the Tembisa Community Council announced that the increases would remain. The Duduza Community Council suspended rent increases for the rest of the year. Residents were paying a monthly rental of Ri 8,45. Residents in Wattville, Benoni, protested against a R2 monthly rent increase and R4 hostel fee introduced on May 1. In response to a further increase of R4 introduced in October, 48 women marched on ERAB offices in protest. They were arrested and charged in the Benoni Magistrates Court with having held an illegal procession. Administration It was announced in May that Tembisa would receive R45m for electrification, R75 000 for the provision of sewerage and R5 000 for a community centre over the next four years. The electrification project was later postponed as the community council was unable to raise a loan from the Department of Community Development. Katlehong residents, angered by water bills of up to R100 and a poor refuse service, called on the community council to resign. The council stated that it was attempting to rectify the problem. Finance It was revealed that government curbs on how much could be spent on capital projects in any one year were hampering local authorities in the development of African townships. About R34m available to ERAB was lying idle due to inflation.

Local government Dissatisfaction with various community councils over their running of the townships was expressed. Residents in Thokoza signed a petition calling for a vote of no-confidence in their council, as they felt it had not achieved anything in two years and was out of touch with the people. Dissatisfaction was also expressed with the Evaton and the Katlehong commlinity councils, while splits emerged within the Daveyton council. (See rest of section for further details.) Mr S J van der Merwe, chairman of ERAB, resigned in June. Under his chairmanship ERAB had been consistently attacked by residents for making donations towards the building of the capital of Lebowa and to the SA Bureau of Racial Affairs (SABRA). Mr van der Merwe stated that he was resigning because of other commitments. Central Transvaal Housing There were 1 239 people on the waiting list for houses in Atteridgeville in June. In a memorandum to Dr Koornhof, the Atteridgeville/Saulsville Community Council stated that an additional 56 235 people would have to be accommodated in the township by the year 2 000. The memorandum was part of a move by the council to persuade the government to reverse its decision to proclaim Dairy Farms near Atteridgeville an Indian residential area. Previously about 5 000 residents had signed a petition against the move and had submitted this to the Group Areas Board. At a meeting between the Laudium management committee and the community council it was agreed that a suggestion be made to the government that Indian people be resettled at the Asiatic Bazaar and Lady Selbourne instead. About 2 000 Laudium residents were on the waiting list for housing." There were 3 000 people on the waiting list for housing in Mamelodi. The township had a total of 13 846 houses and a population of 120 000 persons. In an attempt to alleviate the housing problem the Mamelodi Community Council requested that residents be granted a stretch of land on the eastern side of the township up to Bronkhorstspruit. In June, the council began allocating 190 available sites within the township to residents on the waiting list. However, the council required that residents applying for a site should have R6 000 cash, or a letter of guarantee from their employer, or be able to produce a letter from the building contractor undertaking to build the house. If after a year the house had not been built, it would revert to the council. Residents stated that the R6 000 was out of their reach.92 In March, the Atteridgeville Community Council rejected a recommended R1,17 rent increase for houses and 11 cents per hostel dweller advocated by the Central Transvaal Administration Board. The Mamelodi Community Council decided not to increase rents despite a shortfall of R2,2m. Mr J van Eeden, the board's director for housing, stated that it was a pity that the council was afraid to ask residents for money to improve their quality of life. 263 Administration Boards

264 Administration Boards In October the Central Transvaal Administration Board announced that it would spend more than R900 000 on stormwater drainage, electricity and other improvements in Atteridgeville, Saulsville and Mamelodi during the 1981/82 fiscal year. Mr van Eeden stated that his department had undertaken these projects despite the fact that the community councils of the two townships had refused to increase rents.93 Highveld Rents About 100 families were locked out of their homes in Mzinoni township by the Highveld Administration Board because they refused to pay part of their rents. Residents had been fighting for the reduction of increases which had been introduced in November 1979. These were R5-R12 a month for sub-economic houses and R14,92 (from R7,92) for economic homes. The council had given permission for the families to pay the increased rent from October 1980, but the board had insisted that they pay the backlog in the increase for the intervening period. There were no further service increases this year. Three community councils were established during 1980. All the powers and functions set out in section 5 of Act 45 (1977) had been taken over by the councils.94 Finance Estimates of income and expenditure for the board for 1981/82 were as follows:95 Management administration Manpower administration Community settlement and social services Sorghum beer trading project breweries Trading projects and liquor sales Total Income Expenditure R R 379330 1852713 4200277 26173497921586 1014985215647495 141117705946630 5 201 590 34 095 318 33 933 274 Diamond Fields Housing Plans were underway to redevelop the Galeshwe township at a cost of R50m over a period of 5-10 years. Oranjevaal Administration Complaints were made over lecture notes called 'Know your White Employer' that were issued to employers at the Orientation centre run by the board. The notes, described as insulting to Africans, stated that Africans should change their underwear and brush their teeth regularly. Rents Rents were increased by R5,06 a month from May 1 in the townships of Sharpeville, Bophelong, Zandela, Boipatong and Vaal Dam. The minimum rent per month would be R28,01, and the maximum R29,46. A water levy of R1,90 and new electricity tariff of R7,50 were also intro- 265 duced. The increases were needed to cover rising maintenance and service costs. AdminisHousing tration The board's director of finance, Mr M H Leeferink, stated in August that Boards the board had subsidised house rentals for more than 1 700 families in the Vaal complex since January. In most cases the family head was disabled, on pension, widowed and/or unemployed.96 Local government In response to criticisms of the Vaal Community Council's effectiveness, the council's chairman stated that the Oranje Vaal Administration Board was transferring every power to the council in an 'evolutionary process of phasing out the Board'. Two council members resigned in July over dissatisfaction with the council. They were the former chairman Mr George Thabe, and a former executive member, Mr Samuel Kolisang. (See main section on community councils.) Evaton Evaton residents continued to protest against the replanning of the township. The chairman of the Evaton Community Council stated that there would be no change to these plans. (See 1980 Surveyp 330.) Proposals for a master plan for the replanning were completed by consulting civil and structural engineers and submitted to the council in July for consideration. Evaton residents were also instructed to keep their cattle off communal grazing land in the township used by them for more than 35 years. As a result they were forced to sell the cattle as their own plots were too small to be used for grazing. Those who failed to obey the instruction had their cattle impounded and faced fines of about R30.17 Eastern Transvaal Service charges were increased from April 1 to finance capital projects. Community councils The powers and duties set out in section 5(1)(a) of Act no 125 of 1977 were taken over by the community councils98 Estimates of revenue and expenditure for 1981/82 were as follows: Expenditure Income RR General 5048026 2717678 Donations 112 692 Manpower Development 51 547 123 459 Sorghum Beer 4 960 974 5 279 445 Liquor 1364470 1404015 Renewal Funds 25 382 25 383 Cinema 41 314 23 258 LabourBureau 1782513 1932166 Total 13386918 11505404

266 Western Cape Housing The Minister of Co-operation and Development stated that 219 387 AfriAdminis- cans were living in the Western Cape, of whom 21 565 were families. tration There were 14 229 family housing units, 37 169 hostel beds and 2 102 Boards squatter dwellings in existence.9 The shortage was 7 135 family units and 1 000 hostel beds. The anticipated additional demand was 500 family units per year, and 400 single units per year.""' During the first six months of 1981, 250 new family housing units were provided in Langa, and 209 at the new Crossroads, bringing the total constructed in the new township to 452 units. The units in Langa had been converted from hostel units.'01 In a housing development thrust, the Urban Foundation launched a non-profit utility company - Uluntu - headed by leading members of the African community. Under the scheme Uluntu would acquire land from the administration board on a 30-year lease renewable for a further 30 years and endorsed by the government. The company would then sublet the land to tenants and would grant long-term loans for the construction of houses. A tenant would have the right to offer his sub-lease to anyone else on the waiting list and might include a profit in his price. The private sector to date had contributed R7,5m to Uluntu at an interest rate of 3,5% over 30 years and pledges for R5m had been made. Owners could also use their own labour in building their homes - so reducing capital costs by as much as 30%. 1 The Minister of Co-operation and Development said that the private sector could provide housing in the Western Cape with their own finances, although the administration board would remain the owner of the building. Occupation of the building by his employees was guaranteed to the employer. He said that eight business concerns had provided one dwelling for 88 people at an estimated value of R24 600. One organisation had provided one dwelling for six people at a cost of R16 500. ' Plans were under way for the construction of 160 family units at a cost of R1,5m in Nyanga East; 200 homes under the 30-year leasehold in Guguletu to be financed jointly by the Uluntu Utility Company and the Urban Foundation, the community council and administration board; 500 houses by the board throughout the three townships and a further 550 by the Uluntu Utility Company. Development was expected to be completed in 1985.104 The Minister of Co-operation and Development gave the following details of the projected housing needs in the Western Cape over the next ten years: 1982 1 950 1987 500 1983 1600 1988 500 1984 1300 1989 500 1985 1700 1990 500 1986 1700 1991 500 Approximately R71m was required to wipe out the present shortage. Thereafter approximately R6,25m per year would be required for natural increase."'

In March about 20 000 Crossroads residents were granted resident 267 status in terms of an undertaking by Dr Koornhof in 1979.'06 (See 1979 Survey p 425.) Northern Cape Administration Service increases varying from 30% - 186% were introduced in most Boards townships in the Northern Cape. Eastern Cape (ECAB) Housing The Department of Community Development spent the following amounts on housing and infrastructural development in the form of loans for the years given below:117 Housing Infrastructure Economic Sub-economic Economic Sub-economic TOTAL 1972-74 112956 96750 209706 1974-75 295481 86100 381581 1975-76 2456889 124260 193225 2774374 1976-77 1098742 200625 236890 1536257 1977-78 888867 1780050 458062 3126979 1978-79 2171627 2349337 596311 22600 51398751979-80 2 606 411 4352271 1787298 521510 9267490 1980-81 4356011 2299683 633956 79721 7369371Total 13986984 11106226 4088592 623 831 29 805 633 The interest rate for the sub-economic loans was 1% while that for the economic varied between 8,5% and 9%. An amount of R542m was granted for the development of African urban areas in the Eastern Cape.18 (See section on Relocation for further details.) At a meeting with East Cape businessmen to discuss the housing shortage, Mr R Matlock, ECAB's director of technical services, stated that most of the townships were on the pail latrine system, had a substandard water supply system and had no stormwater system. In 21 of the board's townships population density was more than 200 persons per hectare, as opposed to the acceptable norm of 100 persons per hectare. In nine townships it exceeded 300 per hectare and in four townships it exceeded 400 per hectare. He proposed that the townships be developed in zones according to a socio-economic survey of the population.109 Volkswagen made Rim available for African housing in Uitenhage, and better roads and bus shelters for African commuters. The construction of 200 houses for Africans in Grahamstown - the first to be built in 15 years - began this year. The housing shortage was placed at between 6 000 and 7 000 houses. The city's population had grown from 26 000 in 1970 to 30 949 in 1981. The houses, to be built at Makana's Kop, would cost a total of R779 000 and would be the first in Grahamstown's African townships to have indoor toilets and running water. The townships would have tarred streets costing R249 000, stormwater drainage costing R64 000, sewerage reticulation at R210 000, water reticulation at R54 000, and electrical mains costing Ri 7 000.

268 Theboard was also spending an additional R665 000 on tarring all the streets in Makana's Kop and R145 000 on providing storm water drainage."'° Adminis- The minister stated that Africans in Fingo Village could retain their tration freehold rights should their properties not be required for public purBoards poses, such as buffer strips, public open spaces, streets, schools, and church or trading sites when the township was replanned. If needed, such properties would be purchased by the administration board. Africans affected could acquire sites in Grahamstown's other African residential areas, namely Makana's Kop and Tantyi, in terms of the 99-year leasehold system regardless of whether they qualified for leasehold or not. Two hundred and forty-six sites were held under freehold."' In October, in a departure from previous policy, ECAB announced that it would provide serviced sites for do-it-yourself houses in Tantyi township and would extend the programmes to other towns in the Eastern Cape in 1982. Basic services costing about R44 000 would be provided as soon as possible for 60 homes. Home builders could arrange for loans for the materials, which would cost Ri 500. Participants in the scheme would build houses under ECAB supervision from plans supplied by the board. A further 160 sites had been set aside for the project. All sites were available under the 99-year leasehold system.'2 The minister stated that seven rights of leasehold had been registered in Kwa Ford township with 65 in the pipeline. In no other township had 99-year leases been registered as the planning and surveying of these areas had not been completed.13 Hundreds of people were left homeless in Port Elizabeth's African townships when the Chatty river overflowed. Low lying areas such as Veeplaas, Kwazekhele, Soweto and Kwanobuhle were worst hit. Rents Opposition to ECAB's proposals to increase rents were voiced by four of of the 54 community councils in the Eastern Cape. Despite this, ECAB submitted to Dr Koornhof recommendations for increases for all the councils. The Alexandria Community Council resigned en bloc in April when the board increased service charges in the township by R2,50 per month from April 1. Rents would be R15,89 per month. The reasons given for their opposition were low wages paid to residents, lack of amenities and of improvements in housing. More than 1 500 residents of Port Elizabeth's Red and White locations resolved not to pay an increase of R4 per month in rent operational from April 1. They also resolved to write letters of protest to Dr Koornhof, Mr Louis Koch, the Chief Director of ECAB and to Mr Msimelelo Maku, chairman of the PE Community Council. Residents stated that the increase from Ri 2 to R1 6 per month was not justifiable given the appalling condition of their homes.'1 The following housing units in Port Elizabeth were built from funds of the Department of Community Development for the years given:"'

Units Amount (R) 269 1972-73 - 1974-75 87 138 788 1975-76 1530 617826 Adminis1980-81 216 609975 tration (13 069 families or 100 000 persons). Boards Local government The Port Elizabeth Black Community Organisation (PEBCO) saw a resurgence this year. Its new chairman, Mr Ntsikie, stated that it would revert to its old constitution and objectives set out by Mr Thozamile Botha, its first president, who was banned and subsequently fled the country. Port Natal The Port Natal Administration Board built 107 houses in urban townships and 1 275 on an agency basis for the SA Development Trust on SA Development Trust land from August 1, 1979 to July 31, 1981. The following amounts were spent on such housing:"6 Housing Infrastructure Agency basis Infrastructure 1979/80 366901 281367 1886134 2754181 1980/81 - - 3568159 6893535 No 99-year leases were registered in the area of the Port Natal Administration Board, although the scheme was applicable in the Hambanati and Lamontville townships.11'7 Drakensberg Administration Board No houses were built by the Drakensberg Administration Board from August 1, 1979 to July 31, 1981 in urban townships, while 590 were built on an agency basis for the SA Development Trust. Amounts spent on housing construction on an angency basis and infrastructure for such housing were as follows:118 Agency basis (R) Infrastructure (R) 1979/80 976 561 2 121 307 1980/81 1118867 1565652 No 99-year leases had been registered in the townships under the board's jurisdiction, although the scheme was applicable in four townships. In Sobantu and Matatiele land had not as yet been transferred to the administration board. In Bongweni (Kokstad) problems were being experienced with the replanning of the township, while Thabong (Cedarville) was only occupied by 30 families and the abolition of the area was being considered.'19 The Drakensberg Administration Board budgeted more than R4,6m for housing this year. The total budget was R5 132 345, the remainder being made up of 635 allocated for welfare, and R114 045 for sport and recreation.

270 References Star October 9 2 Rand Daily Mail February 19 IbidSeptember 18 Urban 4 Hansard 5 col 2474 August 31 African 5 Rand Daily MailApril 6 A Annual report of the CommissionerofPolice,June301980Affairs 7 Rand Daily Mail February 26 8 Hansard 3 Q col 201 August 28 9 Hansard 5 Q col 229 February 25 10 Hansard 5 Q col 249 February 26 11 Hansard 3 Q col 116 August 20 12 Ibid 13 Hansard 3 Qcol 114August 20 14 Rand Daily MailApril 16 15 lbidMay 13 16 Cape Times July 26 17 Rand Daily Mail February 10 18 Ibid 19 Hansard 5 Qcol 218-219 February 25 2 Rand Daily MailJuly 23 21 /bid September 24 22 Hansard 9 Q col 533 October 2 23 Rand Daily MailOctober 14 24 IbidApril 24 25 /bidJune 6 26 lbidJune 10 27 Sowetan September 22 28 Hansard 2 Q col 31 and Hansard 3 Q col 156 August 26 29 Rand Daily MailFebruary 5 30 Information supplied by the various administration boards. 31 Report of the Biennial Housing Conference, p A9, September 1981 32 IbidpA5 33 Hansard 5 Q col 245 September 1 34 Hansard 9 Q col 554 September 30 35 Hansard 8 Q col 480 September 24 36 Hansard 4 Q col 20 August 7 31 Hansard 5 Q col 245 September 1 38 StarApril 9 39 East Province HeraldJuly 16 40 ArgusJanuary 22 41 Hansard 5 Q col 254-6 September 1 42 Rand Daily Mail October 28 43 /bidOctober 4 44 Standing Committee Debate No 5, Vote 23, Community Development, cols 689-692 45 Sunday Times January 25 46 Hansard 3 Q col 84 August 19 46a Hansard 10 Q col 6339 October 9 47 Hansard 1 Q col 22 August 7 48 StarMarch 27 49 Information supplied by the Department of Co-operation and Development 50 Hansard 10 Q col 688 October 7 51 Rand Daily MailApril 2 52 /bidApril 1 s3 lbidJuly 2 54 Sowetan May 3 15 Rand Daily Mail September 3 56 Sowetan September 10 17 Citizen September 9 58 Cape Times March 18 19 Rand Daily Mail February 25 60 Sowetan February 12 61 Argus September 11 62 Star May 2 63 /bid August 5

64 Rand Daily MailSeptember 29 271 65 StarJune 15 66 Various press reports 67 Ibid 68 Rand Daily Mail February 5 Urban 69 Hansard 7 Q col 392 September 14 70 Knoetze J C 'The Private Sector' Report of the Biennial Housing Conference, op cit, p 2 African 71 StarApril 4 Affairs 72 Hansard 5 Q col 253 September 1 71 Hansard 3 Q col 89 August 19 74 Rand Daily MailMay 14 11 Hansard 2 Q col 36 February 4 76 Financial Mail April 10 77 Information supplied by the West Rand Administration Board 78 Rand Daily Mail October 1 71 Sowetan July 31 80 Hansard 2 Q col 31 February 4 81 StarOctober 14 82 Various press reports 83 Rand Daily MailApril 28 84 Hansard 1 Q col 36 August 7, Rand Daily Mail August 6 85 Hansard 1 Q col 4 August 1 86 African Business January 1981 87 Sowetan September 14 88 StarAugust 28 89 Rand Daily Mail March 11 90 StarMay 14 91 Rand Daily MailJune 3 92 IbidJuly 7 9 /bidOctober 8 94 Information supplied by the Administration Board 91 Ibid 96 Sowetan August 11 97 Rand Daily Mail February 6 98 Information supplied by the Administration Board 99 Hansard 10 Q cols 663-6 October 7 100 Hansard 7 Q col 396 September 14 101 Hansard 3 Q col 116 August 20 102 Argus February 24 103 Hansard 7 Q col 389 September 14 104 Cape Times September 9 105 Hansard 9 Q col 557 September 30 106 StarMarch 2 10o Hansard 5 Q col 252 September 1 108 Eastern Province Herald February 7 109 Daily Dispatch June 11 110 Evening PostJune 10 "I Hansard 7Qcol 422 September 18 112 Rand Daily Mail October 26 113 Hansard 9 Q col 529 September 28 114 Various press reports 115 Hansard 4 Q col 197 August 28 116 Hansard 7 Q col 387 September 14 117 Hansard 9 Q col 556 September 30 118 Hansard 7 Q col 387 September 14 119 Hansard 9 Q col 556 September 30

RELOCATION OF THE AFRICAN POPULATION General The government continued to implement the policy of population relocation, sometimes forcibly, despite assurances given in 1980 by Dr P Koornhof, Minister of Co-operation and Development, that there would be no more forced removals. Speaking in the Assembly, the minister made the following policy statement on resettlement:' 'The basic principle which must apply throughout in the settlement of people is that we are dealing with the building of nations; with the improvement of people who are being settled to enable them, inter alia, to acquire a legal place of residence. The removal of people must therefore be development- orientated. Their place of resettlement should be as attractive as possible.' He said that a proper water supply, sanitation and 'adequate' housing should be provided, as well as health facilities, school facilities, shopping and transport facilities; and that employment opportunities should be created. There should also be intensive prior negotiations with all the persons and bodies involved in the planning of a resettlement programme, e.g. with those who were about to be moved, with the homeland concerned, with the agricultural union concerned, as well as other persons and bodies. Where appropriate, arrangements should be made for affected persons to be compensated for existing improvements to their homes which they had made out of their own funds. A proper form of local government should be created as soon as possible for the community once it was resettled. Where resettlement was planned a committee should be constituted under the chairmanship of the Chief Commissioner concerned and the committee then entrusted with the promotion and implementation of the resettlement programme. The minister stated that these guidelines were being sent to all the commissioners throughout the Republic and also to all interested parties. An examination of the process of relocation to date indicates that these requirements have not been met in most cases of resettlement, as examples given later in this chapter show. Statistics Various estimates of the number of people moved were provided during the year. Dr Koornhof stated at a pre-election press conference that be- tween 1970 and 1980 the government had moved 317 000 Africans comprising 51 000 families to the homelands. Other experts considered this to be a gross underestimate. The report of the Department of Co-operation and Development stated that between April 1979 and March 1980 approximately 74 276 Africans were removed from 'white' areas and relocated in the homelands. Of these 3 321 were removed from Natal to KwaZulu; 8 074 and 315 from the Transvaal were relocated in Lebowa and Bophuthatswana respectively; 19 619 were moved from the Cape to the Ciskei and 42 974 from the Orange Free State to QwaQwa.2 Most of the latter were moved into the resettlement camp of Onverwacht. Answering a question in Parliament Dr Koornhof stated that the total number of Africans relocated in each province in 1980 was as follows: Orange Free State Natal Cape Province Transvaal 273 Relocation of Africans 15 369 18 033 10524 2 846 People were relocated in African townships and on land acquired on behalf of the SA Development Trust.' During 1980 the Nelspruit African township was deproclaimed, and Mafikeng became part of Bophuthatswana. The minister also stated that the number of Africans moved to the homelands from each of the main urban areas during 1980 was as follows: Pretoria 3 350 (1 033 families) Witwatersrand 2 381 (389 families) Cape Town 3 (1 family) East London 1 987 (460 families) Port Elizabeth, Durban, Pietermaritzburg, Bloemfontein - no removals. The Pretoria and Witwatersrand figures comprise mainly Ndebele and Swazi people. The East London figure represents people removed from Duncan Village to Mdantsane.4 During 1979 three 'black spots' were removed comprising 6 446 people from Louis Trichardt, 1 584 people from Pietersburg and 4 739 from Cullinan. The inhabitants were resettled in Lebowa, KwaNdebele and KaNgwane. The total amount of compensation paid out by the state was R679 493. No 'black spots' were removed in 1980.1 SAIRR conference The SA Institute of Race Relations devoted its annual conference to a study of relocation. In a paper delivered at the conference, Mr G Marc stated that relocation in SA involved the use of force, led to the disruption of the country's social fabric, and disorganised those removed.6 He emphasised that official figures on relocation were inadequate and gave the following estimates as indicators of the extent of the process: 1 Relocation due to the abolition of the labour tenant system and squatting on white-owned farms:

274 1960-70 340 000 (labour tenants) 656 000 (squatters) 1970-79 304 949 (tenants) Relocation 1971-74 400 000 (labour tenants) of Africans (It is not clear whether the last figure refers to dependants as well.) 2 Relocation due to influx control: Numbers brought to trial in cases investigated under the pass laws: 1967-70 1 969 635 1971-79 3 579 055 3 Clearance of 'black spots': 1960-70 97000 or 68144(dependingonsource) 1968-76 258 632 1970-79 304 980 An estimated 150 'black spots' were still to be cleared in Natal, with at least 75 000 residents. 4 Relocation due to 'homeland consolidation': 1970-79 304 958 The Bureau of Economic Research and Development (BENSO) estimated in 1975 that a total of one million people would have to be moved in terms of the 1975 consolidation proposals. No final figure had emerged from the Van Der Walt Commission of Inquiry into Homeland Consolidation at the time of writing. 5 Urban relocation: This refers to the demolition of townships and squatter areas within the 'white' region of SA and the relocation of their populations in townships established within the homelands. It was estimated that the homeland urban population had grown from 594 420 in 1970 to 1,5m in 1978. The number relocated had been given as follows: 1968-75 171 259 1970-79 115 636 In a paper entitled 'The Economic Implications of African Resettlement'8 presented to the same conference, Mr Charles Simkins gave the following totals of numbers relocated from 1960-79 in the categories given: 1960-69 1970-79 1960-79 000's Labour tenants and squatters 363 305 668 'Black spot' removals and homeland consolidation 149 305 454 Total 512 610 1 122 Mr Simkins pointed out that over periods of time, many resettlement camps had become closer settlements where people lived in selferected housing, or in rudimentary state-provided structures; had urbansized (or only slightly bigger) plots and could under no circumstances acquire rights to fields and grazing. He estimated that about 32,5% (3,7m) of the homeland population lived in closer settlements of this kind as opposed to 50,4% (5 714 122) living in rural homeland areas and 17,1% or 1 938 857 living in homeland towns. Mr Simkins also concluded that whereas there had been no increase in the proportion of people living in urban areas in the whole of SA between 1960 and 1980 - the percentage remaining stable at 47,3% - that of the homeland population increased. In examining unemployment in resettlement areas Mr Simkins found that the median local unemployment rate for men and women was 31%. If migrants were included, this dropped to 13% for men and 29% for women. (Current population survey estimates for the homelands gave a rate of 8% for men and 15% for women in January 1981.) The median proportion of migrants among the male employed was 65% and among female employed 37%. In his conclusions Mr Simkins stated that 'the determination to keep our cities closed to more extensive African settlement has resulted in the perpetuation of the migrant labour system, . . . it threatens to slow down the rate of labour absorption. 'The result will be (already indeed is) a large hard core poverty problem in the homelands as a whole and in closer settlements in particular. It is particularly severe amongst permanently female headed households, but de facto female headed households whose migrant workers fail to remit earnings or remit irregularly are also at severe risk.' Many of these people existed outside of the labour market and were thus severely disadvantaged. He continued: 'Were Africans allowed into the cities freely some of this poverty could be expected to disappear simply because families could live together and so eliminate the riskiness of the remittances problem, also the employment prospects for women are far better in town than in the homelands.' In a paper9 on the effect of relocation on KwaZulu, Dr Oscar Dhlomo, KwaZulu Minister of Education and Culture, stated that the homeland did not formally participate in receiving or accepting resettled people. Removals by the SA government involved people being relocated on land purchased by the SA Development Trust within the proposed boundaries of KwaZulu, but which had not been handed over to KwaZulu at the time of relocation. He stated that over the past seven to eight years the KwaZulu government and Inkatha had repeatedly expressed their total opposition to the relocation of people on the scale undertaken by the central government in pursuance of its goal of separate development. In 1978 the KwaZulu Legislative Assembly appointed a select committee to investigate the living conditions of displaced KwaZulu citizens. Among its findings were that families were removed under 'gruesome' circumstances by armed police and dog squads and that their homes were burned down. Many families lost livestock without receiving adequate compensation; eviction orders failed to allow sufficient time for alternative arrangements to be made; and no meaningful consultation between the people being resettled and the authorities took place. He stated further that people owning more than 20 morgen of land were given the option of compensatory land or payment, those who owned less than 20 morgen were not given that option but were forced to 275 Relocation of Africans

276 Relocation of Africans accept monetary compensation and were relocated in closer settlements. Squatters were, as a rule, not compensated at all. Accommodation provided was rudimentary and inadequate - usually tents or tin huts of 3,6 X 3,7 metres. Dr Dhlomo stated that the establishment of closer settlements led to health and welfare problems; raised the level of unemployment; and caused an influx of children into already overcrowded KwaZulu schools, as insufficient schools were provided in resettled areas. He maintained that relocation within KwaZulu by the KwaZulu government was small-scale, an amount of R8 000 being set aside for this for the 1981/2 financial year. It was clear from a paper delivered by Mr C Jooste of SABRA° that the government intended continuing relocating African people in pursuit of its homeland policy. In particular, this related to government plans to move boundaries of homelands nearer to existing metropolitan regions and development axes. This plan was designed to encourage economic development in the homelands following the government's awareness that this development had, to date, been inadequate. After the conference the SAIRR issued the following statement: 'After weighing the information received on the facts and purposes of relocation the Institute wishes to express its strongest anxiety at the extent and manner of relocation taking place and at the human suffering involved. The lack of satisfactory consultation with the people being relocated and with the homeland authorities are the cause for most serious concern; so too is the occurrence of relocation without consent, or adequate compensation, or into acceptable physical conditions. Problems of employment, education, health services and community disruption add grievously to the human distress. Over a million people are affected. 'The Institute plans in the year ahead through further research and various measures of assistance to endeavour to contribute to the reduction and alleviation of the problem. In doing this the Institute recognises that relocation, along with its distress, is largely a symptom of our inadequate political structure and that the answer is best to be found in sharing of all our peoples in decision making. Unfortunately this is not yet possible, the apartheid ideology still being alive and well. 'The Institute will, therefore, aim to attract the attention of all South Africans to the evils that accompany so much of the relocation of so many of our fellow countrymen and women; to contribute to its avoidance and, where it occurs, to its alleviation. We know no greater current cause of human suffering in our land than relocation.' Attitudes of other organisations Several other organisations also examined the question of relocation. At the annual conference of the SA Council of Churches (SACC) Bishop Desmond Tutu, general secretary, stated that he was committed to using all his resources to dismantle the removals policy. Delegates at the conference proposed that the SACC organise 'pilgrimages of truth' to relocation camps to show South Africans how people suffer in rural areas.1" A member of the SACC's Ecumenical Education Office, Dr Margaret Nash, claimed that resistance to the government's policy of relocation was necessary for peaceful change. She outlined the following requirements for successful resistance to this process:

* grassroots group that wanted to resist; * partnership between the grassroots group and wider support groups; * exposure to local and international media. The SACC launched a campaign called 'August 1981 - The Month of Compassion, the Cry of the Resettled', calling on all South Africans to provide resettled families with financial and spiritual support.2 The Black Sash, at its annual conference denied that 'voluntary removals' were devoid of coercion. Coercion took place when the government refused to improve service facilities in the old area, when 'independent' homelands pressured unwanted people to leave through refusing them trading licences, schooling, pensions, jobs etc., and when farmers were ordered to evict 'illegals' from their farms. A group called 'The Surplus People's Project' undertook a nationwide survey on relocation. Their results had not been published at the time of writing. Natal and KwaZulu General Addressing the Natal Agricultural Union in May, Dr Koornhof stated that the unwillingness of the Zulu people to be resettled formed the main obstacle to implementing the 1975 KwaZulu consolidation proposals. He stated that while the goverment appreciated that removal and resettlement was a disruptive process, it must be understood that this was the essential element of consolidation of land and nations. He stated that compensatory land for the isolated areas around Ladysmith, Driefontein, Reserve No 4, Sordwana and the Paulpietersburg area had been bought and planned. 'Upon deproclamation the department could continue with purchases in the Highflats, Ubombo, Cabaret and Epiva regions of Natal.13 In September, however, the minister stated that the resettlement area for the 3 000 families at Reserve No 4, which had been excised from KwaZulu, had not been decided upon.'4 Answering a question in Parliament in September, Dr Koornhof stated that his department and the KwaZulu government had agreed in principle to the establishment of a steering committee in respect of each 'black spot' to be removed to advise the two governments 'on particular problems and implications' concerning the resettlement of the people from each area. He stated further that the KwaZulu government refused to get involved in any of the resettlement projects." St Wendolins, Pinetown Mass removals continued from St Wendolins, 12 km outside Pinetown. At the time of writing it was reported that 1 100 families had been moved to two 'planned' KwaZulu areas, KwaDabeka and KwaNdengezi. Among those still to be removed were 75 families with freehold title. However, the Minister of Co- operation and Development stated in Parliament in August that no removals from St Wendolins had as yet taken place. He statedthat1 123 families resided there.', A petition protesting against the removals drawn up and signed by 1 300 heads of homesteads was submitted to the minister. This followed 277 Relocation: Africans in Natal

278 Relocation: Africans in Natal an earlier petition submitted in November 1980 in which residents had said that they were opposed to moving as they had deep roots in the area, their present houses were larger than those in KwaNdengezi or KwaDabeka, rents in the new township were R16 to R35 while at St Wendolins only nominal rents were paid, while schools would be further away leading to higher transport costs. No reply had been received to the first petition. In the second petition residents stated that the community should be considered as falling within the 'official policy of permanency of urban blacks' as St Wendolins fell within the greater Pinetown area. Dr Koornhof's office stated that the relocation would continue as the land was needed for the housing of Indian people and that people were squatting there 'illegally'. Provision had been made for rent remissions for families finding the higher rental beyond their means. As for high transport costs, representations should be made to the bus companies by the people concerned." Widespread appeals from religious and lay groups were made to the government not to continue with the removals. It was revealed this year that since August 1980 hundreds of homes had been demolished in Umbulwane, an African freehold area near Ladysmith. It was estimated that the area housed 610 adults and 300 children, with 41 of the families owning land. The landowners paid municipal rates of up to RI 15 per month but did not receive any services from the municipality in return. Tenants paid R2,50 a month in rent."8 However, in answering a quesiton in Parliament, the Minister of Cooperation and Development said it was unlikely that the community would be moved. If this did occur the people would be relocated at Ezakheni which was linked to Ladysmith by a subsidised passenger bus service. In answering a further question he stated that the government was attending to representations from the community that they be allowed to remain on the land.'" The African Rural Association (AFRA) reported that the Ladysmith labour bureau was refusing to register workseekers and school leavers from Umbulwane. This was denied by the government. AFRA also reported that large-scale evictions from farms in Natal were continuing as a result of the abolition of the labour tenant system (see 1980 Survey p 455). The Department of Co-operation and Development gave one-month eviction notices to abou't 11 families on Redhill farm in Natal. The families claimed that the area had been occupied by their fathers since the Anglo-Zulu War.20 Sordwana Bay Controversy arose over the planned removal of people of the Mbila tribe from the Sordwana Bay area (Natal) to allow for the further development of the Sordwana Bay holiday resort for whites. Original reports that 700 Africans would be moved were denied by the MEC in charge of the Natal Parks Board, who said that only 44 people would be affected. Local sources feared the removals would provoke unrest. The tribe had been moved at least twice in the past few years - once for ecological reasons and then to make way for an army base. The Department of Co-operation and Development stated that the decision to excise the area from the homeland was taken in terms of the 1975 consolidation proposals."

Malukazi Thousands of people in Malukazi, an informal settlement near Durban, were told they would be moved to Gologodo, 10 km away, as Malukazi was to be demolished to make way for extensions to the township of Umlazi. The removal would take place under the authority of the KwaZulu government. A KwaZulu official stated that the families would be compensated for the loss of their homes and could apply for an extension of time if they were unable to rebuild their homes in Gologodo within three months.2 Planned removals Answering a question put by the opposition confirmed that the following communities moved: Area Matiwane's Kop Jonono's Kop Lusitania Driefontein complex Tembalihle Kwapitela 279 Relocation: Africans in Natal in Parliament, the minister in Natal were still to be No. of People 12 502 1 701 1 827 70 980 5 000 630 The communities of Matiwane's Kop, Lusitania and the Driefontein complex would be resettled on compensatory land in the district of Ladysmith. The resettlement area for the people of Tembalihle had not been identified. The non-landowners of Kwapitela, an African-owned farm, would be settled on the farm Compensation in the district of Impendle. Compensatory land for the registered owners of Kwapitela had not been identified. The minister stated that the government of KwaZulu would be consulted on the issue.23 Subsequently, in July, about 60 of the families living on Kwapitela were told that they would be relocated at Compensation. The African landowners, however, stated they would not move and were seeking legal advice on the issue. If the move did take place many members of the community would have to travel 70 km to work. In answering a question in Parliament in October the minister stated that compensation ranging from R1 457 to R50 had been paid to those relocated. The average amount paid was R429,86. He said that householders had been informed of the amounts and that they could object to them. However, no objections had been lodged.24 The minister also confirmed in Parliament that the government intended moving the African communities residing in the townships of Vryheid, Paulpietersburg, Dundee, Ladysmith and Chesterville. They would be moved to the Mondlo Trust, Flint, Nqutu and Ezakheni townships. The communities would be moved when accommodation became avilable. They had been informed of the decision by way of personal contact and correspondence.25 Orange Free State Controversy broke out over a report in the American Christian Science

280 Relocation: Free State and E. Cape Monitor on the resettlement area of Onverwacht (see 1980 Survey p 454). The journal stated that thousands of Africans were housed in iron shacks and lived on 45 by 90 ft plots which were too small even for subsistence farming. It also questioned the official figure of 65 000 residents, placing the figure at double that number. It stated that about 50% of the people were unemployed and that they were plagued by water shortages, inadequate housing and malnutrition. The report was severely criticised by the commissioner in Bloemfontein, Mr A P Kruger, who stated that the official population was 54 151 but unofficially stood at 60 000. He confirmed that tin shanties existed but said that 200 homes had been built and more were planned. He also stated that more water taps were being supplied, that the bucket sewerage system was adequate, and waterborne sewerage and electricity were planned for 1981-82. He said that the smallest plot measured 15 x 30 m, but there were larger ones; that Onverwacht was a residential and not a farming area; and that unemployment was not a problem as the administration board had difficulty in meeting demands for labour.26 The Minister of Co-operation and Development stated that the following facilities and amenities existed at Onverwacht: one health and one isolation clinic; one supermarket; two general dealers; one wood and coal dealer; one bus service; 16 primary schools; one secondary school; two bus depots; one temporary police station, and one administration office.27 Eastern Cape Port Elizabeth In February, the Deputy Minister of Co-operation and Development, Mr G de V Morrison, confirmed that the 4 000 residents of Walmer township in Port Elizabeth would be moved to Zwide township as from August this year. He stated that Walmer had been identified as one of the eight crisis points (because of overcrowding) in the Eastern Cape's 75 townships. (See 1980 Survey p 334 for details of previous events.) The construction of 774 houses and installation of services in Zwide at a cost of R6,3m would be completed by the end of the year for the first families. Walmer residents insisted that they would not move and pointed out that there was already a shortage of 12 000 houses in Zwide. The chief director of the East Cape Administration Board, Mr L C Koch, said that residents would not be moved until after September and then only if they wanted to. He estimated the cost of each house in Zwide would be R5 000 but said that rentals would depend on the tenant's income.28 The Walmer removals would form part of a R542m redevelopment plan for African townships in the Eastern Cape. Besides Walmer other crisis points were Queenstown, Duncan Village, Grahamstown, Sutterheim, Fort Beaufort, Ginsberg Township and Seymour. Dr Morrison stated 'the report we received (following a top level government enquiry) was that much of the violence, strikes and disruption (in the E Cape) was due to inadequate housing and inadequate facilities in the various black townships'. An interdepartmental committee under Mr P E S Linde of the Department of Co-operation and Development had investigated the situation.29

Alicedale 281 Plans were under way to remove families of the impoverished community of Riebeeck East to Alicedale, 18 km away. In April the administration board informed the community council, which supported Relocation the move, that it would be too costly to provide services and other of Africans: facilities for the inhabitants at Riebeeck East. Rents there were R2,60 a E. Cal month while those in Alicedale would be about R25. Mr Koch stated that persons in need could have part or all of their rent waived. The majority of the residents were opposed to the move30 East London A plan announced by the Deputy Minister of Co-operation and Development that residents of Duncan Village, East London, would be relocated was opposed by them. The township has a population of 37 322 people. The chairman of the community council, Mr Matuntuta, stated that the council would make representations to Dr Koornhof to save the township.31 The council had originally supported the move. In giving reasons for the move, the deputy minister stated that the largest part of the township was a health hazard, and there was no possibility of rectifying the situation. Queenstown The Minister of Co-operation and Development stated that the government intended removing the occupants of African-owned 'black spots' and eight badly situated areas in the Queenstown-East London corridor, after which the land would be transferred to the Department of Community Development and State Auxiliary Services for further disposal .32 Dr Koornhof announced that most Africans living in the Mgwali reserve near Stutterheim were to be moved. No survey had been undertaken as yet to determine the exact number of people involved. The families would be resettled near King William's Town.3" Glenmore The Star reported on November 12 that in 1979 some 4 000 Africans from farms in the Kenton-on-Sea and Alexandria districts, who were deemed to be redundant labourers or squatters, had been settled by the Department of Co-operation and Development at a township called Glenmore on the banks of the Fish River, in an area to be handed over to the Ciskei. The Ciskeian Government, however, had refused to accept responsibility for this township and wanted the land for incorporation in an irrigation scheme. The Africans were thus to be moved, for a second time, to a camp being laid out near Peddie. Here they would be joined by families from the Woolridge pineapple district who had been moved to Kammaskraal in 1980 but were also to be uprooted for a second time. The department would provide a basic infrastructure at the Peddie site, including provision of pit toilets, water supplies, a school, clinic, and materials for housing. Professor Michael Whisson of the Glenmore Action Committee pointed out that social pensions were the main source of cash income at

282 Relocation of Africans: Cape Glenmore. Each time families were moved there was a long delay, of up to two years, before their pensions were transferred to the new office. Sada Another Star report, on November 23, described the plight of some 25 000 Africans in the Ciskei who were facing their fourth move since they were first evicted from white farms and urban townships in the 'coloured labour preference' area of the Eastern Cape during the 1960s. They were first sent to the resettlement camp called Ilinge near Queenstown, but when this was ceded to Transkei in 1976 they chose to move to another resettlement camp at Sada in the Ciskei, to avoid becoming Transkei citizens. The Sada camp became grossly over-crowded and 'spawned its own sprawling squatter slum, the "Village of Tears", where even today basic facilities such as toilets do not exist. Much of the Sada overflow moved to Oxton - where there is no grazing land, no water, and the ground is so hard and stony that few families have managed to scratch out vegetable patches . . . About 40% of Oxton families have a migrant worker in the cities, but remittances are erratic and sometimes stop. The only other cash income is from old age pensions, maintenance and disability grants'. Now these families were yet again to be moved, to Poplar Grove, between Sada and the small town of Whittlesea. Western Cape The government evicted more than 600 people residing in Langa Barracks, Cape Town in March. Residents had been moved there from demolished squatter camps in Table View, Schotsche Kloof, Hout Bay and Killarney. Those coming from Hout Bay stated that the administration board had promised them jobs and accommodation if they demolished their shacks, and had undertaken to investigate the cases of people who were in the Cape for medical treatment. The board said it accepted responsibility for only 63 people in the barracks, although many of the families had lived for up to 20 years in Cape Town. The barracks were to be converted into housing for employees of a private company. No alternative accommodation was found for those evicted. In April evicted families sent Dr Koornhof a letter asking for an urgent meeting with him. In May 200 of those evicted camped at Crossroads after having been forced by the board to leave churches in Langa where they had sought shelter after their evictions. Dr Koornhof warned in May that new squatters were moving into Crossroads in breach of the agreement he had concluded with the Crossroads community in April 1979 which stated that new squatters would not be allowed into the camp. He stated, however, that he would grant 87 of the men permission to remain in the Cape Peninsula on a contract basis. He gave orders for the 'repatriation' to the Transkei of about 85 women and children. About 54 of the women who were 'repatriated' returned to Cape Town on May 27 in a hired bus. Board officials and police surrounded the women, but after intervention by the Western Province Council of Churches and other organisations a decision was taken to try to resolve the issue through discussion. These squatters were eventually permitted to build some 83 shacks on the Nyanga-East side of Crossroads. On July 16 about 1 500 people were arrested in a pre-dawn raid at Nyanga township, Cape Town by administration board officials supported by police. They were people who had built rough shelters in the bush surrounding the township after the evictions from hostels in Langa. Over 600 of those arrested were charged with being in the Western Cape illegally. Police fired teargas at a crowd of about 1 000 who gathered in protest outside the court when those arrested were charged. Most of the squatters pleaded not guilty to being in a prescribed area for more than 72 hours without permission and guilty to not producing documents on demand. A majority of these could not pay the fines and were given prison sentences of between one to four months.14 The government was strongly condemned for these raids and for a further series of raids in August, when police and administration board officials destroyed more shelters of squatters in Nyanga township. In all, 601 men, 715 women and 308 minors were arrested by the police in raids on August 19 and 26 on charges of being in the area 'illegally'. Of these, 509 men, 621 women and 278 minors were deported in terms of Section 40(4) of Act 59 of 1972. Policing of Transkei's borders was tightened to prevent squatters from returning to SA. The total number deported to Transkei in August amounted to 754 men, 911 women and 352 children. There were large scale protests over the demolition of the shacks and the deportation of the squatters. A delegation of visiting US congressmen, who were refused entry to the area, condemned the 'official inhumanity and brutality' of the authorities. The official opposition repeatedly condemned the government's actions. A petition signed by 6 500 Cape Town residents protesting against the government's actions was handed in at Dr Koornhof's office, protestors marched on Parliament, and the Mayor of Cape Town, Mr Louis Kreiner, was asked by a delegation which brought an open letter signed by 100 municipal voters, to dissociate himself from the action taken against the squatters. Dr Koornhof announced on August 14 that the following agreement had been reached with the Transkei government on the squatters: * Uncontrolled squatting could not be tolerated, in the interests of the squatters themselves. * No squatting would be allowed on the Nyanga site. " Every case would be considered on merit. Where a person was already employed his position would be legalised and the provision of housing would be discussed with the employer. If no housing was available the person would be accommodated on a single basis. * Assistance would be given to unemployed men and women to find jobs in the Transvaal or Free State but those who did not want the employment offered would not be accommodated in the Western Cape. " The people involved would have to report to the Nyanga labour bureau the following week, and would be interviewed by SA and Transkei government officials. Dr Koornhof stated that he could give no assurances that families 283 Relocation of Africans: W. Cape

284 Relocation of Africans: W. Cape would be kept together, or that some of the people would not be sent back to the homelands. 16 The minister stated later that about 1 000 jobs had been found in the Transvaal for the squatters, of which a minimum of 150 were in agriculture, 600 in mining, the rest falling in other categories. In a few cases only would the men be allowed to keep their wives and children with them.37 It was reported that most of the squatters refused to take up these jobs as it would mean the breaking up of their families. In September, in answering a question in Parliament, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr Pik Botha, denied that there had been such an 'agreement', but stated that an 'understanding' had been reached with Transkei on the issue.8 Chief George Matanzima, Prime Minister of Transkei, lodged a protest over the deportation of the squatters and claimed that SA had violated an agreement reached between Transkei's Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Reverend G T Vika, and SA, by 'dumping' in Transkei Africans who were not Transkeians and forcing Transkeians to leave without giving them a chance to assemble their families and collect their possessions. The SA authorities undertook to see that some children who had been separated from their families would be reunited with their parents. At the end of August many of the squatters were assisted by the Transkei government to return to Cape Town by bus. The SA police set up roadblocks to prevent them returning. Large numbers were arrested at Cradock and at other points en route to Cape Town. About 1 000 were found in possession of official documents entitling them to work in Cape Town. The SA government claimed in September that people with 'ulterior motives' were 'orchestrating' the Nyanga squatter situation. Dr Koornhof named the Women's Movement for Peace, the Civil Rights League, the Western Province Council of Churches, the Black Sash, the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace, the SACC, and members of individual churches as having been involved at various stages in returning evicted people to the Western Cape and feeding them. Bishop Tutu, general secretary of the SACC, acknowledged that his organisation had given money to the Transkei Council of Churches to feed the relocated squatters. (Many squatters had used the money to return to Cape Town.) He said that SACC money had also been used to bail out those who hadbeen arrested. The Bishop defended this action on the grounds of humanity. About 500 deported squatters spent a month crowded into church halls in Umtata. In September, several SA officials were held hostage for three hours in the Catholic Youth Centre in Umtata by about 300 of these people, after a meeting between the officials and representatives of the Transkei government had ended in stalemate. The squatters demanded to be taken back to Cape Town. The confrontation arose when the SA officials announced that only 50 squatters would be allowed back to Cape Town to find children who had been left behind in the hurried eviction, and to collect belongings. Eventually the officials were freed by police. After the meeting, Mr Ashton Dunjwa, Transkei's Secretary for Foreign Affairs, reiterated his gov- ernment's stand that the squatters should be given work permits and allowed to stay in Cape Town. In October the Transkei government negotiated with the SA government for R35 000 to be paid to the hundreds of squatters sent from the Western Cape to Transkei. R60 was given to each person. After a meeting on October 8 between Transkeian and SA officials it was confirmed that those who had left children, possessions, and firm employment in the Cape Peninsula would be permitted to go to Cape Town. The procedure was agreed upon. The total number of squatters arrested by administration board officials (as opposed to police) from July to September 14 was 1 172 men and women. Of these, 438 men and 734 women were charged, and 32 men and 21 women acquitted. Totals of 415 men and women were granted bail, 11 men were remanded in custody and 313 men and 533 women were convicted of offences.39 Transvaal/KwaNdebele Large-scale removals were occasioned by the establishment of KwaNdebele - the tenth homeland - which obtained self-governing status on April 1, 1980. It comprised 16 farms in the Groblersdal/Dennilton area, about 90-120 km north of Pretoria. It was reported that people were being moved there at a rate of 20 families per day. Most were allocated 1/16 acre sites in 500 unit blocks. In April it was estimated that the population was 80 000 with another 250 000 expected. Up to 10% of the population seemed to be non-Ndebele speakers. Control of the area still vested in the Department of Co-operation and Development with the Department of Community Development and State Auxiliary Services acting as its agent in creating a physical infrastructure. Schools, medical facilities and other services were all reported to be grossly inadequate. In July, 50 African families from Vryburg's Huhudi township were removed to Pudimoe, Bophuthatswana, a distance of 55 km. The SA government planned to move the entire township eventually. This meant that people would have to travel 110 km a day to and from work. The majority of the people appeared to be opposed to the move. An official letter to the Huhudi community council, which also opposed the move, stated that no further development of this township would take place. In August about 25 families were moved from Malebane village in the Northern Transvaal and settled in the Mphahlele district 15 km away. They were moved because the establishment of the village had not been approved in terms of the Resettlement Act.4The Brakpan town clerk announced that the Brakpan Old Location would be developed as a white residential area within the next 10 years. About 1 000 squatter families would be moved, and the majority relocated in Tsakane near KwaThema, Springs. More than 4 000 families were thrown out of their homes when their land near Tzaneen was transferred from Lebowa and given to Gazankulu in SA government moves to consolidate the two homelands. It was reported that many of the evicted families were living in the bush.42 285 Relocation of Africans: Transvaal

286 Relocation of Africans References 1 Hansard 5 cols 2535-38 September 1 2 Annual Report of the Department of Co-operation and Development April 1, 1979 - March 31, 1980 3 Hansard 2 Q col 310 February 2 4 Hansard 2 Q col 250 February 2 5 Hansard 2 Q col 207 February 23 6 Mare G, 'Processes, Policies and African Population Relocation' in Resettlement SAIRR June 1981 7 Mr Mare states that this official figure is an undercount as it includes only seven townships, although several more are known to have been established. 8 Simkins C, 'The Economic Implications of African Resettlement' in 'Resettlement' op cit 9 Dhlomo Dr 0 'KwaZulu and its Stance and Problems associated with Resettlement in Natal' in 'Resettlement' op cit 10Jooste M C, 'Principles and Guidelines of Consolidation' in 'Resettlement' op cit I StarMay 6 12 Sowetan July 6 13 StarMay 14 14 Hansard 5 Q col 286 September 4 11 Hansard 5 Q col 255 September 2 16 Financial Mail January 2 17 Natal Witness April 23 18 AFRA Report No 7 December 1980 19'Hansard 3 Q col 134 February 13; Hansard 3 Qcol 185 August 28 2o Sunday Tribune February 22 21 Rand Daily Mail May 19 22 Sunday Tribune May 24 23 Hansard 5 Q col 265 February 26 24 Hansard 10 Q cols 642-3 October 6 25 Hansard 9 Q col 562 October 1 26 Friend March 20 27 Hansard 5 Q cols 210-211 February 23 28 Eastern Province Herald February 7 29 /bid February 6 30 SASPU NationalApril 1981 31 Daily Dispatch February 12 32 Hansard 1 Q col 32 August 7 33 Hansard 5 Q col 258 September 8 34 Hansard 7 Q col 406 September 15 1s Hansard 7 Q col 407 September 15; Hansard 7 Q col 380 September 14 36 Star August 15 37 Hansard 7 Q col 412 September 14 38 Hansard 5 Q col 260 September 9 39 Hansard 7 Q col 380 September 14 40 Citizen July 31 41 Sowetan September 9 42 Sunday Express September 9

THE AFRICAN HOMELANDS AREA, POPULATION, AND POLITICS Area of homelands Statistics relating to the area of land set aside for Africans in South Africa (including the independent blackstates of Transkei, Bophuthatswana, and Venda) were given by the Department of Co-operation and Development in its report for the year April 1, 1979 to March 31, 1980.1 The extent of the 'black areas' in each province of SA was given: the Department found it impossible to give particulars relating to each national group, because the consolidation of certain areas had not been finalised, and land recently acquired by the SA Development Trust had at that stage not been allocated to specific groups. During the year reviewed the Trust had acquired 161 333 ha of land, having spent R51 060 117. A summary of the table given is as follows, showing the total extent in ha of the land set aside for Africans as at March 31,1980. State land vested in Land acquired Land owned the Trust by the Trust by Africans Total Transvaal 2077529 2586763 1169475 5833767 Natal 2661755 431329 156414 3249498 Free State 63551 91759 29443 184753 Cape 5760295 1181045 177691 7119031 Total 10563130 4290896 1533023 16387049 Population In a report entitled Statistical Survey of Black Development, 1980, published in 1981, BENSO (the Bureau for Economic Research, Cooperation and Development) gave figures indicating the size and distribution of each African group according to the first preliminary results of the population census on May 6, 1980 (or estimates in the case of Transkei). Summaries by the writer of the tables given are as follows: 287

288 Population of homelands De facto distribution Ciskei Kwa Zulu QwaQwa Lebowa Gazankulu KaNgwane KwaNdebele 630 353 3 177 569 232 226 1 658 125 476 694 159 882 166 477 Sub-total 6 501 326 RestofSA 9 468 693 Total RSA 15 970019 Transkei 2 621 700 Bophuthatswana 1 285 675 Venda 342 759 Total 20 220 153 De jure distribution Xhosa, Transkei Xhosa, Ciskei Zulu South Sotho Tswana North Sotho Vhavenda Tsonga Swazi North Ndebele South Ndebele Others and foreigners In the homeland concerned 2 492 077 628 421 3 110 704 215 669 866 506 1 363 006 328 147 380 773 118 661 145 134 245 Elsewhere in RSA (including other homelands) 1 665 192 443 094 2 384 590 1 722 157 1 216 235 987 297 194 299 604 297 618 192 270 855 273 992 11M1 CAA Total 9638354 1058179920220153 Policy governing the consolidation of homelands The appointment by the government of a very widely representative Central Consolidation Committee was reported oh page 302 of the 1979 Survey. Its chairman is Mr Hennie van der Walt, MP. As described on page 390 of the 1980 edition, the whole question of consolidation has since been reconsidered, the emphasis moving away from the incorporation of pieces of land and towards economic co-operation on a regional basis. Certain portions of land or small 'white' towns might fit neatly into a regional economic structure without being incorporated into a homeland. This would make it unnecessary to develop parallel white and African towns (as had been done in one or two instances in the Ciskei and Bophuthatswana). Total 4 157 269 1 071 515 5 495 294 1 937 826 2 082 741 2 350 303 522 446 985 070 736 853 271 000 408 237 !Ai ron ~UIJJ~ LUIJJ7

Speaking during the No-Confidence Debate in Parliament in January, Mr Hennie van der Walt, said: 'I think the time is past in South Africa to speak about consolidation in terms of merely drawing lines and borders. . . . If we wanted to carry out consolidation on a geographic basis, then we could possibly have succeeded 40 years ago but today it is no longer possible.' He added that geographic consolidation would require the addition of another 3m hectares of land to the homelands at an estimated cost of R6 000m over ten years. He said that even the addition of this land would not increase the economic potential of the homelands by as much as 0,5% and 'therefore the addition of land as such is not the answer. . . . Economic development is the answer, and economic development that is not necessarily based on the policy of separate development - because one fact is as plain as a pikestaff and that is that there cannot be nine or ten economies in Southern Africa.2 Proposed constellation of Southern African states A description was given on page 2 of the 1979 Survey of a closed meeting held in November of that year which was chaired by the Prime Minister, Mr P W Botha, and attended by cabinet ministers, senior civil servants, and leaders of commerce, industry, semi-public bodies, city councils, and professional institutions, representing a broad cross-section of expertise, irrespective of political views. At this meeting, Mr Botha made a proposal for a constellation of Southern African states, which would not be a formal organisation, but a grouping of states with common interests, between which a desire existed to extend areas of cooperation. SA government suggestions for the purposes and functioning of such a body were outlined on pages 11 and 627 of the 1980 Survey. As mentioned on page 628 (1980) African states to the north tended to regard this plan as one for the creation by SA of a neo-colonial empire in Southern Africa. Representatives of nine of these states met in Lusaka in April 1980 and decided to establish a Southern African Development Fund, through which their economic dependence on South Africa would gradually be lessened. It became clear that the internationally-recognised independent black states would not join the proposed constellation. According to Dr Deon Geldenhuys of the SA Institute of International Affairs,3 the SA government, in consequence, scaled down its original plan, adopting more modest objectives. These included: * inducing neighbouring states to deny bases to guerrilla forces seeking the armed overthrow of constitutional government in South Africa - and more hopefully, persuading them to refuse to allow the African National Congress and the Pan-African Congress to open offices in their territories; " preventing Russia from gaining a political or, worse still, a military foothold in these states; " maintaining or strengthening economic ties with states in the subcontinent - all of which had backed the 'counter-constellation' which sought to lessen dependence on South Africa; * prevailing on them to 'display some moderation' in criticising South Africa's internal policies. 289 Proposed constellation

290 Homeland citizenship Dr Geldenhuys suggested that SA would have to use its economic power to secure these objectives. This could happen through economic incentives or rewards to countries which complied with Pretoria's broad objectives, and the opposite for those which did not. In August the SA government held a summit meeting in Cape Town with the three independent homelands, Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda, at which the former two were strongly critical of the constellation concept in its existing form. President Mangope said Bophuthatswana was 'not interested in the concept. Our participation in such a scheme would have to be preceded by the redressing of the economic imbalance, especially as far as the backlog in infrastructure is concerned. We do not see the possiblility of economic ties along the lines of the European Economic Community'.4 Homeland citizenship The government adheres firmly to its policy that all Africans, wherever in SA they live and work, are citizens of one or other of the homelands. The Minister of Co-operation and Development has suggested ways in which those living in 'white' areas might be brought into a closer relationship with their homelands. They might, for example, be given direct representation in homeland parliaments, by demarcating constituencies in certain towns. Homeland governments might be authorised to perform certain functions outside their borders.' The question of citizenship was all-important in the trial of Mr Anthony Bobby Isotsobe (described in a previous chapter). During August he was convicted of treason in the Supreme Court, Pretoria, and was sentenced to death. It was maintained, in his defence, that he was a citizen of the Transkei and therefore did not owe allegiance to SA, but this argument was not accepted by the judge, Mr Justice Theron. Professor Johan van der Vyfer, Professor of Law at the University of the Witwatersrand said: 'The judgment can be interpreted as making a mockery of Transkei independence and the independence of the other homelands.' Professor John Dugard, Director of the Centre for Applied Legal Studies at the University of the Witwatersrand, said it conflicted with government policy. 'Generally, I find Judge Theron's judgment completely irreconcilable with government policy on the subject of citizenship as reflected in laws conferring independence on Transkei and the other homelands', he said. Using the case of the Nyanga squatters (see Survey 1981, page 283) to illustrate the contradiction, Professor Dugard said: 'It is impossible to deport people from Nyanga one day on the grounds that they are aliens, and then to sentence them to death the next day for treason on the grounds that they owe allegiance to the state.'6 The disputes between the SA government and the governments of Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Ciskei over the question of citizenship are described later in this chapter. Housing units and population in proclaimed towns The BENSO Statistical Survey of Black Development, quoted above, gave the numbers of proclaimed towns, the housing units in them, and their population, as estimated in 1979, for each of the homelands except Transkei. Extracts from the tables are given below.

No of 291 proclaimed towns Housing units Population Ciskei 7 26 672 223 636 Transkei: KwaZulu 27 91498 920356 Lebowa 21 20214 156 727 Political QwaQwa 1 1 949 7 300 developGazankulu 4 2 170 12 607 ments KaNgwane 6 7967 42876 KwaNdebele 1 2 648 14485 Bophuthatswana 15 34 449 333 670 Venda 6 792 4 761 Total 88 188359 1716418 The names of each of these proclaimed towns are given in the BENSO report. Transkei Population, citizenship, and unemployment Professor Wolfgang Thomas of the University of the Transkei said in August that from 1970 to 1980 Transkei's resident population grew by 1,7% instead of the anticipated 2,7% usual in a 'third world' country. One of the reasons for this was the 'illegal' emigration of people from the Transkei to SA, in search of work. He said that according to conservative estimates, Transkei, with a de facto population of about 2,7m and a labour force of about 900 000, had at least 120 000 unemployed. This estimate was based on the assumption that 200 000 Transkeian peasants earned a living from the land. Even Transkeian matriculants found it difficult to get work, and the Public Service Commission received about 50 applications a day.' East Griqualand, which lies between two portions of Transkei in the north, remains part of SA. The Transkeian government is consequently unwilling to grant Transkeian citizenship and travel documents to African residents. SA insists, however, that these people are citizens of the Transkei. It has been estimated that some 600 young Africans in East Griqualand have turned 16 years of age since Transkei became independent in 1976, and find themselves unable to obtain documents from either government.9 General election Transkei's first post-independence elections for its National Assembly were held on September 24. This body is composed of 75 chiefs elected by an electoral college drawn from Transkei's traditional leaders and 75 popularly-elected members. The 75 chiefs who were members of the previous Assembly retained their seats, and of these, 72 were supporters of the ruling Transkei National Independence Party (TNIP). Only six of the elected seats were contested by the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). Thus even before the elections the TNIP was assured of 141 out of the total of 150 seats.

292 Elections were held in 24 of the 26 districts of the Transkei. They were unnecessary in the Cofimvaba district, which had four seats, as four candidates were returned unopposed (they included the Prime Transkei: Minister, Chief George Matanzima). In the Umzimvubu district the Political nominations were set aside by order of the Supreme Court, and elections develop- had to be postponed. The only member of the DPP to be elected was the party leader, Mr ments Caledon Mda. At the time of writing, the TNIP thus held 148 seats. In constituencies where there were no DPP candidates, rival TNIP members contested the election. In many cases younger people challenged members of the previous Assembly. Three senior cabinet ministers were unseated. Paramount Chief Kaiser Matanzima continued in office as State President. (The Assembly elected him to this position in 1978, on the death of Transkei's first president, Paramount Chief Botha Sigcau.) The previous DPP member for Flagstaff, Chief D Nonkonyana, is reported' to have said that people had been afraid to attend election meetings organised by the opposition for fear of harassment by the security police. Members of the opposition who had been opposed to independence for the Transkei when this was originally offered by SA were muzzled because the Transkei Public Security Act of 1977 had made it a treasonable offence to propagate the view that Transkei should seek reunification with SA. Transkei Criminal Law Amendment Act A Criminal Law Amendment Act was gazetted in August as Act No 8 of 1981. It dealt with the disclosure and publication of official information. The Act provided that no one employed in or seconded to the Transkei public service shall (unless he has obtained the permission of the minister or head of the relevant department) disclose or use any information gained through his employment otherwise than in the discharge of his duties. If he is found guilty of having done so, it will be presumed that his disclosure or use of the information was prejudicial to the interests of the state unless the contrary is proved. Any person who publishes in any manner any information concerning a department of state or minister or officer thereof, which he knows or has reason to believe is information disclosed to him in contravention of the provisions described above, shall, on demand of a Transkei police officer, disclose the manner in which or identity of any person from whom he obtained such information. If in any prosecution for a contravention of this provision it is proved that the accused did publish such information, it will be presumed that the information was disclosed to him in contravention of the provisions described above unless the contrary is proved. The maximum penalties laid down for persons convicted of an offence under either of these sections are R3 000 or three years' imprisonment. Lesser penalties are stipulated for persons convicted of: (a) stealing any money or property belonging to the Transkeian government;

(b) destroying, altering, or failing to preserve any statutory document without adequate excuse for doing so; (c) inciting any other person to destroy, alter, or mutilate any statutory document. State of emergency As described on page 413 of the 1980 Survey, a state of emergency was proclaimed in Transkei in June of that year. Emergency regulations were gazetted which curtailed the movement of 'affected persons' who were defined as scholars, students, and any persons in the employ of an educational institution who were declared by a police official to be 'affected'. The state of emergency was re-gazetted in June 1981, and the emergency regulations re-introduced for another year. Control of the Defence Force At the end of May three senior army officers were placed under detention: they were Brigadier A R Keswa, Chief of Staff, and Colonels R H M Lugongola and Fumba. During July they were charged with conspiracy to defraud the Transkei government of R3 139 590. Although the judge granted them bail, they were immediately redetained under the security laws. A senior intelligence source disclosed that the arrests related to the activities of the banned African National Congress." The officers were not allowed to see their attorneys when their case was remanded for the third time in September. When these officers were detained, Lieut-Colonel R Reid-Daly, former leader of the Selous Scouts of Rhodesia, took over acting command of the Transkei Defence Force. Actions for damages against the Transkei government As described on page 342 of the 1979 Survey, in February of that year Mr James Skinner was dismissed from his post as managing director of the territory's Development Corporation and was deported. He was denied entry to SA, and returned to his former home in England. The Transkei Minister of Commerce, Industry and Tourism, Mr R Madikizela, accused him of attempting to foment revolution in the territory and of conducting a witch-hunt against South Africans employed by the Corporation. Mr Skinner instituted an action for damages on the ground of defamation, and during the year under review accepted a sum of money offered in settlement by the Transkei government.2 Mr Humphrey Berkeley, former roving ambassador for the territory, was dismissed by the Transkei government in 1979, and instituted an action against the government for breach of contract and assault by security policemen (see Survey 1980, page 424). Later he broke off negotiations for an out-of-court settlement. Capital radio Capital Radio, which began as a private station in the Transkei, was taken over by the government in May, mainly because it was no longer financially viable. Its managing director, Mr Monty Ntloko, said that the existing board of directors and managing structure would be retained.3 293 Transkei: Political developments

294 Bophuthatswana: Political developments Bophuthatswana The country and its government The president of Bophuthatswana, which territory became independent from SA in 1977, continues to be Chief Lucas M Mangope. Elected by members of the National Assembly, he is also the executive head of government and commander- in-chief of the defence force. Bophuthatswana consists of seven separate blocks of land, divided from one another by SA territory, and comprising a combined area of some 40 455km2. During the independence celebrations the SA government agreed to transfer about 3 600km of land to the territory as a first step towards independence, but at the time of writing this undertaking was far from fulfilment. ' One positive step was the transfer, in 1980, of the town of Mafeking to the control of the Bophuthatswana government. The spelling of its name was changed to the earlier version of Mafikeng meaning 'the place of stones'. President Mangope has continued to urge that the remainder of the land that was promised be handed over by SA. He said in a press interview 5 that he did not support the concept of a 'constellation of states' (see page 289) because this seemed to present regional economic co-operation as an alternative to territorial consolidation. 'In view of the extraordinary lead presently enjoyed by South Africa,' he said, 'it is essential, in my opinion, that every proposed member of such a constellation must, in the first place, achieve economic credibility.' For Bophuthatswana, economic credibility demanded rectification of its 'spectacular and notorious lack of territorial consolidation'. Citizenship Questioned in another press interview" about the citizenship controversy, President Mangope is reported to have said: 'It is a perennial problem . . . In our agreement with South Africa there is a clause that reads that any Bophuthatswana citizen is free to renounce his Bophuthatswana citizenship on agreed-upon conditions. We feel that the time has come to agree on such conditions.' He added: 'I feel that one condition should be that anybody born in, say, Soweto, who does not want to be a citizen of Bophuthatswana, should be free to retain his South African citizenship. Anybody who has lived in South Africa for long enough and who feels he does not want to be connected with Bophuthatswana should be free to renounce his citizenship.' The press reporter commented that as Bophuthatswana receives funds from taxes collected on its behalf by SA from its citizens in SA, implementation of the agreement might deprive Bophuthatswana of an important source of revenue. President Mangope said of this prospect: 'Irrespective of the size of the amount, I think people should have the right to exercise their choice.' Compositon of the population According to the Barclays Bank publication, mentioned earlier, there are some 76 tribes in Bophuthatswana, not all of them of Batswana origin. About two-thirds of the people are Tswana-speaking, the remaining third being made up of various ethnic groups, notably the Ndebele, Northern Sotho, and Shangaan/Tsonga peoples.

The BENSO Statistical Survey referred to above gave the territory's estimated de facto population in 1980 as being 67,4% Tswana, 6,7% Shangaan/Tsonga, 6,3% Northern Sotho, 4,8% Ndebele, the rest being people of a variety of ethnic origins.17 A large group of Ndebele people have for a number of years lived in the Hammanskraal area of Bophuthatswana, to the north of Pretoria. At one stage, led by Chief Nathaniel Kekana, they threatened to secede, but were warned by the President that unless they became citizens of Bophuthatswana they would be evicted from the land where they lived. Some of those who preferred citizenship of KwaNdebele were forced to leave and go to a resettlement area in that homeland, in the eastern Transvaal. Towards the end of 1979 some of the remaining people rejected Chief Kekana. After a year of insecurity and unease, the President appointed a Commission of Inquiry to investigate the dispute.18 Relocation schemes of Africans in other areas of the territory, for example from Jan Kempdorp to Pampierstad, and the existence of squatter camps in the Winterveldt and other areas, are dealt with in earlier chapters of this Survey, on Urban African Affairs and on Relocation of the Population; they have also been described in issues of the Survey for previous years. New capital The building of a new capital city for Bophuthatswana, called Mmabatho, began in 1976. Lying to the north of Mafikeng and the nearby African township of Montshiwa, it may eventually encompass both of these towns. By the end of 1981, buildings had been erected for the National Assembly and government offices, the Sun Hotel had been opened, and a business centre and a university were under construction. Industrial sites were being made available. Rents in townships It was reported in March9 that residents of townships in Bophuthatswana had been heavily hit by rent increases which almost doubled the previous prices. The hardest hit were residents of the Themba township at Hammanskraal, who comprised the major workforce at most of the low-paying firms at the Babelegi industrial complex. Most employees at the firms earned between R7 and R20 per week as their gross wages. The rent increases ranged from R3,88 to R6,05 for two-roomed houses, and rose by R3,61 for three roomed houses and R5,69 and R5,09 for four-roomed houses with and without indoor toilets, respectively. Education As indicated earlier, buildings for a University of Bophuthatswana (UNIBO) were under construction at the end of the year. The university began classes in 1980, conducting these in private houses. Students of any racial group are accepted if they have the necessary entrance qualifications. Black and white members of staff have identical facilities. Dr Jacques Kreel was appointed principal: he previously held the posts of Director of Medical Services and then Minister of Health for Bophuthatswana. The schools, too, are non-racial." 295 Bophuthatswana: Political developments

296 Radio service Radio Bophuthatswana began transmissions in December 1978. The service is under the control of the Department of the Presidency. Venda: Political Army and police force develop- The country has a small but well-trained army, police force, and railway ments police force, trained by South African officers. During the year under review the Minister of Defence was Brigadier Hennie Riekert. The army was led by white officers seconded from the SA Defence Force; but the aim was to replace them with black men as recruits moved up the ranks. The government planned to introduce an air force component. Tourism Bophuthatswana has actively encouraged tourism. By the beginning of the year under review Sun City, in the Pilanesberg area, had become a much-frequented tourist attraction. Security In the press interview of July 3 quoted above, President Mangope stressed that he would not allow his country to be used as a springboard for attacks on SA or other neighbouring countries. The Bophuthatswana defence force and police had co- operated with their SA counterparts in arresting several men who intended attacking SA and, similarly, insurgents on their way to attack Lesotho had been arrested in Thaba'Nchu. The President said that Bophuthatswana was proud of its 'good track record' on civil liberties. It had an enforceable declaration of human rights in its constitution. Its Internal Security Act provided for detention without trial and restriction of people, but exercise of these powers was subject to judicial control. In reply to a question President Mangope said that there were no people in detention or under banning orders at the time (April).21 Venda Venda, in the northern Transvaal, is the smallest of the four 'independent' black states in SA. As described in previous issues of this Survey the Venda National Party, consisting mainly of traditionalists, came into power in 1973 and again at the independence elections in 1979, largely through the influence of the chiefs and headmen. Despite its name the opposition Venda Independent Party had not been in favour of independence for its small territory on the terms offered by SA. It won a majority of the elected seats in the National Assembly, but these men were outnumbered by traditional leaders and persons supported by them. The National Assembly appointed the leader of the National Party, Chief Patrick Mphephu, to be President and chief executive, and declared him to be the Paramount Chief of Venda. During 1980 suggestions were made that the two parties should merge, but these were apparently dropped for the time being. Mr Baldwin Mudau, leader of the Independent Party, died during December. At the opening of the Assembly's 1981 Session Paramount Chief Mphephu announced that he intended appointing a commission of inquiry to investigate the system of land tenure in Venda and to suggest re- forms that would be acceptable to the people. SA's Council for Scicntific 297 and Industrial Research and BENSO (Bureau for Economic Research, Cooperation and Development) had been asked to make in-depth studies of Venda's housing requirements and to help to formulate a housing policy. Ciskei: The security regulations for Venda, issued by the SA government as Political Proclamation 276 of 1977, remained in force during the period under review. The SA Defence Force continued to train members of the Venda developarmy battalion and of the Venda National Force, which is responsible for ments law and order, including control of police, prisons, and traffic. Ciskei Events leading to independence As reported in the 1980 Survey (pages 403-7), during that year formal political opposition to the ruling Ciskei National Independence Party, led by Chief Lennox Sebe, came to an end in the legislative assembly when remaining opposition members crossed the floor. A Rhodes University academic was quoted 22 as saying that Chief Sebe virtually forced them to do so by withholding development aid from their areas. A Commission headed by Professor George Quail reported on the poverty of the Ciskei, over-crowding, and unemployment. It found that the majority of the Ciskeians rejected independence. However, Chief Sebe decided to hold a referendum on this issue, which took place on December 17, 1980. The percentage poll was 59,5. Of those who voted, 99% were in favour of independence. Commenting on this result Professor Lawrence Schlemmer, director of the Centre for Applied Social Science at the University of Natal, attributed the apparent swing in opinion to a boycott of the referendum combined with a fear of retaliation if a negative vote were cast. The opposition PFP argued in the SA Parliament that the majority of people classified as Ciskeians who were outside the homeland had either not registered as voters or had not voted; and that Ciskeians who did vote had been under the impression that a 'package deal' was to be implemented. The "package deal" This 'package deal' was announced by Chief Sebe in September 1980 after a meeting with the SA Minister of Co-operation and Development, Dr Piet Koornhof. It would, he said, ensure that Ciskei's 'independence' would be very different from that negotiated by Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda.3 * It would enable Ciskeians to retain their identity and nationality while at the same time not surrendering their citizenship in greater SA. A confederal agreement would make all Ciskeians citizens of the confederation, entitled to a confederal passport, and able to take up employment anywhere within the confederation. * Ciskei would be granted all the land between the Stormberg and the Indian Ocean and betwen the Great Kei and Great Fish Rivers. * A planned programme would phase out discriminatory legislation in SA before a fixed date. * Proper infrastructures, services, schooling and clinics would be provided by SA to the various relocation camps it had established in Ciskei.

298 9 Ciskei would be guaranteed membership of the Rand monetary area and the SA Customs Union. 0 A formula for the provision of development aid on an indefinite Ciskei: basis would be negotiated. Political But by December, when Ciskei became independent, the package deal develop- was a very different parcel. The Secretary of the Quail Commission, Mr ments Richard Proctor-Sims, said 21 that Ciskei government had been 'hell bent' on independence, whatever the cost to the people. The independence package deal had been whittled down by the more experienced and more powerful negotiators from Pretoria. This was because the Ciskei government had asked for an independence mandate from the voters before serious negotiations had begun. Both Dr Koornhof and the Deputy Minister of Development and Land Affairs, Mr Greyling Wentzel, acknowledged during the debate on the Status of Ciskei Bill that the Ciskei had not achieved 'everything it had wanted'.25 Status of Ciskei Act The Status of Ciskei Act, No 110 of 1981, was little different from the legislation which enabled the independence of the previous three homelands: there were differences of detail only. The official opposition in Parliament opposed the Bill at every stage. Citizenship The citizenship provisions contained in a schedule to the Act made it clear that people classified as Ciskeians would lose their SA citizenship. Dr Koornhof stated26 that the two governments had discussed various alternatives in depth but had found them to be unacceptable. Chief Sebe had said in February" that an important part of the package deal was the separation of the concepts of citizenship and nationality, so that Ciskeians and South Africans would obtain a common nationality on the basis of a confederal arrangement. Shortly before independence he expressed his disappointment that the concept of a confederal nationality had not been accepted by SA, but said he believed that this would come.28 Land As reported in last year's Survey (page 407), the van der Walt Commission appointed by SA suggested areas which should be incorporated into the Ciskei: these were the Black Kei-Winterberg; Waterdown Dam--Hogsback; Pirie-Kubusi; Berlin-King William's Town; Kidd's Beach-Chalumwa; and part of Peeltown location. This extra land would be in addition to the 100 000 ha still to be acquired in terms of the 1975 consolidation proposals. White and coloured residents of some of these areas objected strongly. A referendum among whites in King William's Town revealed that 1 612 were opposed to incorporation while 100 were for it. Nevertheless, in April, eight days before the white election, Dr Koornhof announced that King William's Town would not be incorporated into the Ciskei.29 Earlier in the election campaign, the Prime Minster said in Queenstown that the white corridor between Ciskei and Transkei would remain part of SA.3° This directly contradicted part of the package deal land claims. 299 The boundaries of the new state had not been clarified by the end of the Parliamentary debate on the Status of Ciskei Bill, but in October it was announced that Hogsback as well as the industrial and residential ar- Ciskei: eas of Berlin would not be handed to the Ciskei.' Poitical The reaction of Ciskeian leaders was strong. The Minister of Agricul- developture, the Reverend W M Xaba, said the Ciskei cabinet was considering developcalling off the planned independence as a result of the consolidation de- ments cision and added that the SA government had 'stripped naked' the package deal demanded as a pre-condition for independence. 1Relocation Dr Koornhof announced during the debate on his vote that a R27m plan for development in the relocation areas of the Ciskei had been drafted, following the report of the Wentzel committee. This money would be spread 'over a few years'. The Wentzel committee, jointly established by the Ciskei and SA governments, had been investigating relocation areas in the homeland. Dr Koornhof said this money would be devoted to provision of services and job opportunities." But it was estimated that although about 150 000 people had been resettled into the Ciskei, a further 250 000 were scheduled for relocation and another 150 000 of so-called 'illegal' black people in the white areas might be relocated there because they had been classified as Ciskeian.14 In July, Reverend Xaba said he hoped unplanned resettlement of Ciskeians by the SA government would come to an end. The two governments had stipulated that no resettlement programme would be initiated by either government without consultation.3" Discrimination There was no public disclosure of any agreement between the Ciskei and SA governments about the removal of discriminatory legislation in SA, nor of a body to monitor this as laid down in the package deal, but Chief Sebe said in his first presidential address that the whole of Southern Africa was challenged to make peace more attractive than war. He also pledged to use the independence of Ciskei to work towards a society in which the colour of a person's skin was purely coincidental."o Customs union There was also no mention of Ciskei's membership of the Southern Africa Customs Union and the Rand monetary area agreement but as Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda have not been admitted to these bodies it is highly unlikely that this part of the package deal was satisfied either. The other members of these two bodies- Botswana, Swaziland and Lesotho - refuse to join any body in which the homelands are represented. Motivation of the Ciskeian government In an independence message Chief Sebe said that the detractors of Ciskei's independence had ignored the fundamental question of what the alternative was. He did not think that one-man-one-vote in SA as a whole was attainable at this stage. 'The ponderous process of change in white

300 political thinking would find the surrender of power entailed in such a move completely unacceptable.' And although armed reaction was possible it was highly improbable. In the circumstances one could either sit Ciskei: on one's rump and wage an ineffective war of words or one could work Political to the attainable goal of a federation of states. Although this was curdevelop- rently beyond reach, being largely unacceptable for white SA, one should go as far as possible along the road. 'Confederation is within our ments grasp for today, but it is not the end of the political road. Confederation offers some hope for the future and we have grasped it . . . The Ciskeians must be given some relief from the grinding degradation of apartheid even if it is only in a minute portion of this continent. There must be a place where they can be free.'1 He described his ambitions for the future of the Ciskei, including, inter alia, the creation of a viable state; the establishment of a free society in which Ciskeians could live in safety with self-respect and dignity; the continuation of the struggle in the RSA to achieve equality for Ciskeians with people of other races; the establishment of a sound economic base in Ciskei founded on agriculture; and the creation of a democratic government giving expression to the will of the people not in terms of Western concepts of democracy but in terms 'of our traditional concepts'." Reactions to Ciskeian independence The only two heads of state who accepted invitations to the independence celebrations were President M Viljoen of SA and President Mphephu of Venda. President Mangope of Bophuthatswana was represented by two of his ministers. Transkei was not represented officially (see below), nor were the governments of the self-governing homelands. KwaZulu's Chief Buthelezi publicly turned down an invitation to attend the celebrations. The Mayor of Soweto, Mr David Thebehali, was, however, present.9 In November the PFP urged the SA government to postpone independence, particularly in view of the hostile stance taken by the Ciskei government towards trade unions (see chapter on Trade Unions).4 The Transkei government had said it would refuse to sit at any conference table at which Ciskei was represented. The Transkeian Prime Minister, Chief George Matanzima, said in February that Ciskei's independence would contravene the Promotion of Black Self-Government Act." He also said that the situation was 'explosive' after a former chief whip of the Transkei National Independence Party, Mr T Tshunungwa, was detained in Ciskei.42 Shortly before independence Chief Matanzima warned Chief Sebe that the march of time would catch up on him. He disclosed for the first time a petition signed in 1976 by twelve Ciskei chiefs asking for amalgamation. The Ciskei celebrations, he said, were the culmination of a systematic defiance of the natural leaders of the Ciskei who were now scared of Chief Sebe's wrath.4" Although the Transkei government denied direct involvement, there were two separate bids in the Supreme Courts to prevent Ciskei's independence. Chief Ford Mpangele, a deposed Ciskeian chief living in Transkei, and Mr Kaizer Mnweba, another Ciskeian living in Transkei, served summonses on the Prime Minister and the other 177 SA MPs in a bid to prevent Parliament' from discussing any legislation which would 301 grant Ciskei independence. They claimed that Parliament had not followed legal procedures required to alter the boundaries of SA when it granted independence to Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda because Ciskei: the provincial councils concerned had not petitioned Parliament to do Political so. They wanted this procedure enforced in the case of Ciskei.4" When the Minister of Internal Affairs, Mr Chris Heunis, announced developthat legislation would be introduced retrospective to 1961, to legalise ments these boundary changes, the two men brought an urgent action to prevent Parliament from doing so, but this was dismissed. They then brought a second action asking the court to rule that Parliament had been unlawfully constituted since 1976 because it had not followed clauses of the constitution relating to the change of boundaries, but this, too, was dismissed.45 In the second action, Chief Inkie Hoyi, another Ciskeian chief who had been detained in the homeland earlier in the year, and Dr Harris Kakasa, a Ciskeian living in Transkei, asked the Grahamstown Supreme Court to rule that Ciskei's independence was unlawful because it divided the Xhosa nation, contrary to the provisions of the Promotion of Black Self-Government Act, 1959. The nation, they maintained, was one cultural group by tradition and ancestry. But the court ruled that independence was a unilateral action by the SA Parliament and that Ciskeian citizens, including the Ciskei government, had no choice in the matter.46 Structure of government In terms of the constitution, the executive President of Ciskei is chosen by the National Assembly. The President then appoints a Vice-President and an eleven- person cabinet. The assembly consists of 22 elected members, 33 nominated chiefs, one paramount chief and five members who can be nominated by the President for their special knowledge, qualifications or experience. The President also has the power to nominate five cabinet ministers who need not be members of the national assembly.47 In terms of these procedures, Chief Sebe was unanimously elected President on December 5 and the Reverend W M Xaba was appointed Vice-President. The constitution contains a declaration of fundamental rights asserting the right of all Ciskeians to life, liberty and security, to protection against torture and cruel or degrading punishment, to freedom of thought, conscience and religion, and to peaceful association with people of their own choice. But the constitution adds: 'No law of the national assembly shall be declared invalid by virtue of the fact that it contravenes any of these provisions'. Professor John Dugard of the University of the Witwatersrand commented that this undermined the whole value of the declaration, but Professor Marinus Wiechers of the University of South Africa said there was much to be said for not having a judicial review.4 Political developments In July the Legislative Assembly adopted a motion barring the registration of any political party with fewer than 10 000 members. If a party did not have the required minimum, it would be regarded as a faction.

302 Construction was commenced on a Rim national shrine at NtabaKandoda and on the new capital at Bisho, which is on the outskirts of King William's Town. It has been estimated that Bisho will cost between Ciskei: R100m and R120m. The independence stadium and national assembly Political were completed in time for the celebrations. develop- Security ments Falling directly under the President, who is Commander in Chief, the Ciskei Combined Forces comprise the Ciskei Central Intelligence Service (CCIS); the Ciskei Police Force, the Ciskei Special Airborne Group and the Ciskei Traffic Division. The Director-General of State Security and brother of the President is Major-General Charles Sebe, who was promoted during the year. Major-General Sebe has publicly given a wide definition of his role. It includes surveillance of trade unions, poets, and virtually any activity which takes place in the Ciskei. He denied that he was opposed to trade unions but has attacked the SA Allied Workers' Union as a front for subversive organisations. He said: 'It is my duty to make a thorough study of labour matters.' Poets and playwrights are supposed to apply to him before they can write because 'during the time of black consciousness, they had a method of putting across their ideology through poems and plays. I have taken it upon myself to insist that any person who has a gift as a poet or playwright should be scrutinised'. He said in the same interview that he was worried about the squatter problem in the Ciskei: 'People live in an appalling state of affairs. They are ripe for contamination by ANC agents'.49 In another interview he said: 'As an intelligence organisation we have to look into everything.' He added that 99 per cent of the people detained under the emergency regulations (SA Proclamation R252/1977) were released before the expiry of their 90-day period. 'I do not believe in detentions. Actually I hate them, but I believe that those who cause trouble must be put away."' In May, three Ciskeian policemen, including the then Brigadier Sebe, were shot at in Mdantsane by guerillas. One of them received minor injuries. It was later reported that five people had been detained in connection with the incident; they had not appeared in court by the end of the year. During June, Chief Sebe announced that a group of men from the CCIS had been selected for training in 'underground operations'.1 Shortly afterwards the Minister of Justice told the Legislative Assembly that the security situation was under control. There had been unrest among scholars but the police had done an excellent job in restoring order.52 Chief Sebe warned 'top figures' in the Ciskei government that they were on a 'hit list' (presumably compiled by terrorists) and this included anyone who was in 'the system'.53 A number of people were detained during the year: this matter is described in the chapter on Administration of Security Legislation. KwaZulu Buthelezi Commission KwaZulu, under Chief Minister Gatsha Buthelezi, continues to be a firm opponent of independence on the terms offered by the SA government.

As described on page 50 of last year's Survey, in October 1980 the 303 Central Committee of the powerful Inkatha movement appointed the Buthelezi Commission to examine the relationship between Natal and KwaZulu with a view to the possibility of some form of power-sharing. Ciskei: Representatives of political, economic, agricultural, industrial, Political commercial, religious, and educational interests were invited to serve on the commission. Its chairman was Professor Deneys Schreiner of the developUniversity of Natal, and secretary Professor Lawrence Schlemmer of the rnents Institute for Social Research at Natal University. The matters to be examined by the commission are mentioned on page 27. Its report was in the hands of the printer at the end of the year. Speculation over the commission's possible recommendations led to controversy during 1981. In March the Natal leader of the National Party, Mr Owen Horwood, said the commission had a right to inquire into the future of KwaZulu but not into the future of Natal. Chief Gatsha Buthelezi reacted by accusing Mr Horwood of 'playing cheap parochial politics'. He said the Prime Minister had refused to nominate a National Party representative to the commission" 'We have proceeded with the commission in spite of this snub because we are genuinely seeking change through peaceful means, while Mr Botha and his party are relying on their military hardware to maintain the status quo. We blacks know that we will take our place in running South Africa in spite of the apparent scorched earth policy of the National Party which prompted Mr Horwood to go out of his way to snipe at the commission.'54 Two weeks later, the Transvaal leader of the NP, Dr Andries Treurnicht, lashed out at Chief Buthelezi for preaching 'Zulu imperialism'. He quoted from a publication Buthelezi and Inkatha: The Truth Exposed, published by the right- wing South Africa First Campaign."5 Chief Buthelezi commented: 'I am amazed that an ordained preacher such as Dr Treurnicht should disseminate such obnoxious nonsense as saying that I am preaching Zulu imperialism, something which Dr Treurnicht just fabricated to falsify his racist outlook in approaching the problems of South Africa. It is a shame that a man of God should talk as he does.'56 However, in a survey conducted for the Commission, 44% of white people in Natal said that provided guarantees were given they would be prepared to live under the control of the black KwaZulu government, and 53% of whites in the province said Natal and KwaZulu should make laws jointly. The same survey found that 58% of Indians and 64% of coloured people, would be prepared to live under a KwaZulu government. Seventy-three per cent of PFP supporters, 47% of NRP supporters, and 31 % of English- and Afrikaans-speaking Nationalists would also do so.17 Consolidation plans Opposition to the government's consolidation plans for KwaZulu was expressed during the year. The Natal Agricultural Union, the major body representing white farmers in the province, rejected any consolidation of land which exceeded the 1975 proposals. The delegates to its annual congress requested that when land was handed over to KwaZulu in terms of the 1975 proposals, the maintenance of the productivity of agricultural land should receive highest priority.58 Fears were expressed during the

304 KwaZulu: Political developments general election in April that five towns would be incorporated into KwaZulu, but these proved to be unfounded.9 However, Chief Buthelezi stressed that African people in Natal would have to get more land.° Relations with the SA government Relations between the KwaZulu and SA governments continued to be tense on a number of issues. The chairman of the KwaZulu Development Corporation, Dr Lawrence McCrystal, was asked to resign, after his appointment to the President's Council. He had been told by members of the KwaZulu cabinet that such a position was unacceptable to them.1 Bishop A H Zulu, the retired Anglican Bishop of Zululand, was appointed in his place. There was also conflict about the administration of Edendale hospital. The KwaZulu cabinet asked the SA government to remove seven officials. After a commission of inquiry it had appointed had investigated the situation, SA initially rejected the request. The officials did in fact leave the hospital, but fears were expressed that health services in KwaZulu would collapse because of the shortage of qualified personnel .62 There were complaints about SA police action against an unnamed Zulu chief who was allegedly kicked and assaulted when the police came to remove him and his wife from a SA Development Trust farm.63 The KwaZulu Minister of Health, Dr Dennis Madide, complained about police action against him when he accidentally drove into the town of Melmoth during its Republic Day celebrations.4 A senior official in Inkatha, Mr Ntwe Mafole, was detained by security police in August but was later released .6 Relations with other organisations As reported on page 27, in June Inkatha withdrew from a broadly-based plan to call a national convention to draw up a constitution for SA. It is mentioned on page 27 that the deterioration in relations between Inkatha and the ANC-SA Communist Party alliance continued during 1981. In a resolution passed at its annual conference Inkatha condemned sabotage, stating that it was 'totally opposed to the senseless destruction of meagre facilities serving black areas such as railway lines and power sub-stations, which result in untold hardship to blacks'. Inkatha continued to forge inter-racial contacts through the SA Black Alliance, meetings with the PFP with which it was forming a common strategy, and through the creation of a Youth Foundation of SA including students of (see Survey 1980, page 50). Chief Buthelezi spoke at the Afrikaner Studentebond congress in July. While praising the Indian community for sharing much of its expertise, Chief Buthelezi warned members not to incur black anger by accepting political freedom that was not afforded to their less privileged fellow-blacks.66 Natal Code of Customary Law A bill was passed in the KwaZulu Legislative Assembly to amend the Natal Code of Customary Law. The main purpose was to revise the rights of Zulu women, who would now become majors at the age of 21. (They had previously been perpetual minors.) Another major change was the deletion of all reference to the State President as being the Supreme Chief.67 Lebowa Government Lebowa, in the northern Transvaal, is the homeland for the North Sotho and Pedi peoples. In 1973, when the SA government drew up plans for the consolidation of Lebowa, Gazankulu, and Venda, Lebowa consisted of fifteen separate blocks of land, and Gazankulu of five, intermingled with one another and with land owned by white farmers. Dr Cedric N Phatudi was elected Chief Minister of Lebowa in 1973 when this became a self-governing territory within the Republic of SA, and was re-elected in 1978, in each case by narrow margins. His chief rival in 1973 was Chief M M Matlala who, unlike Dr Phatudi, was in favour of independence for Lebowa. In 1978 he was opposed by Mr Collins Ramusi, a rival for leadership of the Lebowa People's Party, and by Chief S Molapo who led the Black People's Party. By 1981, however, Mr Ramusi had gone to live overseas and Chief Molapo's party had collapsed.68 The question of independence and future political dispensation A development symposium entitled 'Focus on Lebowa' was held at the University of the North near Pietersburg, commencing on September 17, 1980. In his opening speech Dr Phatudi reiterated his view that Lebowa should remain part of SA. He rejected the existing SA system 'of discrimination and domination of the majority of the population by a minority group', and also dismissed the concept of 'majority rule at the expense of the interests of minority groups, which might result from the one-man-one-vote system'. 'We are searching', he. said, 'for an arrangement whereby the different population groups can be involved in the future of the common country. The South African situation calls for a political policy of cooperation and involvement, not of domination and separateness. The federal type of political arrangement . . . recommends itself as a worthy alternative to meet the specific challenges of South Africa.' Referring to the constellation of states in Southern Africa proposed by the SA Prime Minister, Dr Phatudi said: 'It must be noted that real economic co-operation can only result if the partners are roughly on the same level of development . . . thus . . . if the present South African government is in earnest about economic co- operation . . . urgent attention must be given to the purposeful economic development of the less developed areas of South Africa, with special reference to the selfgoverning national states.' Lebowa, he stated, would be prepared to play a vital role by abolishing apartheid and showing the rest of SA how black and white could live together for their mutual benefit. Plans for consolidation of Lebowa In terms of the plan adopted by the SA government in 1973, some of Lebowa's largest blocks of land would be enlarged and some of the smallest eliminated, leaving five instead of fifteen separate areas. At the 305 KwaZulu: Political developments 306 Lebowa Gazankulu time of writing, Lebowa still consisted of six areas. Members of the Batlokwa and Sekgopo tribes, who for about two centuries have lived approximately 50km to the north of Pietersburg, have rejected proposals for their resettlement on land originally demarcated as part of Lebowa. In the speech quoted above Dr Phatudi pointed out that the SA Development Trust still held considerable areas of land that had been earmarked by the SA government for transfer to Lebowa. These included mining land where chrome and other minerals were mined. This land should be transferred without delay, he urged, in order that revenue from mining taxation should accrue to Lebowa instead of to the RSA Receiver of Revenue. Dr Phatudi advocated that the industrial and commercial areas of 'white' towns adjoining Lebowa, such as Potgietersrus, Pietersburg, Tzaneen, Phalaborwa, and perhaps a few others, should be designed as 'joint venture' areas - instead of reserving these for white enterprise, forcing black 'national states' to confine their economic activities to newly-created black towns. Boundary disputes The Bushbuckridge area near Tzaneen has for many years been ethnically-mixed; Pedi and Tsonga families, in particular, have been intermingled. Since official consolidation plans for Lebowa and Gazankulu were adopted, efforts have been made to divide the area 'between these states. One result is that during recent years more than 4 000 Pedi families have been displaced. Among them were residents of a settlement named Phepeni near Tzaneen, who were moved to land which was unsuitable for ploughing or for keeping their livestock."' Capital town The first capital of Lebowa was Seshego, originally built as a dormitory black township for Pietersburg. A new capital is being developed at LebowaKgomo, some 55km to the south-east. According to the BENSO Survey, quoted earlier, in 1979 an estimated 38 590 Africans were living in Seshego and 3 888 in LebowaKgomo, many of the latter being civil servants and their families. Four of the eight government departments had been transferred to the new capital, and a technical high school built. The Habakuk Cane Furniture factory, which has about 550 employees, had been moved there from a former site in an area just to the north of Pretoria which had been allocated to Bophuthatswana." Gazankulu Events have proceeded peacefully in Gazankulu, the Shangaan/Tsonga homeland in the north-eastern Transvaal. Professor Hudson W E Ntsanwisi, who was elected Chief Minister when a Legislative Assembly was created in 1973, was unanimously re-elected in 1978. The capital town is Giyani which, according to BENSO, had 2 731 residents in 1979. It is situated in one of the four sections of Gazankulu which lie bestween Louis Trichardt and the Kruger National Park. Nkowakowa, in another section, near Tzaneen, is slightly larger, and had 6 441 residents in 1979. Being close to transport facilities, it is likely to become the economic centre. The boundary dispute with Lebowa has been mentioned earlier. Ga- 307 zankulu, as well as Lebowa, lays claim to the presently 'white' towns of Phalaborwa and Tzaneen, and surrounding land. QwaQwa QwaQwa KwaNdebele QwaQwa is the homeland for the Southern Sotho people, but in 1980 KaNgwane only about 11 % of its de jure citizens lived there. As described in the chapter that follows, it is a very small area with extremely limited economic resources. A first- stage legislative assembly was created in 1975, and self-governing status granted in 1980. Mr Kenneth Mopeli, who has been Chief Minister since 1975, has rejected independence. KwaNdebele In 1975 the government established a Southern Ndebele homeland called KwaNdebele near Groblersdal in the eastern Transvaal, in an area where a number of these people already lived. A first-stage legislative assembly was established in 1979. Self-government was granted as from April 23, 1981, the Chief Minister being Mr S S Skosana. A capital town called Siyabuswa is being developed. As mentioned on page 295 a large group of Southern Ndebele people have lived for several generations in the Hammanskraal and Winterveldt areas to the north of Pretoria, in territory allocated to Bophuthatswana. This led to disputes, for example in regard to the language to be used as a medium in schools. Finally, in 1980, those who were unwilling to become citizens of Bophuthatswana were required to move to a re-settlement area in KwaNdebele. KaNgwane Prior to 1972 many of the Swazi people in SA lived in scattered reserves in the eastern Transvaal, notably in the vicinity of White River and Nelspruit. During the years that followed the SA government resettled many of these people on a narrow stretch of land along the northern and western borders of Swaziland, adjoining an existing Swazi reserve. This area was named KaNgwane. Three townships in the reserve that was excised were retained as dormitory areas to serve nearby white towns. A first-stage legislative assembly was created in KaNgwane in 1977, Mr Enos J Mabuza becoming Chief Executive Councillor. Since the beginning of 1980 his Council has urged that self-government be granted, a status being afforded to all the other homelands. Renewed requests were made in April 1981. The concept of independence was, however, rejected by the Council. Mr Mabuza stated that this would result in the forfeiture of the claim by SA-born Swazis to a share in SA's political power and its wealth. It was reported 71 that in response to the call for self-government Dr Piet Koornhof, SA's Minister of Co-operation and Development, told the KaNgwane executive council that the time was not opportune for a decision on the matter. King Sobhuza II of Swaziland, he said, had been pressing for 'border adjustments' and for the creation of a unified Swazi nation. It appeared that the SA government might be considering the incorporation of KaNgwane into Swaziland, stripping some 750 000 SA-born

308 Swazis of any claim to SA citizenship. Mr Mabuza is reported to have said: 'If the cabinet is sincere in telling us that preference should be given to possible unification with Swaziland, then it must prove its sinAfrican cerity by asking Gazankulu and QwaQwa to amalgamate with MozambiHomelands: que and Lesotho respectively.' Chief Gatsha Buthelezi promised that his Political Inkatha movement would back Mr Mabuza in his resistance to the reported plan.72 Opinion was divided, however. A former KaNgwane exdevelop- ecutive councillor who had been dismissed from his post, Mr David Lukments hehle, told the Press that numbers of Swazis were in favour of unification with Swaziland.71 References 1 RP 104/1980 pages 4-5 2 Rand Daily Mail February 2 Ibid February 25 4 Star September 4 5 /bidApril 4 6 Ibid September 7 7 Tables 25 to 34 inclusive 8 Eastern Province HeraldAugust 28 9 DailyNewsApril 1 10 Daily Dispatch March 25 11 Sunday Times May31 12 Rand Daily MailMay 1 11 Daily Dispatch May 1 14 Bophuthatswana: an Economic Survey and Businessmen's Guide, published by Barclays National Bank in 1980; also Rand Daily MailJuly 3 15 Rand Daily Mail April 2 16 lbidJuly 3 11 Calculations by the writer 18 Sowetan February 27 19 lbidMarch 13 20 Natal Witness June 1 21 Rand Daily Mail April 25 22 Sunday Tribune November 29, 1980 23 Cape TimesOctober 2, 1980. Details of the package deal were contained in a speech by Dr F van Z Slabbert in the SA Assembly, September 28, Hansard 9 cols 4949 - 50 24 Daily Dispatch December 2 2- Hansard 9 cols 5102, 5155 September 29 26 Ibid cols 5293, 5297 - 5302 27 Daily Dispatch February 26 28 lhidNovember 30 29 BeeldApril 17 30 Daily Dispatch April 24 31 IbidOctober 30 32 Sowetan November 2 13 Hansard 5 cols 2368-9 August 31 34 Star December 3 35 Daily Dispatch July 2 36 Ibid December 5 37 Ibid 38 Ibid 39 Ibid 40 Rand Daily Mail November 21 41 Daily Dispatch August 20 42 Rand Daily Mail February 16 43 Dail Dispatch December 1 44 Rand Daily MailJune 13 45 Daily Dispatch July 21 and September 26 46 Ibid September 28, Eastern Province Herald November 20

41 Daily Dispatch November 10. But Ciskei at Independence, page 51, says there will be 50 elected members and 37 hereditary members 48 Daily Dispatch November 10 49 Rand Daily Mail November 11 50 Supplement to Daily Dispatch December 2, page 52 51 Daily Dispatch June 16 52 IbidJune 30 53 Ibidjune 16 54 ArgusMarch 25 55 Natal Witness April 13 56 Rand Daily MailApril 15 57 Sunday Tribune September 27 58 Natal Witness May 15 59 NatalMercuryApril 10 60 Daily News June 27 61 StarMarch 3 62 Natal Witness August 27, Daily News June 9 63 Daily News May 11 64 IbidMay 27 65 Rand Daily Mail August 18 66 Natal Witness September 25 67 Daily NewsJune 17 68 The StarOctober 14 69 Sunday Express September 20 70 Citizen October 10 71 Rand Daily Mail December 19 and 29, The Star December 29 72 Ibid 13 Rand Daily Mail December 31 309 African Homelands: Political developments

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF THE HOMELANDS' Development policies At a conference between business leaders and the SA government in Cape Town on November 12, 1981, the Prime Minister announced new concessions to attract investment away from the four major metropolitan areas to decentralised areas, including the homelands. This followed admissions, reported on page 429 of the 1980 Survey, that existing policies were failing to reduce the flow of Africans to the cities in the so-called white areas of South Africa. Together with the Prime Minister's speech a document entitled 'Industrial Development Proposals' was released to delegates and to the press.2 This had been compiled by a working group appointed by the Cabinet Committee for Economic Affairs. The Prime Minister said in his keynote address that he accepted the basic proposals made in this document, but he did not indicate whether all of the recommendations would be accepted by the government. The group said South Africa's traditional regional economic policy had two main objectives: to obtain a more balanced distribution of economic activity in SA, and to promote economic development in or adjacent to the independent and national states. Despite concerted efforts to promote these objectives, about 75% of industrial production and employment was still concentrated in the four metropolitan areas, namely the Pretoria-Witwatersrand-Vaal triangle, Durban- Pinetown, the Cape Peninsula, and Port Elizabeth-Uitenhage. Development in areas such as East London and parts of the Western Cape had fallen behind. A new approach to regional economic development was needed. Taking a number of factors into account, for example the rates of unemployment and need for the creation of employment opportunities, and the need for a higher standard of living, the working group listed the regions of SA that were most-in need of development. In order of priority, these were: " Eastern Cape/Ciskei/Transkei; * Natal/KwaZuluiTranskei; * Northern Transvaal/Venda/Lebowa/Gazankulu; * Western Transvaal/Northern Cape/Bophuthatswana; * OFS/QwaQwa/Bophuthatswana; * Eastern Transvaal/KaNgwane/Lebowa/Gazankulu.I 310

It was pointed out that each of these regions involved one or more of the homelands. Government strategy to stimulate economic development in these regions has been as described in the paragraphs that follow. 1 Regional development Since the talks that were held in 1979 at the Carlton Hotel, Johannesburg, between the cabinet and business leaders, government policy has been to stimulate growth in regions, rather than in particular homelands or areas. At the subsequent talks held in 1981 the Prime Minister said: 'An extremely important aim in South Africa's economic strategy. . . is to promote stability through regional co-operation in Southern Africa... involving joint operation of projects of two or more governments.'4 Dr J A Shaw, at one time co-ordinator at the Interim Regional Secretariat of Constellation of Southern African States, stated' that South Africa's commitment as a regional power was reflected in the offer to utilise her development resources as an instrument in the quest for peace and stability in the progress of Southern Africa. 2 Development aid In 1979, a new Division of Economic and Development Co-operation was created within the Department of Foreign Affairs and Information 'to coordinate and execute the South African aid effort'. The main source of funds is the Economic Promotion Loan Fund which was established in 1968 and which disburses soft loans. A Technical Assistance Fund, which had a budget of R6,5m during the 1981/2 financial year, is used for technical assistance. The SA government also grants statutory allocations for the first three years of a homeland's independence and thereafter, 'budgetary assistance'. During 1981/2 almost R400m was granted to Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda in this way.6 The Prime Minister said in November that project aid to these three homelands amounted to R83m during 1981/2, and budgetary assistance to R181,2m. 'These figures do not include the grants totalling almost RI 000m to the self-governing states. Further, although South Africa's Public Service is experiencing a serious shortage of manpower, almost 1 200 well-qualified officials have been seconded to these three countries.'7 At the Carlton talks, the Prime Minister envisaged the formation of a multilateral development bank for Southern Africa and it was later announced that a Pretoria University economist, Professor J A Lombard, would head it. In his address in November the Prime Minister said that in the current budget R1 7m had been voted for the bank. Its formation had, however, taken longer than expected. It was reported in the Press that there had been differences about the method of operation of such an international organisation, and that right-wing elements in the National Party had exerted pressure, fearing that its establishment would water down the policy of separate development." However, the Small Business Development Corporation, which was also envisaged at the Carlton Conference, became operative on February 12, 1981. It was originally intended that the government would provide half the initial R100m of the share capital of the Corporation, but 82 companies in the private sector took up shares of R63m." Economic development of homelands

312 3 Development incentives In his November speech, the Prime Minister said the aim of the new incentives for regional development was to reduce the longer-term estabEconomic lishment disadvantages for industrialists in respect of transport, electridevelop- city, and other costs, and to ease industrialists' initial liquidity problems. ment of In the latter connection it was specifically recommended that tax conceshomelands sions be replaced with cash incentives. The Working Group suggested substantially improved concessions to promote this development. The government invited comment on the proposals, giving a deadline of April 1, 1982. 4 Agricultural development In recent years the government has placed increasing stress on the need for agricultural development. In both the independent and non-independent homelands corporations solely concerned with this matter have been established. There has also been stress by the Defence Force on the strategic importance of rural development. The then Brigadier C J Lloyd (who was subsequently promoted to General to head the Defence Force operations in Namibia) said in August 1979: 'Wherever we have a local population in our border and rural areas we will have to secure their loyalty, goodwill, and co-operation against the insurgents.' The Defence Force, he said, used every opportunity to demonstrate to local populations that they were there to help and protect them, and not to harm them.0 Regional co-operation bodies During 1980 and 1981, a large number of regional bodies were established to promote the government's concept of a constellation of states. They include specific bodies and the Committee for Economic Development and Co-operation (KEOSSA) which assesses all applications for development assistance from the SA government. In the address quoted, Dr Shaw said that preference was given to projects which generated income and promoted employment, but human development projects such as schools and hospitals also received priority. 'The element of self-help and the partnership aspects are of paramount importance,' he said. Dr Shaw described the specific regional bodies which had been established, and their operations. They were: * Posts and Telecommunications Consultative Committee * Radio Broadcasting Working Group * Steering Committee on Copyright and Extra-territorial Broadcasting Transmission * Agricultural Liaison Committee * Forestry Working Group * Veterinary Working Group * Nature Conservation Working Group * Inter-State Transport Liaison Committee * Annual meetings to discuss monetary and fiscal matters * Tourism Working Group " Inter-State Health and Welfare Committee * Multilateral Economic Committee * Education and Training Committee."

The SA government dominates the inner-constellation through the financial and technical assistance it gives to the independent homelands. Financial matters regarding the homelands Expenditure Expenditure in the homelands by the SA government for the 1979-80 financial year was given in the report of the Auditor-General for that year under the Co- operation and Development vote, as follows:'2 Fixed statutory amounts (in terms of Section 6 (2) (c) of Act 21 of 1971 and Section 1 of Act 91 of 1978) Ciskei 30 128 000 Gazankulu 14 558 000 KwaZulu 90 822 000 Lebowa 40 426 000 QwaQwa 1 879 000 Venda 10 272 000 KaNgwane 5 678 000 Judge's salary & allowances forVenda High Court 21 000 Total 313 Financing of homelands 193 784 000 Under the Foreign Affairs vote, the Auditor-General reported the following amounts had been spent as a direct charge to the State Revenue Fund during 1979-80 financial year:3 Transkei 113500000,00 Salaries and allowances of judges seconded to Transkei 30 909,11 Bophuthatswana 22 000 000,00 Salaries and allowances of judges seconded to Bophuthatswana 69 511,71 Total 135 600 420,82 Revenue Sources of revenue in the non-independent homelands and Venda and expenditure by the governments of those homelands (excluding expenditure by SA Transport Services) have been extracted from the reports of the Auditor-General for the homelands and SA for the 1979-80 financial year as follows:14 Balance at April 1, Grants from State 1979 Revenue Fund RR 4 339 526,95 61470600 (deficit) 1 025 010,56 (deficit) 33 954 880,85 General revenue Loans RR 17 269 816,09 7 000 000 Total (including balance) R 81 400 889,14 31 155 700 11 010 785,13 1 316 272 42457746,57 159 479 200 60 734 357,00 Ciskei Gazankulu KwaZulu - 254 168 437,85

314 Lebowa QwaQwa Venda KaNgwane KwaNdebele Balance at April 1, Grants from State 1979 Revenue Fund General Revenue Loans RRRR 12 084 935,82 75 055 900 29 484 311,92 NOT AVAILABLE 2561247,75 15531800 2941377,65 3035931,15 12047400 5171 333,80 Self-governing status granted on April 23, 1981 Total (including balance) R 116 625 147,74 21 034 425,40 20 254 664,95 Expenditure Homeland governments R 87 740 416,09 39 374 458,56 205 052 917,19 106 309 622,75 115 813 888,70 16 576 935,74 SA government (additional expenditure) R 13 127 534 9 853 586 53 567 906 12 185 032 NOT AVAILABLE 6 920 128 12 669 793 Total R 100 867 950,09 49 228 044,56 258 620 823,19 118 494 654,75 122 734 016,70 29 246 728,74 Self-governing status granted on April 23, 1981 In the 1981-2 budget, the following amounts were estimated under the 'Programme of black areas towards self-determination': R Development towards self-determination Planning and administration Grant-in- aid to SA Development Trust for: land planning and conservation settlement of population employment creation and income generation developmentof human potential social services government planning and administration physical infrastructure 74 610400 1 689 600 1 900 53 818 56 383 2 400 11 970 4 595 16 000 Total 223 366 000 Plus assistance to governments of self-governing black states 216 966 000 Total 440 332 000 Also budgeted were: Purchase of properties in independent former self-governing states Development in independent, former self-governing states: grant-in-aid to SA Development Trust for establishment of townships Transport system for Mabopane R 10000000 7 955 000 3 000 000 Contributions to homeland governments for 1981-2, as well as for the previous financial year, were estimated as follows: Ciskei Gazankulu KwaZulu Lebowa QwaQwa Venda KaNgwane KwaNdebele

81-2 1980-81 19 725376184E866 9 5 17 1 408 401 000 357 370 402 Under the Foreign Affairs budget, the following amounts were estimated as a direct charge to the State Revenue Account: 1981-2 1980-81 RR Amounts payable to Transkei government -* 113 500 000 Amounts payable to Bophuthatswana government 22 000 000 22 000 000 Amounts payable to Venda government 38 000 000 Judges allowances in Transkei, BophuthatswanaandVenda 160000 112000 (*included under the provision for development assistance, the total budget for which was R1 50 629 000 in 1981-2 (compared to R27 840 000 during the previous year) and included R23 091 000 for secondment of personnel and R1 17 538 000 for technical and other assistance.) In Parliament, the Minister of Foreign Affairs disclosed that the following amounts had been paid to Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda:'5 Payments during 1981/2 financial year Transkei Venda Bophuthatswana Budget assistance R-mill 147,8 45 25,1 Compensation Share of tax for loss of tax collected from from up-grading Share of customs blacks scale pool R-mill R-mill R-mill 6 - 91,9 1 0,14 10,2 6 - 128,3 Economic development General In all the homelands, whether independent or not, the development corporations have been dominant instruments of economic development and it is these bodies which have been primarily responsible for implementing the SA government's development strategies outlined earlier. Their main source of finance and seconded personnel is the Corporation for Economic Development (CED), which is funded by the Ciskei Gazankulu KwaZulu Lebowa QwaQwa KaNgwane Venda Total RR 26 200 54 785 100 )81 000 26 156 100 324 600 158401 200 )78 000 69 066 702 588 000 4 852 600 03 200 11 530000 - 32 578 700 315 Financing of homelands Payment in terms of Monetary Agreement R-mill 3,5 0,4 1,5

316 Economic development of homelands SA government. When INTERCORP, with 22 representatives of the development corporations, met in Hamburg in Ciskei this year to discuss the sorghum beer industry, all the delegates were white.16 Writing in a foreword to the annual report of the Ciskei National Development Corporation for 1980, the Chief Minister of the Ciskei, Chief Lennox Sebe, expressed frustration about the control of the economic situation in the homelands, which was seen by ordinary citizens as being symbolic of the paternalistic attitude of the SA government. 'All attempts on my part to have the corporation attached to the ministry of Finance and Economic Affairs of the Ciskeian government have met with no success so far,' he said. A senior official of the Transkei government complained of the 'iron grip' which SA had placed on spending in Transkei, in the attempt to stamp out alleged corruption.17 But in spite of this control the head of CED Dr J Adendorff, admitted, shortly before the meeting between the government and business leaders, that 'there is no economic solution to the socio-political problems that the homelands and independent states face in the last two decades of the century'. He said only the maintenance of an annual growth rate of 5,5% to 6% for the next 19 years would ensure full employment of the expected population of African people of 25- million by the year 2000. However, the growth for 1982 was projected to be 2% and the average annual growth rate over the last ten years had been 3%. Dr Adendorff also said the CED had settled 400 industries in the homelands at a cost of 476m. He maintained that decentralisation was the only solution.18 In the annual report for 1980 BENSO said that SA's salvation did not lie in the creation of a large number of separate and struggling economies but in economic co-operation within a system of political separateness.9 Ciskei In the Industrial Development Proposals compiled by the Working Group for Economic Affairs" it was recommended that the Ciskei should receive the highest incentives in SA. The suggested development points were Dimbaza and Mdantsane inside the Ciskei and, on its borders, Berlin, King William's Town, East London, and Queenstown. The Dimbaza industrial area, which had 31 industries with a total investment of R32,5m,21 is to be extended by 30%. The Ciskei National Development Corporation (CNDC) is to erect another six factories at a cost of R2,25m.22 In April, the CNDC opened a R140 000 small industries complex at Mdantsane.23 The CNDC said it had assisted 414 businessmen to establish themselves and it had estimated that 2 500 people had been employed as a result. The Corporation's assistance to these businessmen amounted to R5,87m.24 The Corporation spent R1O,9m on industrial development during the 1979/80 financial year which resulted in the creation of 984 jobs. The total investment in industrial development by the Corporation at the end of that year was R36,3m which resulted in 3 458 jobs. 'Effectively then, the average cost per industrial job opportunity created to date is RIO 523.' All the Corporation's activities had resulted in 8 096 job opportunities from an investment of R86m by it, the Corporation for Economic Development and private entrepreneurs. 'The resultant cost of R8 399 per job opportunity compares favourably with other development areas,' the CNDC said.2" Transkei Five industrial development points were identified in Transkei in the Industrial Development Proposals, namely Ezibeleni, Butterworth, and Umtata in the southern Eastern Cape-Ciskei-Transkei region, and Umzimkulu and a point in Eastern Pondoland in the northern Natal/ KwaZulu/Transkei region.26 The Transkei Development Corporation (TDC) established the Transkei National Transport Corporation and the Transkei Agricultural Corporation in April, while the Department of Commerce, Industry and Tourism created the Transkei Small Enterprises Commission. The effect of these moves was to enable the TDC to concentrate on industrial development. Five years after its establishment in April 1976, the TDC had by mid1981 spent R36,1m on factory buildings, while loans to industrialists totalled R26m over the same period. The number of projects assisted totalled 80 and employment opportunities amounted to 10 500. The most rapid growth had been in Butterworth.27 The Corporation has started selling branches of its wholesale division, Tembalethu, to African businessmen. Tourism is being envisaged. The TDC has upgraded the hotels it owns along the Wild Coast. In co-operation with its US-controlled multinational company, Holiday Inns, it opened a casino and hotel complex near the Natal border towards the end of the year. The extent of unemployment in Transkei is described on page 291. Gazankulu Three development points were recommended in the Industrial Development Proposals in Gazankulu-Mkhuhlu in the southern block of the homeland as part of the Eastern Transvaal/KaNgwane/parts of Lebowa and Gazankulu region, and Giyani and Nkowakowa as part of the Northern Transvaal/Venda/Lebowa/Gazankulu region.28 Gazankulu lacks capital to develop a physical infrastructure for industry, and, as was pointed out in the 1980 report of its Shangaan-Tsonga Development Corporation, its geographic position is unfavourable. The main growth point is Nkowakowa near Tzaneen while the capital, Giyani, is seen as the legislative centre of the homeland. The biggest industry in the Nkowakowa area is the largest manufacturer of bus bodyworks in Southern Africa, with 450 employees, only 12 of them white.29 The Development Corporation has opened a business centre at Nkowakowa and a shopping complex at Giyani. Since August 1978 it has financed the establishment of 119 small businesses, and has erected factory units at five centres to house small factories which provide employment for 467.30 KwaZulu The Working Group for Economic Affairs recommended seven industrial development points in KwaZulu: Ulundi, Ezikhaweni, Isithebe, Edendale/ 317 Economic development of homelands

Economic development of homelands Imbali/Swartkops, Ezakeni, Madadeni/Ozizweni, and 'a point in southern KwaZulu'.31 The magnitude of the homeland's economic problems was underlined by Professor Jill Nattrass in a speech to the 125th anniversary symposium of the Durban Chamber of Commerce on the relationship between Natal and KwaZulu. She said2 that in 1976, 56% of the economically active people were employed outside KwaZulu. For every R6 earned in the homeland, R5 was spent outside. In some regions, the absentee rate of men between the ages of 20 and 45 was as high as 80%. In 1970 the potential number of workseekers exceeded employment offered in the region by 428 000 or 23% of the labour force. By 1990 the shortfall would have increased to 815 000 or 27% of the workforce. Bishop Alpheus Zulu was the first black person to become chairman of the KwaZulu Development Corporation. 'It is important', he said, 'that the people themselves shall be involved in the deliberations preceding the initiation of any new programmes. In this way the people will come to accept the KDC as their instrument for their own development.'3 One of SA's largest foundry and general engineering works has moved to a site at Isithebe. With the aid of a R835 000 donation by Goldfields of SA, a technical institute for 180 students has been opened at Ezakheni near Ladysmith, providing training in motor-mechanics, motorbody repairs, welding and related trades.3" Lebowa Seshego, LebowaKgomo and 'a point adjacent to the Steelpoort valley' were recommended as industrial development points in Lebowa by the Working Group for Economic Affairs." However, the homeland's Chief Minister, Dr C N Phatudi, said at the conference focusing on Lebowa at the end of 1980, that the industrial and commercial areas of the nearby SA towns of Potgietersrus, Pietersburg, Tzaneen and Phalborwa and perhaps a few others', should be designated as joint venture areas. This concept would be in the mutual interests of the region as a whole. He called for a new financial dispensation based on this regional approach. Lebowa should be allowed to enjoy the fruits of the South Africa Customs Union without forcing or pressurising Lebowa 'to opt for so-called independence. There must be a redistribution of wealth within the RSA on a pro rata or equitable basis'.3t At the same conference, Lebowa's Minister of Finance and Economic Affairs, Mr L C Mothiba, said that projections indicated that between 70% and 80% of the homeland's spending power was spent outside its borders, although Lebowa did not participate in the activities of the common economic system of SA. He also said that there was a high level of unemployment in Lebowa - about 17,5% - and 70% of the de facto population depended on the rural sector for a livelihood. Lebowa had 21 mines with a production value of R60m and with 11 500 male employees. Some 40 industrial undertakings had been established with 7 000 employees. Some 3 600 business licences had also been issued in Lebowa7 The then general manager of the Lebowa Development Corporation, Mr J Crafford, told the conference that the CED and private industrialists had spent R18,8m on industrial development, creating jobs for more than 3 500 people. But the number of new employment seekers was some

16 000 a year in Lebowa. The new general manager, Mr Johan Koster, 319 said that agriculture would be the key element of future development.1 Dr Phatudi told another conference that labour played a very important part in the Lebowa economy. Roughly 58% was contributed by Economic migrant workers and a further 17% by commuter income. The Lebowa developlabour force would increase from 586 000 to more than a million by the year 2000. 1 ment of homelands QwaQwa Two industrial development points were recommended by the Working Group for Economic Affairs - one at Phuthaditjaba and 'another point in QwaQwa linked up with Harrismith', while Harrismith, which is in SA, was also recommended as a development point. The QwaQwa Development Corporation said in its annual report for 1980 that 800 direct employment opportunities had been created as a result of its involvement. The corporation's investment in fixed assets totalled R4,9m. During 1980 it had completed a complex costing R700 000 which could house 27 small industrialists. By the end of the year, 42 traders had been assisted. A shopping centre and mini-business centre, costing R430 000, had been erected at Setsing.40 Venda Only one industrial development point was recommended by the Working Group for Economic Affairs in Venda - at the capital of the homeland, Thohoyandou.4 The Venda Development Corporation is confident that the homeland will, within the next few years, produce enough food to be self-sufficient. The Corporation's strategy for development is based on agriculture and small industries as well as support projects. Among these is the production of dehydrated vegetables and a roller mill, both of which have been established at Sibasa.42 The lack of a railway system has virtually ruled out the establishment of heavy industry. However, in February, President Mphephu opened a R500 000 factory which will manufacture firearms for export. The factory, which was originally situated at Parys in the Orange Free State, produces 9mm hand pistols and 9mm hand machineguns.4 A casino and greyhound track have been established at the Thohoyandou Hotel which, with the Corporation's help, has been expanded from 26 to 104 rooms and provides a disco, a theatre, and conference rooms.44 KaNgwane The Industrial Development Proposals merely recommend that 'a point in KaNgwane' should be developed. In its first annual report, the KaNgwane Economic Development Corporation (KEDC) said frankly: 'Compared to other black states, KaNgwane is still a backward area with a large backlog in the economic sphere.' It had granted loans to 33 businessmen and industrialists, totalling R 4,4m. Industrial development totalled R1,0m with 250 job opportunities created. Two factory lots for 18 small industrialists had been established. The Corporation was erecting four business complexes to the value of R1, 1 m.

320 The KEDC is establishing a new town called Empuluzi (Mayflower), and is constructing a luxury hotel with conference facilities at KaNyamazane. However, the main focus for development is on agriculture and Economic light industries. There are 413 commercial outlets, 156 of them general develop- dealers, 137 restaurants and cafes, 46 butcheries, 12 bottle stores and 9 ment of beerhalls.41 homelands KwaNdebele This homeland, which is the latest to be granted self-government, is not allocated an industrial development point by the Working Group for Economic Affairs, but is regarded as a sub-region of the Pretoria-Witwatersrand-Vereeniging complex. KwaNdebele, the group said, was an urban area forming the natural extension area of the metropole 6 The Minister of Co-operation and Development said in Parliamentv7 that 2 640 people were employed inside the homeland and 35 500 outside. The gross domestic product was R1 3,9m and the income per head of population was R338. Bophuthatswana Four industrial development points in two regions were recommended by the Working Group for Economic Affairs, three of them in the Western Transvaal/Northern Cape/Bophuthatswana region - Heystekrand, Mafikeng and Pudimoe - and one in the Orange Free State/QwaQwa/ Bophuthatswana (Thaba N'chu) region - Seloshesha8 The managing director of the Bophuthatswana National Development Corporation said in his review of 1980 that all sites in the Babalegi industrial township had been taken up. Two further industrial areas at GaRankuwa and Heystekrand were to be established. These would be four times the size of Babalegi and had already attracted investments. A R30m contract for an explosives factory had been finalised.49 The BNDC said R200m had been invested in the homeland with 12% of this representing capital from outside the African continent. Another project under construction was a R25m brewery.50 Like other development corporations, the BNDC has launched a small industries division. Its first project was at Taung where at a cost of R55 000 an old church was turned into accommodation for nine small industrialists. The BNDC said 102 job opportunities had been created as a result at a cost of less than Ri 000 each.51 One of the new industries in the homeland is a R2m fabric-weaving plant, established by an Israeli industrialist.2 The BNDC is negotiating with international non-scheduled airlines to operate out of the homeland. The scheme, which would involve cheaper airflights to Europe, would also result in the construction of a R50m airport in the homeland.,3 In September, the BNDC raised a loan of R15m without difficulty and announced that after this test of the local money market it intended raising loans once a year on both local and foreign markets. The money is to be used to provide some of the finance for three hotels, one of them a casino resort at Thaba N'chu, promoted by the company that owns Sun City. 5

Mining The Mining Corporation said in its annual report for 1980 that the energy crisis had caused an increasing interest in new sources of energy such as coal and to a lesser extent in source materials. This had resulted in increasing interest in new potential coalfields in the homelands. However, the energy crisis had had a negative effect on the demand for certain raw materials, particularly for metallurgical chrome, and this had affected production at the Dilokong Chrome Mine in Lebowa. Nevertheless the possible erection of a ferro-chrome plant in Lebowa to process Dilokong's products had been receiving attention for some time, and quotations for a feasibility study had been invited. Geological investigations of the newly-discovered anthracite coal field in KaNgwane were continuing and interesting occurrences of source material - uranium - had been discovered in QwaQwa. The Corporation expected that the progress on certain projects such as anthracite in KaNgwane and KwaZulu, platinum in Lebowa, and gold in Gazankulu would result in their exploitation in the near future. No new mines had been opened during the year, however. The Mining Corporation spent the following amounts on exploration for various years (excluding Bophuthatswana):'5 1976/77 1977/78 1978/79 1979/80 1980/81 321 Mining in homelands 667 700 886 300 809 400 1 250 000 2 002 000 Expenditure on prospecting by the private sector for the same years (excluding Bophuthatswana) was as follows: 1976/77 1977/78 1978/79 1979/80 1980/81 3 206 000 3 035 000 2 327 993 3 186 252 2 211 092 Details of prospecting by the private sector to the end of March 1980 were as follows: Expenditure R 19 181 89 642 1 752 360 912 544 388 288 24 240 No. of Africans employed 13 26 286 120 137 18 Earnings R 4 866 22 705 302 401 59 924 49 617 19 440 Total 188 1882835 3186255 600 458953 Homeland Ciskei Gazankulu KwaZulu Lebowa KaNgwane QwaQwa KwaNdebele No. of concessions 5 15 74 87 5 1 1 Total area ha. 1 625 73 155 1 592 597 149 601 715 63 800 1 342

Details of prospecting by the private sector to the end of March 1981 (excluding Bophuthatswana) were as follows: Number of concessions 1 3 46 46 Total area ha. 162527931539242 78 623 7 020 I 11A Expenditure R 61 335 180 1 648 503 497 522 3 552 No. of Africans employed 15 223 124 8 Earnings R 5 111 92 565 23 782 800 Total 101 1632437 2211092 370 122258 (Prospecting includes cases only where prospecting rights were granted by the Mining Corporation and excludes ground acquired by means of pegging of claims in proclaimed areas and properties where mineral rights are privately owned.) Details of mining activities up to the end of March 1980 were: Homeland Private Sector Ciskei Gazankulu KwaZulu Lebowa KaNgwane QwaQwa KwaNdebele Mining Corporation Lebowa Gazankulu No. of mines in production 3 4 18 23 6 2 Africans employed 35 233 447 10484 1 640 36 419 252 Earnings R 20 083 138 697 976 550 40 008 255 1 714 587 23 344 485 602 273 187 Total 58 13 546 43 640305 Details of mining activities up to the end of March 1981 were: No. of mines in Africans Earnings Homeland production employed R Private Sector Ciskei 1 4 200 Gazankulu 1 19 11 915 KwaZulu 17 480 1 116 331 Lebowa 9 7618 10660228 KaNgwane 3 1590 1961331 QwaQwa - - KwaNdebele - - Mining Corporation Lebowa 1 302 415 263 Gazankulu 1 434 406 150 Total 33 10447 14 571 418 322 Homeland Ciskei Gazankulu KwaZulu Lebowa KaNgwane QwaQwa

Agriculture General The approach of the development corporations, as well as the CED, is that although industrial and commercial development must be promoted in the homelands to stimulate urbanisation in these areas, agriculture provides the greatest hope for development. Not only is it strategically important, but, according to Professor S A Hulme, chief director of agronomy in the Department of Agriculture, African-controlled land in Southern Africa had a higher potential on average than white-controlled land.6 As the instruments of this effort, the development corporations and homeland governments have set up agricultural corporations, which frequently resort to consultants to manage specific projects. While there has been criticism of this approach (see subsection on Ciskei below) on the grounds that it is benefiting a few, wealthier farmers, rather than the bulk of the people, the clear aim is to attempt to direct the rural areas of the homelands towards a greater cash-, market- and productionorientation rather than subsistence agriculture. Ciskei The Ciskei Minister of Agriculture, Reverend W M Xaba, said during the independence celebrations in December that in the five years since the Ciskei had taken over control of agriculture, production had been considerably changed. Under the Department of Co-operation and Development, little or no increase occurred in crop or livestock production. 'Five years ago Ciskei did not produce one litre of milk packed in commercial containers for sale to the nation. Today, three million litres are produced each year. Whereas five years ago Ciskei agriculture did not produce, or market, any commercial agricultural crops, today, . . . R6m gross worth of crops and dairy products are produced for export and internal sale.' Livestock sales had grown from R100 000 to R2,5m.7 A number of irrigation schemes have been established in the homeland. These include: " Keiskammahoek, where a dairy scheme has been established. Between 180 and 200 farmers will be established on 4ha plots, each of whom should have a net income of R2 500 a year. " Tyefu, on the banks of the Fish River where 2 000ha of ground is being developed under the control of the tribal authority. The 4ha plots produce annual incomes of R2 000. * Shiloh, where there are 278 landholders on 1,2ha plots. Eventually commercial farmers, capable of earning between R3 000 and R4 000 a year, will be established on 4ha plots. The Ciskei's Department of Agriculture has planned 18 further irrigation schemes further down the Keiskamma River, but is restricted by the lack of development capital. It has also established the Ciskei Marketing Board which is making it easier for farmers to market their crops and stock. It is assisting 124 primary co-operatives in the homeland. The first phase of a milling and storage complex, costing R900 000, was completed during the year. This involved a railway siding, a warehouse, access roads and auxiliary buildings. The second phase involving the construction of 1 200 ton 323 Agriculture in homelands

324 storage space began before the first section was opened in July. The complete project will cost R2,5m. However, a group of University of Fort Hare academics, and a Agriculture University of Cape Town researcher, have questioned whether this in policy is not benefiting a few, wealthier farmers rather than the mass of homelands people living on the land. One of these studies said there were 126 people per square kilometre in the Ciskei and 357 000 in the rural areas of the homeland. The average output per person on the land was about R40 a year. Over 30 per cent of the rural-based Ciskeians - more than 100 000 - did not own cattle and a similar proportion were landless. Both studies questioned whether capital intensive schemes such as Keiskammahoek and Tyefu were appropriate in the circumstances.51 Transkei The Transkei Agricultural Corporation (TRACOR) was formed in April as the development arm of the Department of Agriculture and Forestry. It embarked on the production of 2 000ha of maize in four project areas. Local communities agreed to initiate the joint venture in terms of which TRACOR supplies inputs, including tractor operations, fertiliser, seed and chemicals, on credit. This is repaid when the crop is sold. All costs will be recovered by TRACOR, which will aim to reduce its controls over the projects, leaving a community able to manage its own project. The area under maize is be expanded to 11 000ha by 1983. TRACOR is investigating improved marketing systems for cattle, production of sub-tropical fruit and sugar cane and the establishment of a nursery. It also aims to provide better access to credit for farmers. It said that at present 90% of Transkei's food is imported and although there are a number of potentially successful schemes in the country, attempts to develop agriculture have in general not been as successful as originally hoped.9 The Department of Agriculture said Transkei suffers from decreasing productivity and increasing population. Yet the country has the natural resources to feed itself with a surplus for export. A restraint is the fact that 87% of the land is communally owned. A fleet of 450 tractors has ploughed 18 660ha in the Transkei maize belt and this increased yields from three bags a hectare to eight. 'It is envisaged that the maize area will be expanded to 80 000ha, giving a yield of 3,25m bags.' The production at the Magwa tea factory has risen from 360 tons to 1 500 tons and the existing 830ha will be expanded to 2 000ha, employing 5 000 people. Four irrigation schemes at Ncora, Qamata, Xonxa and Malenge 'are all on the verge of considerable expansion, which will bring the country's irrigable area up to 12 000ha'.60 In July, Prime Minister George Matanzima announced that the chiefs in the homeland had decided to levy R20 from each of 'their subjects' over three years to pay for 800 Austrian tractors, 300 of which still had to be assembled at a new plant at Ezibeleni. This was part of a R80m mechanisation programme over the next two or three years.61 The establishment of a R300m ethanol production plant in Eastern Pondoland has been discussed. It would be necessary to construct a hydro-electric scheme and to grow large quantities of sugar cane. The financial aspects of the project are still under discussion.62

Gazankulu The Gazankulu Chief Minister, Professor Hudson Ntsanwisi, has accepted that changes in the land tenure system are necessary. The manager of the Gazankulu Agricultural Company (GAC) said: 'Agriculture is the most effective way of creating job opportunities.' The GAC training programme is based on individual ownership of land.63 The GAC also farms land which has been bought for consolidation on an agency basis. On its nine project developments, it has established energy centres on land leased from the tribal authority. 'We provide finance, management and expertise. The locals provide the labour whom we pay and, of course, also train. The profits pay for our management and go to the coffers of the tribal authority. If the tribe requests it, we then start developing individual farmers.'64 A major problem in Gazankulu is an inadequate water supply for irrigation. To alleviate the problem a dam is to be built in the Letsitele river jointly by SA, Lebowa and Gazankulu. The cost of R6,5m is to be shared by the three partners, proportional to benefits: 70% by SA, 20% by Llebowa and 10% by Gazankulu.65 Lebowa There are ten agricultural growth points in Lebowa, some of them, such as the Tswelopele project in the Steelport Valley, being administered by the Lebowa Agricultural Company. It aims to settle commercial farmers on land bought for the purpose. The Zebediela citrus estates employ 1 900 people permanently and another 550 for five months of the year. Gillemberg Boerdery (Pty) Ltd employs 2 500 permanently and 800 for temporary periods.66 Poultry farms at Sebayeng were established this year, involving a first phase investment of R2m. It is hoped to train local farmers to raise poultry to produce 5m dozen eggs.67 KwaZulu A total of 83% of the land in KwaZulu is used for agriculture, but of this only 11 % is really suitable for the purpose. The territory was again hit by severe drought this year. A spokesman for an inter-church development company, Mr Neil Alcock, said there were 100 000 people starving in the Tugela Valley area. The Director of Veterinary Services in KwaZulu said that more than 200 000 cattle had died.68 The Durban City Council sank 30 boreholes at a cost of R100 000, channeling the money through the KwaZulu water development fund.69 The main crop grown by African farmers along the coast continues to be sugar. During 1980/81 they delivered cane worth R913 049 to a mill at Glendale, making a net profit of R445 534. The KwaZulu Department of Agriculture has requested the Institute of Natural Resources to plan a large new agricultural project.7" KaNgwane KaNgwane has 28 00ha under timber, 40 900ha under dry land cultivation and 934ha under irrigation, the annual gross product being R2,3m. Grazing took up 295 900ha. The individual contribution of various sectors was as follows: 325 Agriculture in homelands

326 M aize ...... 26% Livestock ...... 20% Groundnuts ...... 17% Agriculture Timber ...... 18% in Dry beans ...... 8% hom elands Sugar ...... 8% O ther ...... 3% The KaNgwane government set up the KaNgwane Agricultural Company (KAC) to manage agricultural development. The KAC invested R4,5m, which created 1 120 job opportunities. It has projects at Figtree, where 200ha are under cotton, and at Schoemansdal, where 120ha of coffee have been planted. Other undertakings of the KAC are: 940ha under sprinkler irrigation, 120ha under micro-irrigation and 1 500ha of dry land. KAC took over the management of 1 700ha of sisal from the government.71 Venda In September, President Mphephu appointed a commission of inquiry into the rationalisation of government and government-funded institutions involved in agricultural development. The members include Venda and South African civil servants. The Venda Development Corporation, whose agricultural manager is convinced the homeland can produce enough food to feed itself, is involved in a number of agricultural projects. The completion of a second dairy at Tswinga would make the homeland self-sufficient in milk, the VDC said. The Corporation's activities include six broiler chicken farms, two egg producing units, two pig farms, a tobacco farm, a tomato farm, cotton farming, seed and vegetable farms, tea and coffee plantations, and avocado, maize, mango and sorghum farms. During 1980, 658 farmers borrowed 000 from the VDC and 253 maize farmers were granted loans totalling R27 000. During the year a bean project was launched at Tshandama which will eventually have 360ha under irrigation. A total of 1 200 people will eventually be employed on it and it is expected to have an annual income of R1,5m.72 QwaQwa The QwaQwa Agricultural Company (QAC) aims to change farming in the homeland from subsistence to one where economically viable farmers are able to make a profit. However, it admits its efforts have been hampered by 'an extraordinary influx of citizens returning to QwaQwa who need a place to live. Agricultural ground had therefore to be used for urban settlement'. It has started an asparagus project near the Swartwater Dam, and the 100ha core unit is to be expanded by another 400ha. An asparagus processing factory is being planned. A farm bought for consolidation is to be turned by QAC into 18 individual farming units. A broiler chicken unit is also being built. But the shortage of land for agricultural development has limited development in the homeland.71

Bophuthatswana 327 The country's stated policy is to become independent in basic foodstuffs and to create an export market. To promote this goal the Agricultural Development Corporation of Bophuthatswana (Agricor) was established Migrant in 1978. labour Among the existing projects now operated by Agricor through management agencies are: * 25 500ha under maize in the Ditsobotla district (south and west of Mafikeng), while a new 70 000 ton capacity grain silo is being constructed to augment the existing 50 000 ton capacity silo. * At Taung, there is an irrigation area with 200ha under sprinklers, 400ha under pivots and 1 700ha under flood irrigation. This area produces cotton, wheat, groundnuts and peas.4 The Bophuthatswana government favours co-operative farming. An example is the Mooifontein project in the Ditsobotla district. The project is now in its fourth year and covers 19 300ha planted primarily with maize and the balance producing sunflowers. All 1 200 farmers are members of the primary co-operatives which in turn are members of the Ditsobotla Secondary Co-operative. The average plot is 1 5ha per farmer. The income from the plots previously averaged R1 200 per annum. For the period to March 1981 it averaged R12 500. Last year production averaged 2,8 tons/ha, but this year it rose to 3,5 tons/ha. The total income is estimated at between R2m and R3m." The success of the Mooifontein project and the Sheila scheme which embraces 3 700ha and 197 farmers is based upon the Moshav system of Israel. The Bophuthatswana government appointed an Israeli, Mr Jacob Klein, as planner. The Secretary for Economic Affairs, Mr Rathebe, said that tribal farming was an obstacle to agricultural prosperity. He said that more areas would come under the Moshav co-operative system.' Migrant labour The major contribution made by individuals to the income of the homelands are remittances from migrant and commuter workers. BENSO'S research shows these sums are higher than the total economic activity generated in each of the homelands. Labour is, therefore, the major economic asset of the homelands. According to BENSO, 644 300 migrant workers from the Ciskei, KwaZulu, QwaQwa, Lebowa, Venda, Gazankulu and KaNgwane found employment in SA in 1976. They constituted 11,7% of the de facto population of those homelands. A further 343 300 people from Transkei (14,3% of the de facto population) and 51 100 from Bophuthatswana (4,4% of the de facto population) were also migrants.7" There were also 382 800 workers who commuted to work inside SA from Ciskei, KwaZulu, QwaQwa, Lebowa, Venda, Gazankulu and KaNgwane. A further 4 500 commuted from Transkei and 99 000 from Bophuthatswana.18 These migrants and commuter workers contributed a total of R2 206 829 000 to the homelands in 1976. The following table shows the amounts remitted by these workers:79

Remittances by migrant and commuter workers (1976) Ciskei Gazankulu KwaZulu Lebowa QwaQwa Venda KaNgwane Transkei Bophuthatswana Migrant workers R 32 868 000 88 450 000 358 154 000 248 094 000 13 893 000 74 112 000 9 702 000 453 156 000 63 875 000 Commuter workers R 58 725 000 21 896 000 449 328 000 73 656 000 2 070 000 4 514 000 26910000 9017000 218 409 000 Total 1342304000 864525000 2206789000 The Minister of Co-operation and Development gave the following figures on migrant labour, when answering questions in Parliament:8 Workers inside homeland 21 807 15 685 58 895 47 327 6 872 7 767 Gross domestic Migrant Commuter product workers workers per head R 47000 37100 132 36000 7800 94 300000 400600 106 139000 57900 88 35000 2500 109 35000 33100 88 Gross national income per head R 308 351 418 311 257 311 He also gave the estimated number of workseekers from the homelands in SA. He said there was no special register for unemployed, but figures for workseekers inside the homelands had been provided by the governments:" Ciskei Gazankulu KwaZulu Lebowa QwaQwa KaNgwane KwaNdebele Workseekers outside homeland Male Female 7177 50663087 2606 11 698 7905 2 900 3 214 7508 3 158 4027 2038 3 919 1 768 Workseekers inside homeland Male Female 6 266 91 203 21 573 14 640 30 40 824 7 192 2 038 Social pensions Apart from remittances back to the homelands by migrant workers, a significant number of people resident in them are elderly or disabled and are entitled to receive grants. The following table, which is taken from 328 Migrant labour Total R 91 593 110 346 807 482 321 750 15 963 78 626 36 612 462 173 282 284 000 000 000 000 000 000 000 000 000 Ciskei Gazankulu KwaZulu Lebowa QwaQwa KaNgwane the reports of the Auditor-General, shows the extent of these social benefits, including pensions, and the rise over two years: Social benefits, including pensions, ir Number of recipients benefits - old age, disability and military F Ciskei Gazankulu KwaZulu Lebowa QwaQwa Venda KaNgwane KwaNdebele 1979 35 270 12 178 121 398 67 630 18 633 7 226 1 3; 1 12c 6c 22 n homelands of social blind, Value of benefits )ensions 1979 1980 980 R R 7739 8988059 11040918 2211 2947870 3456279 9877 33899469 458684869039 17558791 19512103 NOT AVAILABLE 2008 4053479 5599188 7915 1504277 2208472 NOT AVAILABLE Housing All development corporations and homeland governments are involved in promoting urbanisation in the homelands, both to cope with population growth and to decrease pressure on land which could be used for agricultural purposes. Home ownership is also seen as one method of promoting the creation of a middle class. The CNDC said it had constructed 47 dwellings 'of a better quality for sale to Ciskeians who desire to settle permanently in Dimbaza'. In 1980 it had granted 538 loans totalling Ri 719 930 to Ciskeians who wanted to purchase, build or improve their own houses. The QwaQwa Development Corporation said the need for better quality housing was 'indisputably proved' by the fact that 16 houses in a pilot project had been sold rapidly and a second scheme for 40 houses had been launched. Since 1976, 36 loans totalling R250 000 for houses had been granted. The KaNgwane Development Corporation said loans worth Ri 57 235 had been granted, while the corporation had made R1 80 000 available for the construction of houses in various towns. During 1980 the Shangaan/Tsonga Development Corporation awarded 179 loans totalling Ri 237 082. It also initiated three projects to cope with the demand for houses: Giyani Nkowakowa Thulamahashe 256 houses 40 houses 40 houses R1 774 000 R340 000 R350 000 In Transkei,.the Transkei Township Control Committee spent R22m on the development of townships in Butterworth and Umtata. The Transkei Development Corporation administered the funds and ensured that work was carried out.2 329 Homelands: Pensions Housing

In the reports of the Auditor-General the following details of urbanisation in the homelands were given: Housing in Homelands Townships administered Houses built or taken over Houses sold Sites sold Ciskei 7 27 199 4 929 2 240 Gazankulu* 4 2 159 276 KwaZulu 24 1520 85660 12038 Lebowa* 15 123 390 364 KaNgwane* 3 - - 18 (*These figures apply only to the 1979-80 financial year, whereas Ciskei and KwaZulu figures appear to be ongoing totals.) In Parliament, the Minister of Co-operation and Development said the Development Trust had spent R56 480 900 on housing in towns in the national states.83 He also said that 1 11 houses had been constructed by his department and the development corporation in KwaNdebele, 1 7 by the KwaNdebele government and 8 000 by individuals and private builders.81 In reply to another question he gave details of the number of houses built by the SA government and the homeland governments over the last five years:85 Houses built by SA govt. 1976 1977 1978 1979 734 326 921 378 None:nohousesyetinonetown896 1798 1430 1141147 140 133 233 410 451 297 247 92 236 955 506 1980 530 1 480 544 186 42 Houses built by homeland govts. 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 NOT AVAILABLE 340 2 658 49 7 0 2 463 231 1 0 References 1 Unless otherwise indicated information in this chapter was taken from the annual reports of the various homeland development corporations for the 1979-80 financial year 2 Industrial Development Proposals, An element of a co-ordinated regional strategy for Southern Africa, compiled by the Working Group for Economic Affairs, Secretariat: Economic Planning Branch, Office of the Prime Minister, November 1981 3 Ibidpp 7-8 4 Keynote address by Prime Minister 5 Dr J A Shaw: 'Functional co-operation in Southern Africa: Experiment in Consensus Decision-making', Development Studies Southern Africa, October 1981,Vol 4No1, p14 BENSO Pretoria 6 Ibid 7 Keynote address 8 Rapport November 8, and Rand DailyMail November 10 9 Shaw, op cit, p 23 10 Brigadier C J Lloyd: 'The importance of rural development in the defence strategy of South Africa and the need for private sector involvement', Urban Foundation Workshop, Durban, August 10, 1977 N Shawopcit, p 15-24 12 Auditor-General's Report 1979-80, part II, RP 118/1980, p 131 13 lbidp 254 14 Report of the Auditor-General on the accounts of the Ciskei government for the financial year 1979-80 (CR 1981), Gazankulu government (GR 1981), KwaZulu government (KZR 1981), Lebowa government (LR 1981), KaNgwane government (KNR 1981) and Venda government 330 Ciskei Gazankulu KwaZulu Lebowa QwaQwa KaNgwane

15 Hansard 7 Q col 410 September 14; Hansard 10 Q cols 628 - 636 October 9 16 Indwe, Journal of the Ciskei National Development Corporation, June 1981, p 2, contained a picture of the delegates 17 Argus September 24 78 Sunday Times November 8 19 Daily Dispatch November 18 20 Opcit, p 13 2 GrowthMay 13 22 Citizen March 19 23 IndweNo 13 p4, June 1981 24 Growth p 46 September 25 Annual report of CNDC for 1980, p 5 26 Proposals op cit, pp 7- 13 27 'Transkei chalks up five on the independence scoreboard' supplement to Daily Dispatch October 23 28 Industrial Development Proposals op cit, p 13 29 Growth p 40 October 30 Informa July 31 Industrial Development Proposals op cit, p 13 32 Financial Mail October 9 33 lbidSeptember 11 34 Growth p47 September 1981 35 Industrial Development Proposals op cit, p 13 36 Keynote address by Dr C N Phatudi at 'Focus on Lebowa' conference, September 17-18, 1980 37 Speech by Mr L C Mothiba September 18, 1980 38 Growth p 40 August 1981 39 IbidJune, p 54 40 QwaQwa Development Corporation Annual Report for 1980 41 Industrial Development Proposals, op cit, p 13 42 Growth pp3l - 33July 41 Rand Daily Mail February 16 44 Growth p 46 September 41 Spotlight on KaNgwane published by KEDC 46 Industrial Development Proposals, op cit, p 6 47 Hansard 3 Q col 116, February 11 48 Industrial Development Proposals, op cit, p 13 49 StarJanuary 13 50 Citizen March 27 11 Growth p 41 August 52 Ibidp44 September 13 Sunday Express September 13 14 Sunday Times September 6 15 Survey 1980, and Annual Reports of Mining Corporation 1980 and 1981 56 Argus November 25 17 Daily Dispatch December 2 58 From an Independence supplement to the Daily Dispatch December 2 19 'Transkei chalks up five on the independence scoreboard', supplement to the Daily Dispatch October 23 6 Ibid 61 Daily Dispatch July 16 62 Ibid February 24 63 StarSeptember 10 64 Growth p 22 October 65 Growth p 36 August 66 Dr J van Marle, Chairman of Lebowa Agricultural Company, 'Agricultural Development the problems and challenge', speech at Focus on Lebowa conference, September 17-18, 1980 67 Growth p 52 June 68 Natal Mercury April 20 69 Daily News August 29 70 Growth June 71 'Spotlight on KaNgwane', KEDC, 1981 72 Growthp 33 July 73 Ibidp 51 June 74 Ibid 331 African homelands: Economic development

332 African homelands: Economic development 75 Ibid No 1 of 1981 and Natal WitnessMay 5 76 StarJune 6 17 Statistical Survey of Black Development, 1979, Bureau for Economic Research: Co-operation and Development, (BENSO), Pretoria, Table 16 78 lbidTable 15 19 /bidTaken from Table 39 80 Hansard 8 Q cols 475/478 September 23 81 Hansard 10 Q cols 637-642 October 6 82 Annual reports of the development corporations, and Development Transkei, published by the TDC, September-October 1981, pp 1-2 83 Hansard 1 Q col 20 January 30 84 Hansard 7 Q col 373 September 14 85 Hansard 10 Q cols 710-728 October 9

EDUCATION COMPARATIVE STATISTICS AND GENERAL MATTERS Amounts budgeted for education Total expenditure from the State Revenue Account on the 1979-80 financial year was as follows:, The Provinces (white) The Dept of National Education (mainly white) The Dept of Coloured Affairs (and the Coloured Representative Council) The Dept of Education and Training (Africans in 'white' areas) The Dept of Indian Affairs (and the SA Indian Council) Other state departments Non-independent homelands education during R% 791200 43,8324800 18,0174500 9,7 Total 1 804 900 100,0 Expenditure on African education (including capital expenditure and expenditure on universities) by the Department of Education and Training in the 1980-81 financial year was likely to be R249 153m, according to the revised estimates.2 Particulars for the African homelands were not available. Each has established its own education department. The estimated expenditure by the Department of Education and Training for 1981-82 showed an increase of R125,6m over the previous year's estimate of R244,2m. (These figures do not include expenditure by the administrations of the nonindependent homelands nor by the governments of the homelands which had accepted independence.)' The total expenditure on education for Africans from the State Revenue Account for 1981-82 was estimated as follows:4 Programme Administration Pre-primary and primary education Secondary education Tertiary education R - 000 15 837 147 517 71 518 74 956 333

334 Education: Comparative statistics Programme Vocational and trade training Training of handicapped children Teacher training Adult education Supporting and associated services Total R-000 5692306414562613130471 369 748 The Department of Community Development and State Auxiliary Services budgeted an additional R7 750m for the provision of facilities for technical and vocational education for Africans. The total estimates for 1981-82 thus amounted to R377 498m. Provision for the erection and maintenance of buildings for primary and secondary schools for Africans was made under the vote of the Department of Education and Training, and amounted to R63,2m.5 Total estimated expenditure from the State Revenue Account on education for Indians during the 1980-81 financial year amounted to Ri 01,6m. Expenditure was planned as follows:6 Programme Education administration Secondary, primary and pre-primary education Education of handicapped children Teacher training Advanced technical education University education R - 000 4 139 7456534982405466612343 The estimated expenditure on Indian education for 1981-82 was R1 27,9m.7 Total estimated expenditure on the education of coloured persons during the 1980-81 financial year amounted to R219,9m.8 According to Mr P Nixon, PFP, real expenditure on education as a percentage of national budget decreased from 19% to 15% over the period 1970 to 1980.9 Per capita expenditure Estimated per capita expenditure during 1979-80 on various racial groups was as follows: White Indian Coloured Africans in 'white' areas Including capital expenditure R 1 169,0010 389,66 234,000 91,29 school pupils of the Excluding capital expenditure R not available 317,7611 not available 77,8212 Pupil-Teacher ratios Pupil-teacher ratios for 1981 were calculated from statistics supplied by the Department of Statistics:13

White 1:18 335 Coloured 1:27 Indian 1:24 African 1:48 Admission to Figures for Africans were based on rough estimates furnished by the private Department of Education and Training. The figures do not include the schools number of pupils and teachers in the independent homelands. Admission of black pupils to white private schools The Financial Relations Amendment Act, 102 of 1981, gave statutory rights to provincial councils to authorise and regulate the admission of black children to private schools and to subsidise such pupils. It stipulated, however, that should the number of black pupils attending a particular school warrant such a move, the Minister of National Education might declare the schQol to be a coloured or an Indian or an African school, as the case might be, and it would then fall under the jurisdiction of the appropriate education department. Dr A Boraine (PFP) said that it was not clear how the various provinces would 'regulate' the admission of black pupils.14 One could for example,issue a regulation stipulating the maximum number of black pupils to be admitted, or stating that all black pupils must be day scholars, or preventing black scholars from participating in sport. Furthermore, he said that if a white private school was declared to be a black private school, it would probably have to close because of the provisions of the Group Areas Act.1 The Minister of Internal Affairs agreed with Dr Boraine's interpretation, stressing that this would be in line with state education policy. However, he pointed out that the Act would enable the provinces to spend money on the education of these black children - something hitherto prohibited by law. 16 Statistics are available in respect of the Cape only (the province where probably the largest number of black children are involved). Early in the year, 41 subsidised private schools in that province admitted black pupils. According to figures published by the Provincial Education Department, 1 441 African, coloured and Asian pupils were enrolled at these schools.17 Teachers' salaries No recent comprehensive figures are available which would enable accurate comparisons to be made of the qualifications achieved by the teachers of the various racial groups. Differentiation in salary scales is very gradually being ironed out. According to the Minister of Internal Affairs, with effect from April 1 salary parity with whites was being introduced for coloured and Indian teachers with matriculation and three or more years of subsequent study (i.e. from category C upwards)."8 African teachers in category C and higher from the post of head of department and upwards would also enjoy parity. African men and women from category D upwards (i.e. at least matriculation plus four years) would also receive equal pay.19 (Categories of teachers are set out on page 358.) Much greater proportions of black teachers than of whites are, however, in categories below C, and they have not been granted parity in salaries.

336 According to Mr G Engelbrecht, the chief liaison officer for the Department of Education and Training, the department hoped within two years to make it compulsory for entrants at all teacher training colleges Teachers' to be holders of matriculation certificates. As a result, the department organisations was not in favour of introducing salary parity for teachers below this level. He said that if parity were introduced at the lower levels this would not motivate these teachers to improve their qualifications and as a result this would retard improvement in the quality of education." Teachers' organisation Black teachers' association In January the first conference of the Joint Council of Teachers' Associations of SA (JOCTASA), which represented 80 000 teachers throughout the country, was held. JOCTASA comprised coloured organisations in the Union of Teachers' Associations of SA (UTASA), and organisations belonging to the African Teachers' Association of SA (ATASA). According to Mr F Sonn, vice-president of JOCTASA, the organisation was formed because teachers felt the need to interpret the educational system from their standpoint as blacks and oppressed people. The major objectives were to take united action towards a free and open educational system in a non-racial society in SA. JOCTASA was a venture towards one non-racial body of teachers.21 JOCTASA decided not to participate in the Republic Day celebrations and issued a resolution to the effect that these celebrations were fundamentally alien to disenfranchised, disinherited and oppressed people.22 Non-racial teachers' association For details of the formation of the National Education Union of SA (NEUSA), see last year's Survey, p 461. NEUSA's Southern Transvaal branch organised a meeting at which the issue of whether NEUSA members should involve themselves in the HSRC investigation into education was debated. The meeting passed a resolution urging NEUSA members not to participate in the inquiry because the Commission fell in line with the government's 'total strategy' and would therefore not act in the interest of the majority of people in South Africa. In February NEUSA organised an education seminar/workshop where possibilities and ways of introducing progressive content into existing syllabuses were discussed. The need of interdisciplinary work, the exchange of ideas and resources, and the start of a newsletter were some of the projects which resulted from the workshop.,, In March, NEUSA called on its members not to participate in the Republic Day Festival, saying that the establishment of the Republic was no cause for celebration by the majority of South Africans for whom it had meant oppression, exploitation and an inferior and undemocratic education system.24 At its annual general meeting, held in October, NEUSA adopted a resolution which said that it could give its support only to organisations which were striving for a non-racial society. Observers saw this as a move against the Transvaal Teachers' Association (TTA), with which NEUSA had co-operated in the past. According to NEUSA sources, many NEUSA members objected to the TTA's 'white only' composition," (although black teachers are entitled to join the TTA if they teach in Transvaal private schools).

Council for Black Education and Research In February a conference of black educationists was held in Durban. It was attended by 33 educationists from the Western and Eastern Cape, Natal, Transvaal and the OFS, including the Universities of the Western Cape, Transkei, Cape Town, the North, Bophuthatswana, Witwatersrand and Zululand. According to Professor E Mphahlele, honorary director of the Council for Black Education and Research, the reason for holding the conference was to prepare for the formal launching of a larger council, which would be national in scope. He said that the Soweto Teachers' Action Committee (TAC) had thought it fit to create an organisation that would inspire in blacks a creative urge based on sound, relevant research into education. The most important aims of the council were to help blacks move away from routine rhetorical protest and to evolve strategies that would enable them to achieve the educational system they wanted for SA. The intention of the council to be black was in order to deal with the problems that were peculiar to the black people's condition. Participants at the conference felt that the process of creating a culture was not simply an educational one, but also a political one, and that it was necessary to produce a concept like 'Azania' with which no oppressor could identify. It was also felt that indigenous religion should be restored as a basis of self-discovery. Participants agreed that they were engaged in 'a liberatory struggle and so. . . should not as an organisation allow into our ranks those who have compromised the struggle, especially those supporting, by word and action, the policies of separate development'. References I Information supplied by the Secretary for Statistics, August 21 2 Department of Education and Training, Annual Report RP1 03/1980 1 Estimates of expenditure to be defrayed from the State Revenue Account RP2/1981 4 Ibid Information supplied by the Department of Education and Training, October 27 6 Estimates of expenditure to be defrayed from the State Revenue Account RP2 and 4/1980 1 RP2/1981 8 Information supplied by the Director-General of Internal Affairs, September 29 9 Financial Mail May 22 10 Calculated from figures supplied by the Department of Statistics 1 Hansard 3 Q col 89 February 10 12 Hansard 2 Q col 29 February 4 11 Educational Statistics, 1980 and 1981, Summary Statistical News Release, p 23 May 29 14 Assembly Hansard 10 col 5905 October 7 11 Hansard 10col 5651 October 5 16 Hansard 10 col 5908 October 7 17 Sunday Tribune March 8 18 Rand Daily Mail February 2 19 TASA NewsMarch 20 SowetanApril 21 2 1 Argus January 6 22 Cape HeraldJanuary 17 23 NEWSA March 24 Rand Daily Mail March 19 25 /bidNovember 5 337 Teachers' organisations

338 Education: De Lange Committee REPORT ON EDUCATION BY HUMAN SCIENCES RESEARCH COUNCIL (DE LANGE COMMITTEE) Appointment of committee by HSRC Following widespread boycotts of schools and on-going dissatisfaction among teacher organisations, the cabinet in June 1980 requested the Human Sciences Research Council to conduct an in-depth investigation into all facets of education in SA with the aim of establishing principles for an education policy which would allow for the realisation of the potential of all inhabitants of SA, promote economic growth, and improve the quality of life of all inhabitants. Furthermore, the HSRC was requested to make recommendations on a programme for making education of the same quality available for all population groups. A main committee of 25 members was appointed to undertake this task. The chairman was Professor J P de Lange, rector of the Rand Afrikaans University, and members included representatives of the various population groups. Eighteen specialist work committees were eslablished. Main principles agreed upon by the committee By the end of February the main committee had reached consensus on eleven principles (which were later accepted by the government). These principles were as follows: " Equal opportunities for education, including equal standards for every inhabitant, irrespective of race, colour, creed or sex, shall be the purposeful endeavour of the state. * Education shall afford positive recognition of what is common as well as what is diverse in the religious and cultural way of life and the languages of the inhabitants. " Education shall give positive recognition to the freedom of choice of the individual, parents and organisations in society. * The provision of education shall be directed in an educationally responsible manner to meet the needs of the individual as well as those of society, and economic development and shall take into consideration the manpower needs of the country. * Education shall endeavour to achieve a positive relationship between the formal, non-formal and informal aspects of education in the school, society and family. " The provision of formal education shall be a responsibility of the state, provided the individual, parents and organisations in society shall have a shared responsibility, choice and voice in this matter. " The private sector and the state shall have a shared responsibility in the provision of non-formal education. * Provision shall be made for the establishment and state subsidisation of private education. * In the provision of education, the processes of centralisation and decentralisation shall be reconciled organisationally and functionally.

* The professional status of the teacher and lecturer shall be recog- 339 nised. * Effective provision of education shall be based on continuing research. Education: De Lange Report of the committee Committee The report of the main committee was handed to the Minister of National Education on July 30, but was not tabled in Parliament until October, when the session was nearing its end. It was accompanied by an Interim Memorandum, giving the government's initial reactions. A summary of the committee's report follows. Education of equal quality Dealing with a programme to attain education of equal quality for all inhabitants, the report stated that as a result of the historical context, differences such as race, sex or religion could no longer be accepted as relevant grounds for discrimination in the allocation of resources. The report argued that while differentiation based purely on differences of race or colour could not be condoned, equal education did not imply identical or the same education for everybody. Discrimination between people might be made if 'educationally relevant' differences could be indicated. It was noted that as a result of the many inequalities outside the schools, there had been little success in creating equal educational opportunities. For example the high drop-out and failure rate among African students (only 42% of the 300 545 African pupils entering Grade 1 in 1975 reached Std 2 four years later) was attributed largely to the living conditions of African people, whose experience of life was such that they were not adequately prepared for formal education. In the light of this the report recommended that the point of departure should be the elimination of demonstrable inequality in the provision of education. The educational structure The report recommended that the structure of education should be modified. * A pre-basic phase of education should be created, which would prepare children for school (i.e. through cr&ches and nursery schools). The fact that increasing numbers of mothers with small children were finding it necessary to work was cited as a reason for this. It was not regarded as realistic for the state to provide for these institutions on any large scale. There could, however, be a limited development on departmental initiative, and a compulsory school readiness programme should be introduced. * A basic phase of education, at the primary level, would be a sixyear period of training designed as a general preparation for subsequent differentiated education. " A post-basic phase of differentiated education would comprise three years of junior intermediate schooling, three years of senior intermediate education, and higher education. " School attendance should be compulsory for six years (i.e. the

340 Education: De Lange Committee basic phase) and education as such (be it formal or non-formal) compulsory for nine years. * A movement from a relatively closed to a more open educational structure should be facilitated. * Individuals should be canalised into appropriate directions that suited their individual abilities and the needs of the country. Pupils in basic education should be graded, according to level of achievement, into different streams. Additional outlet points from the formal educational structure should be made in order to link the level of education already reached with appropriate job and non-formal training opportunities. * A massive nationwide programme of in-service training should be initiated in order to improve the academic qualifications of the large number of underqualified teachers of mathematics and the natural sciences. * There should be a move towards a balance between general academic education and general career education, which would relate better to the manpower needs of the country. * Any group should be allowed the right to develop an indigenous language of SA as the medium of instruction. * Language training should be an essential component of industrial training. Supportive educational structures * Curriculum: The report recommended that a selected group of experienced people should receive intensive training in the development of curricula and should make recommendations for the changing of syllabuses. The users of the curriculum should have the right to make a meaningful contribution to the design of the curricula with which they are concerned. * Educational technology: The report recommended that an Educational Technology Service be created to propagate the more effective use of educational technology. The report noted that due to the high pupil/teacher ratio in some systems, large class groups, the educational needs of the individual learner, and a shortage of teachers in 'scarce subjects', educational technology was a very important service in the provision of education. It could be used as an aid in literacy courses, health education, nurses' training, agricultural, commercial and industrial courses. Because the longterm benefits of educational technology lay in the integration of television, the computer, information retrieval systems and telecommunication, there was an urgent need for co-operation between the SABC, the Post Office, the private sector and education authorities. * School guidance services: The report recommended the development of a guidance system which could more effectively help pupils to make vocational choices which suited both personal abilities and interests, as well as the needs of the country. " School health services: The report made far-reaching recommendations for the upgrading of school health services, and their articulation with community health services. (To date there are no health services for African pupils.)

Teacher training The following recommendations were made in the report: " Education as a profession should be developed in such a way as to attract persons with the interest and potential to be good-quality teachers. * A clearly defined programme for the recruitment and selection of teachers should be drawn up. * New training institutions and physical facilities should be constructed in order to improve existing facilities that were below standard, to eliminate backlogs, and to keep pace with projected needs. This was necessary to guarantee education of an equal standard. The report noted that in order to achieve parity in respect of 'pupil density' by the year 2020 at a density of 30 pupils per teacher, the following number of teachers would have to be trained by then: White Coloured Asian African 341 Education: De Lange Committee 24 981 22 708 6 964 245 405 Total 300 058 * Legal provision should be made for technikons to educate and train teachers for general career education in order to overcome the shortage of teachers in these fields. The report noted that in order to satisfy the requirements of a 4,5% economic growth rate, it would be necessary to train 23 000 skilled workers and 9 500 technicians annually. The current training rate was 10 000 skilled workers and 2 000 technicians. * Provision should be made for the continuing training of teachers. * The teaching profession should possess the means, determined by law, to negotiate conditions of service. * Matriculation or an equivalent qualification should be the minimum entrance requirement for teacher training. * The minimum period of teacher training should be three years. Financing of education The report noted that the responsibility that the state could realistically be expected to assume in the financing of education was constrained by the overall capacity of the economy and by the claims of other community needs for state financing. Therefore some level of financial commitment was required on the part of the individual and the community to supplement the state's contribution. However, the first of the principles clearly indicated that the state should move towards parity in any financial norm used. In the light of this, the report made the following recommendations: * Pre-basic and basic education should be provided free by the state, although parents should pay for items like clothing, food, books and accommodation. * Post-basic education should also be provided free but in a more

342 Education: De Lange Committee narrowly defined way. The free provision of school books should be done away with. Senior intermediate education should be financed in a limited way by the state, in a manner designed to stimulate study directions in which manpower needs exist. * Each educational authority should limit its annual budgetary requests on the basis of a programme aimed at achieving parity over specified time periods. " Budgetary provision should be made to eliminate, as soon as possible, backlogs in respect of quantity and quality of school buildings, qualification of teachers, pupil/teacher ratios and teachers' salaries. For practical statistical reasons the committee decided to use the formula employed in the provincial financing of white primary and secondary education from the State Revenue Account as the basis for assessing the financial implications of parity objectives in education. Various estimates were made of the financial requirements for primary and secondary education by the year 1990, using different assumptions as to the pupil- teacher ratios that would by then have been achieved. In all cases it was assumed that differences in teacher qualifications and salaries between the population groups would have been eliminated. * In order to aid poorer communities with the development of school sites, subsidies might be provided, or a national fund instituted to which the private sector would be invited to contribute. " The provisions of the Group Areas Act should be disregarded as far as education facilities were concerned, particularly in cases where certain facilities reserved for use by one population group remained relatively unused. Feasibility studies should be undertaken in such cases. The managment of education Discussing shortcomings of the present system, the report stated that education was controlled by a particularly complex, bureaucratic structure within which the consultative mechanisms were inadequate. There was no organisation at a national level which could bring about coordination between the systems. The report said that the essence of its proposals was a three-level pattern of education management with strong, built-in structures and procedures for participation, consultation and negotiation at each level. This would ensure that all the people and interests concerned had a say and could influence both educational policy and practice. 1 Control level The structure outlined below was suggested. (a) Single ministry and department It was recommended that there should be a single ministry and one department for all education, responsible for: " the total provision of education and the changing priorities within that provision; * the financing of education in terms of a norm aimed at parity;

* basic conditions of service of teachers; 343 * educational standards and national examinations. (b) SA Council of Education Education: A SA Council of Education should be established by law, representative De Lange of all the peoples of SA and of the interest groups among the providers Committee and users of education, for example the educational authorities, the organised teaching profession, higher education, private education, nonformal education provided by commerce, industry and trade unions, agriculture, and cultural and community interests. Its functions would be to: " advise the minister; * create an infrastructure for research into education; " initiate negotiations on research and collaboration to evaluate matters at a mass policy level; " obtain as a statutory right such information as is necessary to perform its functions of advising and reporting. (c) The organised teaching profession A mechanism should be created by means of which the organised teaching profession could make representations regarding conditions of service, and for the arbitration of any disputes. The question should be left open as to whether representations should be made on behalf of the total teaching force or whether different sectors should make their own representations. (d) National co-operative education services Such services should be created in order to establish a sophisticated research, development, advice and co-ordinating service, utilising the existing expertise of the country wherever it may be found. (e) Statutory bodies The following statutory bodies should exist: " a registration body for all teachers; " a committee of university heads from all universities; " a body to monitor educational standards and examinations; " a committee of technikon directors; " a committee of principals of teacher training colleges. 2 Second level At the second level, education authorities would provide for education within areas defined in demographic and economic terms. Autonomous institutions of higher education would be excluded from this area of re- P sponsibility. the structures of the second level would include: * second-level councils, which would be representative of all the inhabitants concerned at this level, and would determine operational educational policy within the context of national policy. Each council would have the right to establish permanent as well as ad hoc committees for this purpose.

344 * second-level departments of education, headed by directors of education appointed by the councils. There was division on the committee on whether these regional Education: authorities should be based on ethnic units, such as the homelands and De Lange 'white' SA, or on multiracial geographic regions. The committee did not Committee attempt to resolve this difference but said second-tier education authorities would depend on the type of constitutional structure developed in the future. 3 Third level The basic unit of management at the third level would be the school, which should have the greatest possible degree of autonomy, e.g. in regard to the pupils to be admitted. The authority of the school governing body, the principal, and the staff should be extended. Freedom of parental choice, while an important issue at this level, should, however, never be absolute. It should not constrain the needs or opportunities of others, limit the horizons of any child, inhibit progress towards equal opportunity and equal standards in terms of national policy, or make unreasonable demands which could lead to fragmentation or divisive measures. There should be 'groupings' or 'associations' of schools, named 'local school districts'. In the setting up of school districts the wishes of parents, teachers and communities should be considered and the greatest possible weight given to the principle of 'free association' rather than to pre-determined 'cultural identities' established from above. Private schools should receive state subsidies on the same basis as all other schools. These schools would have a larger measure of freedom of choice and association. Institutes of higher education such as universities and technikons should have the right to decide whom to admit as students. Reactions to the De Lange (HSRC) report As mentioned earlier, in October the government published an Interim Memorandum containing its provisional comments on the De Lange report. It accepted all eleven principles on which the committee had agreed (see page 338). The government made it clear, however, that it remained committed to the existence of different education departments for the different population groups; to the policy that each population group should have its own schools; and to the principle of mother tongue education. The Interim Memorandum was silent on the recommendation that a single education ministry should deal with policy and finance: the Minister of National Education, Dr Gerrit Viljoen, told a Press conference that no decision on this matter had been taken., The government reaffirmed its commitment to 'the principles of the Christian character and broad national character' of education. The appointment of an interim SA Council of Education along the lines suggested by the De Lange Commission was not immediately implemented. Instead, the government proposed that the Ministers of National Education, Internal Affairs, and Education and Training should function as a committee to consider the implications of the report.2 A working party consisting of directors of education, university principals, and other officials was appointed to make recommendations to the ministers. The government invited reactions from the public to the De Lange report, and asked that these be submitted by March 31, 1982. Speaking at the annual conference of the Transvaal Teachers' Association, Dr Gerrit Viljoen said he hoped that as a result of the report, teachers as professionals, would have more liberty to interpret the centrally-devised 'core' syllabuses. It was likely that a national centre would be created to design, test, and evaluate syllabuses., Nine of the 25 members of the main committee, whose spokesman was Dr K Hartshorne, issued a press statement deploring the government's decision to continue with separate education departments and school systems for the different population groups. References SA DigestOctober 16 Rand Daily Mail October 9 Eastern Province Herald September 21 PRIMARY AND SECONDARY EDUCATION FOR AFRICANS Age limits and expulsion of pupils New regulations affecting African schools were gazetted in December 1980 and repeated in May.' They laid down age limits of 16 years for African pupils in Std 5, 18 years for Std 8, and 20 years for Std 10. They also provided for the expulsion of pupils for a range of offences, including class boycotts and drug abuse. A pupil could also be expelled for violence, intentionally violating examination regulations, wilfully disobeying school instructions or inciting other pupils to violate rules, boycott classes or launch protests.' In January, the chief public relations officer for the Department of Education and Training said that the Director-General, Mr G J Rousseau, had given blanket permission to 60 000 African pupils who boycotted schools in 1980 to return to school without fear of falling under the new regulations. (The regulations could have appJied to thousands of these pupils because some of them had missed more than two years of schooling.)' The Black Sash condemned the disciplinary measures as a heavyhanded response to a situation in 1980 in which the government claimed that only 1% of African schools and 3% of African pupils had been involved.4 The Institute of Race Relations submitted a memorandum to the Director-General in which it pointed out that if the age limits were enforced strictly, substantial numbers of pupils would require special permission to continue their studies. It quoted the following figures for 1979: * in Std 5 there were 38 574 pupils aged 17 and older (15% of all Std 5 pupils); 345 African school pupils

346 0inStds6,7and8therewere74263pupilsaged19andolder (16,6%); * in Std 8 there were 42 415 pupils aged 19 and older (34,0%); African 0 in Stds 9 and 10 there were 9 576 pupils aged 21 or over (16%); school pupils * in Std 10 there were 4 129 pupils aged 21 or over (27%). In a Press statement published in December 19811 the Department of Education and Training clarified the way in which the regulations would be implemented in 1982. The Director-General said: 'The department is aware of problems which may initially occur and has, with 1982 in mind, laid down guidelines for regional directors'. These guidelines were as follows: * Authority to grant permission for the admission of pupils who have reached the prescribed age limits has been delegated to regional directors. " Pupils who exceed the age limits but who were already registered in 1981, who have passed and will normally advance to the next standard in 1982, and who will not change schools, will not be affected. * Pupils who have been absent from school for extended periods on account of illness, and who have reached the age limit, will be considered for re-admission provided that satsifactory proof of illness is produced. " Pupils who will not be admitted to primary and secondary schools include those who, without good reason, have interrupted their studies and who have reached the age limit, and pupils who fail and have already reached the age limit. The Director-General said, 'in the great majority of cases such persons are in point of fact already adults and they are free to continue their studies at one of the 369 centres for adult education which are available countrywide. 'All possible steps will be taken to advise persons who have reached the age limit and have left school, concerning alternative educational facilities and also regarding suitable employment. 'I wish to make it clear that this regulation is in no way intended to deprive pupils of the opportunity of learning - on the contrary, the aim is to afford the greater majority of pupils a better opportunity.' Compulsory education As reported last year, the minister announced in November 1980 that compulsory education would be introduced for African children in certain areas who entered sub-standard A at the beginning of 1981. These children, and those entering sub- standard A in selected schools and areas in subsequent years, would have to continue at school until they passed Std 5 or reached the age of 16 years. The areas concerned would be decided upon in consultation with school committees. The department decided to introduce the system at 201 schools in 38 townships throughout the country. About 45 000 children were affected. They were provided with free books and stationery at a cost of R4,10 a child. The areas concerned were as follows: Pretoria: Mamelodi, Saulsville and Atteridgeville; Krugersdorp: Kagiso; Potchefstroom: Ikageng; Orkney: Kanana; Welkom: Thabong; Virginia:

Meloding; Odendaalsrus: Kutloanong; Bultfontein (OFS); Warrenton: 347 Ikageng; Benoni: Daveyton; Germiston: Katlehong; Alberton: Thokoza; Boksburg: Vosloorus; Heidelberg: Ratanda; Middleburg: Mhluzi; Standerton: Sakhile; Kroonstad; Heilbron; Parys: Tumahole; Vredefort: Compulsory Mikwalo; Vereeniging: Sharpeville; Vanderbijipark: Boipatong; De education: Aar; Maritzburg: Sobantu; Greytown: Enhlalakahle; Humansdorp; Africans Mossel Bay; Bedford; Aliwal North; Colesberg; Soweto: Pimville; Klipspruit; Jabulani; Ermelo; Volksrust; Harrismith; and Bethlehem.6 Mr T Khambule, a well-known educationist from Soweto, a former head-master of Orlando High School and currently a senior lecturer in mathematics at the University of the Witwatersrand, said that many Africans seemed to be opposed to compulsory education because they had expected that the government would move in the direction of upgrading the quality of African education rather than making compulsory a system expressly rejected by them over the years. At a meeting held in Chiawelo, Johannesburg, in January, the introduction of compulsory education was strongly condemned by the Azanian People's Organisation (AZAPO), as a ruse to force Africans into accepting the system of education which they had laid down their lives to reject in 1976. However, according to the Minister of Education and Training, allegations that compulsory education was being introduced to perpetuate an inferior education were totally unfounded. He said that some of the advantages of the compulsory education plan were: the quality of education was vastly improved because pupils attended school regularly from the age of six up to a certain age or standard and were not allowed to leave for superficial reasons; the failure and drop-out rates would be reduced; homogeneous age groups were established in each class and pupils could compete with their peers; there would be free tuition, books and stationery; teacher training was being stepped up - in numbers and in quality of training.7 Textbooks and stationery In the early years of 'Bantu Education' pupils had to supply nearly all their own books and stationery; but, as additional funds became available the department gradually increased the supply of these items to schools under its control (i.e. excluding the self-governing homelands, which made their own arrangements). By 1979, standard class text books for all subjects were being supplied on loan free of charge to all pupils in departmental schools, but parents still had to provide the set books for language work as well as stationery. The department had hoped to make greater progress, but its programme was set back by the destruction of books when rioting took place at schools in 1976 and subsequently. The department announced in February that another reason for curtailing its programme was the losses incurred through books not being returned at the end of the each year. It was stated that more than R21,8m had been spent on the supply of free books between 1977 and 1980.8 Medium of instruction Introduction of tuition in the various languages A syllabus adopted in 1956 provided that instruction in lower primary

348 Africans: Medium of instruction classes should be given through the medium of the mother-tongue, both English and Afrikaans being taught as subjects. In practice, one official language was generally introduced during the child's first year at school and the other six months or a year later. According to a departmental circular issued in November9 the introduction of the three languages was in future to be spread over three years. In Sub-standard A, the only language taught would be the pupils' mother-tongue. Either English or Afrikaans, as decided by parents through the school committees, would be taught as a subject in Substandard B, and the other introduced as a subject in Standard 1. The mother-tongue would continue to be the medium of instruction to the end of Std 2 (the fourth school year) - i.e. throughout the junior primary classes. Medium of instruction in higher primary and secondary classes From 1959 the mother-tongue was made the medium of instruction up to the end of Std 4 for all subjects other than the official languages themselves. It was laid down that thereafter, from Form 1, half of all examination subjects except African languages should, wherever feasible, be taught through the medium of English, and the other half through the medium of Afrikaans. As described in earlier editions of this Survey, the attempted enforcement of this policy was one of the principal causes of rioting in Soweto in 1976, which spread throughout the country. The Std 6 class was abolished in 1976, the primary school course from then ending at Std 5. The Education and Training Act of 1979 provided that, after Std 2, pupils would be instructed, in examination subjects, through whichever of the two official languages was chosen by the parents of children at the school concerned, acting through school committees. This arrangement has continued. General statistics The report of the Department of Education and Training for 198010 gave the following statistics relating to African schools in the 'white' areas and the homelands excluding Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda: Area Schools White areas 6 687 Homelands 4 689 White 522 974 Teachers African 33 564 40 950 Total 34 086 41 924 Pupils 1 518 922 2 013 311 Totals 11 376 1496 74514 76010 3532233 Including those studying part-time, the number of pupils totalled 3 880 586, or 22,2% of the African population of the areas concerned. Building programme and double sessions According to a report in the Financial Mail May 22, it was generally accepted that the number of pupils in African education was growing by 250 000 pupils a year, which necessitated 6 000 additional classrooms per year to keep pace, let alone reducing the number of pupils per room.

In July the Public Relations Officer of the department announced that his department was to build 76 new schools, three teacher training colleges and 1 117 additional classrooms at existing schools throughout SA in the 1981-82 financial year. Of these schools 47 would be primary and 29 secondary: between January and the end of May the department actually spent R2m on new secondary schools and R4m on primary schools.1 It is still necessary to arrange double sessions in some Sub-A and Sub-B classes, according to which one teacher handles two groups of pupils daily in succession. Other schools, up to Std 5, still have to use the platoon system, in which two groups of pupils, each with its own teacher, share one classroom. Statistics for 1980 (excluding Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda) were as follows:2 Double sessions (Sub A to Sub B) Number of schools Number of teachers Numberof pupils 349 African schools and pupils 2 961 5 239 495 431 The number of schools and teachers involved in double sessions decreased in comparison with 1979 figures by 516 and 520 respectively. The number of pupils increased by 39 243. Platoon System (Sub A to Std 5) Number of schools Number of teachers Numberof pupils 692 3 019 160 313 The number of schools involved in the platoon system decreased by six in comparison with 1979 figures. The number of teachers and pupils increased by 93 and 6 541 respectively. Enrolment of pupils Detailed tables showing the enrolment of pupils in 1980 in 'white' areas and homelands excluding Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda were given in the departmental report for that year.3 The table that follows is an extract of the figures relating to primary and secondary schools, i.e. excluding students at teacher-training institutions and technical and trade colleges and schools. SubA SubB Std 1 663 191 530 433 485 350 394 630 Total lower primary 2 073 604 Std 3 354 080 4 287441 5 261 970 Total higher primary 903 491 Total primary 2 977 095

Std 6 7 8 9 10 185 798 148 013 129 298 62 125 29 905 Total secondary 555 139 Combined total 3 532 234 Apparently included in these 1980 figures were 444 794 pupils attending 4 865 farm schools, with 9 542 teachers. The distribution of these children was: 14 Sub A Sub B Std 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 123 381 96 487 83 079 55 476 41 739 26 562 15 371 2 574 76 Total 444 794 Examination results 1979 The results of the examinations written at the end of 1979 were extracted from the 1980 report of the Department of Education and Training. They exclude Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda. Higher Primary Certificate (Std 5) Numberofcandidates 213 333 Numberpassed 155 550 %passed 72,9 Junior Certificate Numberof candidates 114 303 Number passed 77 523 %passed 67,8 Matriculation and Senior Certificate Number of candidates 14 574 Number passed 10 706 %passed 73,5 Pupils gaining matriculation exemption Numberof pupils 4 136 % of total 28,4 350 African pupils

Pupils gaining School-Leaving Certificate Numberof pupils 6 570 % oftotal 45,1 Only 1,25% of African pupils who started school in 'white' areas in 1967 progressed to the matriculation level. In KwaZulu the corresponding percentage was 0,04%, in Lebowa 3,88% and in Bophuthatswana 4,9%.15 In February the Std 10 examination fee was increased from R10 to R20 for full- time candidates and from R2 to R3,50 per subject for private candidates and supplementary examinations. According to Mr G Engelbrecht, the liaison officer in the Department of Education and Training, the increase was a result of a joint decision by all education departments to increase examiners' marking fees. He said that other contributory factors which had made an increase unavoidable were the rapid escalation in the cost of examination materials, an increase in the annual cost of distributing about 30 tons of question papers and answer books, and rising administration costs. He also said that the Department of Education and Training subsidised examinations by more than R2m per year. The department had decided in February that Std 8 examination fees should be increased too, but the Minister of Education and Training announced in April that this decision had been rescinded following representations from school committees and the African Teachers' Association of SA.16 Teachers in schools for Africans According to the departmental report for 1980, during that year 75 640 teachers were employed in schools for Africans in parts of SA other than Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda. Of these, 41 464 were stationed in the 'non- independent' homelands and 34 176 in the 'white' (or 'common') areas. Their salaries were derived as follows: Teachers in Government schools Private schools Number paid by government 71 408 privately pa 3 556 676 % privately id paid 4,74 100,00 The following table shows the qualifications of the teachers: (a) Professionally qualified with Std 6 Junior Certificate Technical Certificate Matriculation or Senior Certificate and Primary Teachers' Certificate Matriculation or Senior Certificate and Secondary Teachers' Certificate Incomplete degree Degree Special Teachers' Certificate Number 9 152 39 463 896 11,4 52,2 1,2 7 953 11,0 295611201482269 Sub-total 63 291 83,7 351 African teachers

(b) No professional qualification but with Junior Certificate or lower Technical Certificate Matriculation or Senior Certificate Incomplete degree Degree Number 9 459 214 2 336 133 207 12,4 0,3 3,1 0,2 0,3 Sub-total 12 349 16,3 Total 75 640 100,0 According to the Director-General of Education and Training, inservice courses for the upgrading of the teachers' professional qualifications had been introduced at four centres: Soweto Teachers' College, Transvaal Teachers' College (Pretoria), St Francis Teachers' College (Langa, Cape Town), and Sebokeng Teachers' Training College (Vereeniging).17 According to the departmental report quoted earlier, the following numbers of Africans held senior posts in educational institutions in SA (excluding Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda) in 1980: Directors/secretaries for education in homelands Assistant secretaries/advisers for education (homelands) Chief inspectors, circuit inspectors and educational planners Inspectors of schools Student teachers The same report gave 1980 statistics relating to Africans enrolled for teacher- training courses (again excluding the three independent territories): Course Pre-primary Primary Junior secondary Senior secondary Art Homecraft Woodwork Trade teacher Number of students 47 11 630 1 983 654 39 57 Total 14 422 Examination results in 1979 were: Primary Teachers' Certificate Junior Secondary Teachers' Certificate Specialist Teachers' Certificate Trade Teachers' Certificate Instructors' Certificate in Technical Training Diploma in Special Education Total 6070 5 633 African teachers Candidates 5 064 793 108 Passed 4 663 778 104 4 35 49

The following degrees and diplomas in education were awarded to students at the universities for Africans in 1979: University Fort Hare The North Zululand Degrees 18 19 22 Diplomas 43 60 97 Total 61 79 119 Total 59 200 259 The following number of students, enrolled at universities for Africans, were engaged in studies in the education faculties of the universities concerned: M Ed B Ed B Paed UED (postgrad) UED (non-grad) STD HSTD Dip Paed Fort Hare The North Zululand Total 5 4 1 10 20 24 23 67 189 78 230 497 30 34 41 105 9 4 3 16 - - 68 68 40 8 25 73 - 87 - 87 Total 293 239 391 923 Conduct of teachers The Education and Training Amendment Act, No 10 of 1981, laid down that in a case of misconduct of a teacher, in addition to the existing disciplinary procedures, the person charged should not be appointed as a teacher for a period to be determined by the minister. Adult education According to the departmental report there were 127 adult education centres in operation during 1980. Divided into regions the figures were as follows: Northern Transvaal 28 Highveld 28 Johannesburg 14 Orange Vaal 21 Orange Free State 13 Natal 10 Cape 13 Total 127 These centres employed 3 81 3 teachers whose qualifications were as follows: (a) Professionally qualified with Std 8 or lower Std 10 Number 1 340 1 182 35,1 31,0 353 African teachers

354 African adult education (a) Professionally qualified with Incomplete degree Degree Number 368 418 9,7 11,0 Sub-total 3 308 86,8 No professional qualifications but with Std 8 or lower 130 3,3 Std 10 173 4,5 Incomplete degree 78 2,1 Degree 124 3,3 Sub-total 505 13,2 Total 3 813 100,0 Enrolment in courses provided by the centres was as follows: Course Preparatory Course I (Std 3-4) Course 2 (Std 5) Number 4 978 4 387 7 119 9,6 8,4 14,0 Total Primary 16484 32,0 Course 3 (Std 8) 14540 28,0 Course4(Std10) 1199323,0 Total Secondary 26 533 51,0 Literacy 9 288 17,8 Total enrolment 52 305 100,0 There were in addition 49 night schools employing 576 teachers with a total enrolment of 11 737. The schools, teachers and pupils were distributed as follows: Region QwaQwa KwaZulu KaNgwane Schools 7 38 4 Teachers 125 361 90 Literacy 297 44 213 Lower Primary 314 1 493 200 Students Higher Primary 444 1 602 429 Secondary 781 4 302 1 618 Total 1 968 7 840 2 554 Total 49 576 554 2 007 2475 6701 12362 In view of the new regulations gazetted in December 1980 pupils over a certain age would no longer be permitted to attend school and the cut-off age for matriculation was 21. This meant that many students would be seeking alternative venues for education - and the only one the department recognised was the adult education class. Soweto teachers had pledged that they would be matriculated by the end of 1982 and the majority were fulfilling their commitments through adult education.,, The department announced in 1977 that it would provide free liter- acy training for any group of workers in an establishment. By mid-1981 355 only 59 employers had taken advantage of this scheme. ,9 According to Mr J Butler, training manager for the Barlow Rand Group, wildcat strikes would continue to be a major threat to SA until African workers were given proper literacy training. He said that because of lack education: of literacy many workers could not understand negotiating skills, nor represent other workers on committees or works councils20 Private contributions Private contributions to African education Voluntary organisations, newspapers, and business firms have continued to make very substantial donations to the advancement of African education. Considerable numbers of schools have been built using money raised from the public by newspapers including The Star (Johannesburg), The Argus (Cape Town), Pretoria News, Daily News (Durban), Evening Post (Port Elizabeth), Grocott's Mail (Grahamstown), and others. Large contributions towards school buildings, furniture, and equipment have been made by firms which include the Chairman's Fund of the Anglo American Corporation and De Beers Group, the Barlow Rand Group, the Johannesburg Consolidated Investment Co Ltd, African Explosives and Chemical Industries Ltd, the SA Breweries Ltd, and many more. Among the voluntary organisations that have helped are the Bantu Welfare Trust, the Urban Foundation and Teacher (Teach Every African Child on the East Rand). Statistics on the extent of this assistance are not available. The Urban Foundation, C S Barlow Foundation, and Anglo American Corporation sponsored a project designed to improve the quality of science teaching in the homelands. The Shell Company has helped with the upgrading of the teaching of mathematics. Teaching aids have been contributed, too. During the year under review, for example, the Urban Foundation has presented compact science kits to large numbers of schools, and International Business Machines SA (Pty) Ltd has contributed audio-visual equipment. Voluntary organisations including the Institute of Race Relations and business concerns such as the PUTCO bus company have run special courses for matriculation pupils. A R605 000 extension to St Anthony's Adult Education and Training Centre at Reiger Park, Boksburg, was undertaken jointly by the C S Barlow Foundation, Control Data (Pty) Ltd, International Telephone and Telegraph, and the Trustees of St Anthony's. St Anthony's provided literacy training for the employees of the SA Railways in the Boksburg area, and to many mine workers who live nearby. Students of all ages attend classes to complete their junior and matriculation certificates.2 References SGN R1143 2 Rand Daily MailJanuary 12 " TheStarJanuary 12 4 Rand Daily MailJuly 9 IbidDecember 4 6 Citizen January 9 Rand DailyMailJanuary 27 Eastern Province Herald February 27

356 9 Rand Daily Mail November 4 10 RP 103/1980 11 SowetanJuly 14 2 Departmental report RP, 103/1980 Schools for 3op Cit coloured 4 Hansard 5 Q cols 312,314 February 26 s VaderlandJune 19 pupils 16 SowetanApril 3 77 StarMarch 11 18 Ibid 19 FinancialMailJuly 10 20 StarMay 15 21 lbidjune 6 PRIMARY AND SECONDARY EDUCATION FOR COLOURED PUPILS Schools The schools for coloured pupils in SA in 1981 were as follows:' Creches 35 Pre-primary schools 57 Primary and secondary: State 809 State-aided 1 175 Private 13 Schools of industries 2 Special schools 27 According to the Minister of Internal Affairs, state expenditure on buildings for the purposes of coloured education was to be increased from R28m (for the 1980-81 financial year) to between R55m and R60m.2 The Director-General of Coloured Affairs said in September that according to a survey conducted during 1980, there was a backlog of 4 269 classrooms (affecting approximately 137 500 pupils). The government had committed itself to eliminating this backlog. Approximately R600m would be needed to realise this aim within five years, if one took into account not only classroom accommodation but also the needs for teacher and technical training, hostel accommodation, school halls and school grounds and sportsfield development.3 Because of the backlog, the platoon system still operated in a number of schools, under which two groups of pupils, each with its own teacher, shared a classroom. Statistics for 1981 were:4 Schools 616 Pupils 56 209 Teachers 1 714 Pupils The enrolment of pupils in 1981 was as follows:5

Standard Sub A Sub B Std 1 2 3 4 Number 108 076 100 057 97 253 88 108 81 446 72 766 61 971 5218 Adaptation classes 14,3 13,2 12,8 11,6 10,8 9,6 8,2 0,7 Total primary 614 895 81,2 Std 6 49 343 6,5 7 40 238 5,3 8 26 648 3,5 9 16499 2,2 10 9897 1,3 Total secondary 142 625 18,8 Grand total 757520 100,0 The number of pupils coloured persons in 1981 Coloured Affairs: African Indian of other race groups attending schools for was supplied by the Director-General of 1 395 1 869 Total 3 264 According to the Minister of Internal Affairs, from 1964 to 1980 the number of coloured primary pupils increased from 349 469 to 613 931, and the number of secondary pupils from 37 264 to 140 041 .6 Only 8,7% of the coloured pupils who were in Sub A in 1967 reached the matriculation level, while 47,2% reached Standard 5.7 Examination results Of the 8 389 candidates who wrote the matriculation examination in 1980, 5 282 passed. This represented a failure rate of 37% in comparison with 11,5% in 1979. Matriculation exemption was granted to 1 416 pupils. Grade 'A' symbols were attained by 19 pupils. According to the Director of Coloured Education, Mr J Arendse, the low pass rate could be attributed to the unrest prevailing in coloured schools during 1980.6 (This subject is dealt with in a subsequent chapter.) Teachers in schools for coloured pupils The Institute of Race Relations was unable to obtain recent information about the numbers and qualifications of coloured teachers. Figures given by the Minister of Internal Affairs in February 1980 (see Survey 1980 p 484) were: 357 Coloured pupils

358 Professionally qualified with Number % A university degree 1 251 4,78 Matriculation or equivalent 7 239 27,64 Coloured Junior Certificate or equivalent 15 384 58,75 teachers Other (e.g. technical) 187 0,71 Sub-total 24 061 91,88 No professional qualifications but with A university degree 153 0,58 Matriculation or equivalent 1 110 4,24 Technical or vocational qualifications 126 0,48 Less than matriculation 737 2,81 Sub-total 2 126 8,12 Total 26 187 100,0 It will be noted that, at that date, only 32,42% of coloured teachers were professionally qualified with matriculation or equivalent or higher general educational qualifications. The official categories of teachers are: A - Std 8 plus 2 years' further training AA - Std 8 plus 3 years B - Matriculation plus 2 years C - Matriculation plus 3 years D - Matriculation plus 4 years (Std 8 corresponds to the Junior Certificate class, and Std 10 to Matriculation.) As from April 1 a first step was taken in a three-year programme to improve coloured teachers' salaries. Those in the C category or with higher qualifications were put on the same scales as whites with the same qualifications, experience and posts of responsibility. As will be seen, only a small minority benefited. The rest were given increases, but of considerably smaller amounts, and much dissatisfaction was expressed. The Director of Coloured Education urged these teachers to improve their qualifications if they wished to achieve parity in salaries with whites. Another cause of grievance was that some coloured teachers who had been overpaid for 21 months because of an administrative error by a government department were told in March that they would have to repay the money in monthly instalments.9 Mr R Thomas, executive chairman of the National Education Union of SA, said' that a critical shortage of coloured and Indian teachers would worsen as more resigned to become artisans or tradesmen with higher pay. It was reported " that white teachers, including members of the Defence Force, had been recruited to help temporarily at some schools in Johannesburg. No recent information is available about the numbers of coloured student teachers. Information about coloured persons holding senior educational posts was supplied by the Director-General of Coloured Affairs:

Inspectors of Education Subject advisers Professors or heads of departments at the University of the W Cape University lecturers Lecturers attechnikons and technical colleges Principals of schools 359 64 39 1 995 Education: Indians References I Educational Statistics, 1980 and 1981, Statistical News Release, May 29 2 BeeldJanuary 7 3 Information supplied by the Director-General of Coloured Affairs, September 4 Ibid 5 Educational Statistics, op cit 6 BeeldJanuary 7 7 VaderlandJune 19 8 Burgerjanuary 10 9 Rand Daily MailMarch 25 10 StarMay 11 1 IbidMarch 16 PRIMARY AND SECONDARY EDUCATION FOR INDIANS Schools According to the Statistical News Release of May 29, quoted earlier, schools for Indians in 1981 were as follows: Pre-primary Primary and secondary State State-aided Private Special schools 25 280 126 1 11 The number of platoon classes had been decreased, as additional school accommodation became available, and these existed only in Natal. The departmental report gave the following statistics for 1980:1 Number of schools Numberof classes Numberof pupils 49 268 9 343 Pupils The Statistical News Rc Standard Sub A Sub B Std 1 e gave enrolment figures for 1981, as follows: Number 21 872 21 887 23 320 9,8 9,8 10,5

360 Standard 2 3 Education: Indians 5 Special classes Number 22 366 21 720 20 395 19091 1 407 10,0 9,8 9,2 8,6 0,6 Total primary 152 058 68,3 Std 6 18 525 8,3 7 17098 7,7 8 15 625 7,0 9 11 351 5,1 10 7 934 3,6 Total secondary 70 533 31,7 Total 222 591 100,0 According to the department's report, an estimated 27,5% of the Indian population was at school during 1980. The estimate excluded pupils taking secondary education at the M L Sultan Technikon and those attending schools for coloured pupils. In areas where there are no schools for coloured children these may attend Indian schools. In 1980 the number of coloured children attending Indian schools was as follows:2 Transvaal 618 Natal 595 Cape 184 Total 1 397 Examination results No figures later than those given on page 488 of last available. year's Survey are Teachers The departmental report for 1980 set out qualifications of teachers in schools and colleges of education, as follows: Professionally qualified with A university degree Matriculation or equivalent Junior Certificate or equivalent Number 1 762 5 430 620 19,9 61,5 7,0 Sub-total 7 812 88,4 No professional qualifications but with A universitydegree 91 1,0 Matriculation or equivalent 615 7,0

No professional qualifications but with 361 Junior Certificate or equivalent 292 3,3 Technical qualifications 23 0,3 Subtotal 1 021 11,6 Total 8833 100,0 Of the 8 833 members of the department's teaching staff in 1980 (excluding the M L Sultan Technikon) 53 were white and 23 coloured. Senior posts held by Indians included the following: Post Number Rectors 2 Deputy-rectors 2 Heads of departments 10 Senior lecturers 20 Lecturers 71 Principals 390 Deputy principals 198 Heads of departments 769 According to the Transvaal Association of Teachers, the National Education Union of SA and other teacher bodies in the Cape and Natal, hundreds of coloured and Indian teachers who were dissatisfied with their salaries had been leaving the profession and going into the artisan field, which was proving to be an entree into overseas countries. A few years earlier there had been a mass exodus of Indian and coloured teachers to Canada, Britain, Australia and other countries. Thousands of coloured and Indian matriculants who were filling the vacancies created by the teacher shortage were being paid very low wages for doing the same work as was done by qualified teachers. Unqualified men were reportedly receiving R149,50 per month, and women R110,50. In comparison, illiterate school cleaners were said to be receiving RI 80,50 per month.' As mentioned in the case of coloured teachers (p 358), Indians in the C category or with higher qualifications have been put on the same salary scales as white colleagues with similar qualifications, experience and responsibility. As the table above shows, about 81,4% of the teachers in Indian schools benefited from this decision. During 1979 the department ran an extra-mural course for in-service teachers. Of the 934 who wrote the final examinations 634 passed at the first sitting and a further 226 were successful in the supplementary examinations in February 1980.4 The Indian Education Amendment Act, No 2 of 1981, amended the definition of misconduct of Indian teachers to include contravention of the rules and constitution of a medical aid fund, and provided for an extended procedure of investigation into the conduct of a teacher against whom a complaint had been lodged. Student teachers Enrolment of student teachers at the two colleges of education and the University of Durban/Westville was as follows in 1980:1 Education: Indians

362 Springfield College of Education 874 Transvaal College of Education 257 Universityof Durban/Westville 1 030 Education: Total 2 161 Indians A new college (costing about R4m) at Laudium, Pretoria, ready for occupation in January 1982, will replace the Transvaal College of Education at Fordsburg. A new college for approximately 2 000 students is being planned for Durban, to replace the Springfield College of Education. Its estimated cost is R 15m.6 A total of 1 561 students received bursaries in January 1980 to enrol at the three teacher training institutions.' The number of student teachers who qualified at the end of 1979 and the courses for which they qualified were extracted from the department's report: Junior Primary Education Diploma 187 Senior Primary Education Diploma 125 Junior Secondary Education Diploma 109 B Paed 44 University Higher Diploma in Education 39 University Diploma in Education (Junior Secondary) 52 Lower Secondary Teachers' Diploma 1 University Diploma in Education (Senior Primary) 30 Total 587 This represented an increase of 230 over the number who qualified at the end of 1978 (see 1980 Survey, p 491). In addition, 66 serving teachers improved their qualifications during 1979 by study for degrees or diplomas either full-time or through correspondence courses. Special education According to the departmental report, the department subsidises six special schools. Enrolment at these schools in 1980 was as follows: School for cerebral palsied 88 School for the blind 101 School for the deaf 100 Three training centres 204 Total 493 Adult education The following are figures for adult education classes provided by the department in 1980. The number of students and teachers involved in these courses was extracted from the departmental report: Students Teachers Chatsworth High School 201 12 Merebank Secondary School 54 7

M L Sultan Stanger Secondary School M L Sultan Pietermaritzburg Secondary School Total Students 39 190 Teachers 3 10 363 32 White pupils References I Report of the Department of Indian Affairs, RP 114/1980 2 ibid 3 StarMay 7 4 RP 114/1980, op cit 5 Ibid 6 Fiat Lux November 1980 7 RP 114/1980 op cit PRIMARY AND SECONDARY EDUCATION FOR WHITES Enrolment of pupils The enrolment of primary and secondary white pupils in ries of school in 1981 was:1 Provincial Provincial-aided Private different catego- 907 697 16838 42 974 Total 967 509 The enrolment by standard was: Standard SubA Sub B Std 1 2 3 4 5 Special classes Auxiliary classes Total primary Std 6 7 8 9 Number 87 393 84 732 86 957 89 405 88 437 845088135598631344 613 944 82 228 79 271 72 835 63 469 9,0 8,8 9,0 9,2 9,1 8,7 8,4 1,0 0,1 63,3

364 Standard Number % 10 55 667 5,8 Unclassified 45 0,0 Total secondary 353 515 36,7 Total 967459 100,0 Examinations At the time of going to press, the Department of Statistics was not in a position to furnish the 1979 matriculation results. Figures for 1978 were given on page 493 of last year's Survey. Teachers The following numbers of teachers were employed in schools for white pupils during 1981:2 Provincial 47 395 Provincial-aided 1 300 Private 5 166 Special 3 405 Total 57 266 All provinces report a shortage of teachers, especially in physical science, biology, mathematics, English, and commercial and technical subjects. Very few science teachers are being trained. Investigation by the Transvaal Teachers' Association revealed that salary scales and the quota system were the two most important sources of teachers' grievances. The quota system determined the allocation of teachers' posts by sex: a certain proportion of posts in the Transvaal, for example, had to be reserved for men, which meant that women primary school teachers were sometimes unable to find employment. Large numbers of teachers have resigned. On February 16 the government announced a 20% increase in teachers' salaries. The number of salary scales was reduced to allow for greater flexibility.' Some details of the increases were as follows: Male teachers with matric and three years' training would receive salaries ranging from R567,00 to R972,00 per month; women in the same category, R477,50 to R860,00 per month. Male teachers with matric and four years' training would receive salaries ranging from R675,50 to RI 085,00 per month; women in the same category, R567,50 to R972,50. Male teachers with a bachelor's degree and two years' training would receive salaries ranging from R705,50 to Ri 141,25 per month, women in the same category, R612,50 to R1 028,75.' According to the Financial Mail5 the increases compensated only for the accumulated historical loss of earnings as the real incomes of teachers had been falling for years. The new salaries failed to compete with commerce and industry. Two leading members of the North Rand branch of the Transvaal White teachers

Teachers' Association (TTA) resigned because of 'left elements' in the or- 365 ganisation. They claimed that certain members of the executive committee of the TTA were also members of NEUSA (the National Education Union of SA), a non-racial teachers' body which advocates an integrated White school system (see p 336).6 The two men formed a new organisation teachers called the Transvaal Education Society. Professor H Maree, chairinan of the Transvaalse Onderwyservereniging, stated that his union was in favour of a parallel system for all population groups in which each group's educational needs would be handled separately.' Student teachers Both the Transvaal and Natal are experiencing a serious drop in enrolment at teacher training colleges. Mr P Mundell, the immediate past president of the TTA, reported that the province's school enrolment was more than 3 000 pupils up on the 1980 figures, while the enrolment at teacher training colleges was down by approximately 20%.8 According to the Administrator of Natal, Mr S Botha, 352 students were admitted to teacher training colleges in 1980, as against 411 the previous year.' Statistics from the other provinces are not available. References I Educational Statistics, 1980 and 1981, Statistics News Release, May 29 2 Opcit 3 Star February 17 4 IbidMarch 14 1 FinancialMailjune 6 6 Beeldjanuary 20, Rand DailyMailJuly 13 7 Rapport July 5 8 StarJanuary 3 9 Natal Witness February 17

TECHNICAL AND VOCATIONAL TRAINING GENERAL REMARKS National Manpower Commission In a first special report the National Manpower Commission said' that if SA persisted in trying to recruit high level manpower (HLM) mainly from the white community it would not be able to realise its development potential. As defined in the report HLM consists of 'all persons engaged in the professional and semi- professional occupations, technicians and management personnel of all kinds but excluding farmers, artisans and clerks at the lower levels'. The following statistics were given for 1979: Percentages of: Total manpower High level manpower White 30,1 71,9 Coloured 11,4 7,8 Indian 3,9 3,2 African 54,6 17,1 The report said that high priority would have to be given to increasing the participation of Africans in the HLM. The contribution by white men could not be increased above the current figure although the participation of white women could be improved. In response to the report the government published a white paper undertaking to examine existing training arrangements with regard to HLM. It reaffirmed its policy of training people of different races, as far as possible, at separate institutions. It endorsed the view that SA would be unable to realise its development potential if HLM continued to be drawn mainly from whites. Some comment by others Great emphasis continued to be laid from many quarters on the critical shortage of skilled personnel in the economy. The importance of an adequate education system was stressed. Professor W Rautenbach of Stellenbosch University said2 that in order to maintain an annual growth rate of 4,5%, 23 000 artisans and 9 500 foremen would have to be trained each year. However, only 10 000 366 apprentices completed their training each year and about 20 000 technicians were added to the workforce. He said that the present educational system was not geared to cope with the problem. According to Professor Rautenbach, of the white school children in the Transvaal matriculation classes only about 14% followed technical, and 7% commercial, courses. Of Africans at the same level, only 0,2% took technical courses. The most pressing need was for middle level technicians, clerks, paramedical personnel, and teachers - particularly science, mathematics and vocational teachers. He said that many industries were relying on their own training schemes, in conjunction with technical colleges. However, the cost (between RI 3 500 and Ri 8 000 per student) militated against the training of large numbers of workers in this way. It was therefore essential that school curricula should meet the needs of the employers, and he concluded that this could be achieved by enabling employers to have considerable influence on the curricula, methods of training, teachers' skills and evaluation of students. The Financial Mail endorsed the view that the private sector could not be expected to take over the state's function of producing the necessary level of skilled manpower for SA's commercial and industrial needs.3 De Lange Committee's recommendations In its report published in 1981, referred to earlier, the De Lange Committee maintained that a wide range of career-orientated education was of vital importance to a new and more relevant educational dispensation in the RSA. It suggested that in the past there had been a concentration on preparatory academic-orientated education at the expense of formative education serving as a preparation for career possibilities other than those accessible through further academic studies. An increasing spectrum of occupations had developed and was still developing that was accessible to those who had approached science from the point of view of its practical applications and its r6le in the development of practical skills. It was widely accepted that the present (and future) South African situation demanded more people with such practical skills. Indeed, those with a purely academic background might, in many cases, find themselves unemployed. The cultural leap that effective entrance to the modern occupational world implied for people from some cultural groups required technical and career orientation in education to commence at a relatively early age, it was argued. The Committee recommended that during the junior intermediate phase the learner should be introduced to a wide spectrum of possibilities, including the more career-orientated study directions, and receive effective guidance before he decided on a field of study for the senior secondary phase or moved towards the occupational world and nonformal education. The preparatory career fields of study, backed by thorough curriculum development, should take their rightful place in the senior intermediate phase. 367 Technical training

Technikons should again be allowed to train teachers for these fields of study. Technical training: Africans References I Rand Daily MailJune 6 2 Citizen March 31 3 Financial Mail June 12 TECHNICAL AND VOCATIONAL TRAINING FOR AFRICANS High schools Technical high schools Technical high schools for Africans provide theoretical and limited practical training in various trades, enabling boys to include one or more practical subjects in their curricula for the Junior Certificate and Matriculation examinations. According to the 1980 report of the Department of Education and Training' the technical courses offered, the number of schools offering these courses, and the enrolment, was as given in the table below. The statistics exclude Transkei, Bophuthatswana, and Venda. There is overlapping in the figures for the number of schools as some offer more than one course. Subject Building construction Electrician Motor mechanics Welding and metalwork Technical drawing Electronics Bricklaying and plastering Basic course Number of schools offering course 3 3 3 1 4 Enrolment by standard 6 7 8 9 10 121 47 19 1 139 93 32 6 146 86 56 9 15 17 17 3 179 142 103 58 3638 21 26 - - - 21 - 59 - - - - Other practical subjects taught were as follows: Number of schools offering Subject Agricultural science Art Home economics Housecraft Needlework and clothing Woodwork junior level Senior level Enrolment by standard 6 7 8 9 10 932 1193529013866198150877150 16 1542 514 260 29 9 33 1 454 1 638 1 172 131 16 213 250751487786742091 603 91 5275 38012494 419 98 69 355637691529 82 8 368 Total 188 270 297 52 518 85 21 59 Total 297 925 2 354 4 411 51 320 12087 8 944

Commercial courses One or more commercial subjects may, instead, be offered for the Junior Certificate or Matriculation examinations. The Departmental report for 1980 gave the following statistics, again excluding the three independent homelands: Course Accounting Business economics Commercial mathematics Economics Typing School offering junior Senior course course 258 81 96 73 - 10 71 53 45 19 6 7 17 369 19 2- 1 369 Technical training: Africans Enrolment by standard 8 9 10 Total 648 9894 4305 1 748 52 964 7239 8876 4546 20661 - - 1005 151 1156 - 385442322201302871741360 499 329 4362 Comprehensive high schools According to Mr J Strydom, the regional director of the Department of Education and Training for the Soweto area, 11 of the 56 secondary schools there are to be converted in 1982 into comprehensive schools which will have technical, commercial, scientific and general streams. In 1981, 140 Soweto teachers were being retrained at Molapo Technical Centre in Soweto to teach practical subjects at the new comprehensive schools.2 Departmental training centres Departmental training centres have been established in recent years in a number of African urban residential areas: according to Mr G J Rousseau, Director- General of Education and Training, there Were 16 of these in March, with another 10 being planned.3 The centres serve two main purposes. Firstly, students from neighbouring schools which do not have technical sections attend the centres for practical subjects that they want to include in their Junior Certificate or Matriculation courses. Secondly, other pupils, as well as adult factory workers, may enrol on a voluntary basis for basic training in various trades. The number of centres offering technical courses for school pupils, and the enrolment by standard, was as follows in 1980:' Subject Electronics Electricians' work Woodwork and plasticwork Metalwork Bricklaying Welding Technical drawing Number of centres offering course Enrolment by standard 8 9 10 Total '0 21 - - 62 )9 41 - - 1 748 39 120 - - 2 209 '3 168 - - 1 774 17 128 - - 1 780 )4 535 - - 1 595 !0 18 - - 66 University courses A degree course in land surveying exists at the University of Fort Hare. African students wishing to study architecture, quantity surveying, or engineering may enrol at the University of the Witwatersrand provided that they have the necessary entrance qualifications and, on grounds of merit, are accepted by this university.

370 Training of building workers in urban areas No information subsequent to that given on page 526 of last year's Survey is available. A number of Africans have been accepted for full Technical training as apprentices in building trades.' training: Africans Apprentices The training of apprentices is dealt with in the chapter on Employment. The Minister of Manpower Utilisation said in the Assembly on February 266 that the following numbers of African apprentices were registered: Industry Number Automobile 35 Building 14 Hairdressing 1 Metal 27 Motor 5 Total 82 Trade schools A number of trade schools have been established in the homelands or, in a few cases, in urban African townships in 'white' areas, offering fulltime training in a variety of trades for youths who have passed Std 6 or Std 8 (depending on the course selected). The courses are of two or three years' duration except for an in- service course for electricians and wiremen, which takes five years post-Std 8. The electricians and wiremen can take trade tests on completion of the courses; but other students need further in-service training before taking these tests, qualifying those who pass for full artisan status. The standard of training is gradually being upgraded, however. From 1978 the same theoretical syllabi were introduced as those followed by students of other racial groups. According to the Departmental report, the enrolment in 1980 (excluding the three homelands which had become independent) was as follows: Year of Study Course 1 st 2nd 3rd Total Concreting, bricklaying and plastering 213 164 - 377 Tailoring 28 16 18 62 Leatherwork 23 13 - 36 Plumbing, drainlaying and sheetmetalwork 157 88 - 245 Motorbody repairmen 115 95 - 210 Upholstery and motor trimming 66 46 - 112 Carpentry, joinery and cabinet making 165 116 - 281 Painting and glazing 63 - - 63 Welding and metalwork 165 132 - 297 Motor mechanics 193 136 83 412 Electricians 124 99 83 306 Watchmakers 13 13 13 39 Fitters 18 - - 18 Total 1 343 918 197 2458

No information was given about the electricians and wiremen. The table contained in the report listing examination results for 1979 classified the trades somewhat differently: Course Bricklaying and plastering Watchmakers Tailoring Plumbing Motorbody repairmen Motor mechanics Upholstery and trimming Welding Carpentry and joinery Number of candidates 596 9 55 142 274 193 36 149 155 Number passed 239 9 47 94 139 165 26 90 65 passed 40,9 100,0 85,4 66,2 50,7 85,4 72,2 60,4 41,9 371 Technical training: Africans Total 1 609 874 54,3 Vocational courses for girls The following numbers of girls passed vocational courses in 1979 in SA, excluding the independent homelands: Number of % Course candidates Number passed passed Home management 8 8 100,0 Assistants in pre-school institutions 22 21 95,4 Dressmaking (2 years' course) 8 8 100,0 Dressmaking (4 short courses per year) 145 95 65,5 Total 183 132 72,1 Commercial college In July a prestige R3m commercial college - the first of its kind - was opened in Soweto. It formed part of the 'Project Pace', launched by the American Chamber of Commerce in SA. According to the vice-principal, Mr 0 Mtshali, the first intake would comprise 150 pupils. The size of the intakes would increase each year, until the full complement of 600 pupils was reached. The project was launched to counter the severe shortage of qualified African students for business concerns. Advanced technical courses Advanced courses in a variety of subjects for post-matriculation students are provided at the Mmadikoti College near Pietersburg, at Edendale near Pietermaritzburg, and at the Medical University of Southern Africa near Pretoria. Most of the technical students are required to enter the service of the Department of Co-operation and Development or of a homeland government, and receive salaries while they are under tuition. A few students are sent to college at the expense of engineering firms which employ them. According to the Departmental report, the following number qualified in 1979 in the courses listed:

372 Number of Number % Course candidates passed passed National Diploma in Public Health 161 19 11,8 Technical Medical laboratory technology: intermediate diploma 173 47 27,2 training: Medical laboratory technology: Africans national diploma 100 25 25,0 Radiography 76 5 6,6 Geology technicians 19 3 15,8 Engineering technicians 101 22 21,7 Telecommunications technicians 102 11 10,8 Water purification operators 63 33 52,4 Maintenance workers for water supply 23 23 100,0 Inspectors of weights and measures 1 - Orthopaedic orthetics and prosthetics 11 Child care at institutions and homes 6 - Meat examiners 7 4 57,1 Total 843 192 22,7 Technikons The Technikons (Education and Training) Act, No 30 of 1981, provided for the establishment and control of technikons for Africans. Provision was made for a Co-ordinating Council for Technical Education, to advise the Minister of Education and Training. Die Afrikaanse Handelsinstituut, the Building Industries Federation, the Federation of Civil Engineering Contractors, the Federated Chamber of Industries, the Chamber of Mines, ASSOCOM, the Motor Industry Employers' Association and the Steel and Engineering Industries Federation are some of the industrial concerns which will be represented on the council. Technikons, developed from existing trade schools, have already commenced at Mabopane East near Pretoria and Umlazi near Durban. Others are planned, e.g. the Mangosuthu Techhikon in KwaZulu and the Shikoane Matlala College near Pietersburg.8 The Ciskei government is planning one to prepare Africans for managerial posts in the textile and other industries.9 A leading motor company has enrolled a number of African employees to study motor trades at the Witwatersrand Technikon (which caters mainly for whites).'0 Ad hoc courses for semi-skilled operatives Ad hoc courses, of about 13 weeks' duration, have been arranged to give pre- employment practical training for workers to be employed in border industrial areas or at selected growth-points in the homelands. These were originally established by the Department of Education and Training, but in 1980 were transferred to the control of the Department of Manpower Utilisation. If a course is arranged by an individual employer he may be subsidised by this department. At the end of 1980 there were eleven such training schemes in border areas and six in the homelands. The courses offered at the centres in the homelands include bricklaying, plastering, joinery and wood machining, plumbing and sheetmetal work, welding, and courses for motor repair workshop assistants.

These courses are conducted at Kwelitsong (Witsieshoek, 373 QwaQwa), Ezakheni (Ladysmith, KwaZulu), Ntuzuma (Durban, Kwa; ulu), Isithebe (Mandini, KwaZulu), Enseleni (Richards Bay, KwaZulu) ond Mveliso (East London, Ciskei). There is also the Mdantsane Textile Technical School near East London which specialises in the training of operators for training: the textile industry. Africans Public in-service training centres There continue to be eight centres in urban areas at which Africans are given in-service training for semi-skilled or operative work in specific types of industries: they are at Benoni, Bloemfontein, Krugersdorp, Pinetown, Port Elizabeth, Potchefstroom, Pretoria and Vereeniging. Arrangements for their establishment and functioning were described on page 251 of the 1975 Survey. A Co-ordinating Council for Technical Education has taken over general control of the centres. As noted in the chapter on Employment, the Wiehahn Commission recommended that full apprenticeship courses should be provided. A first course for African motor mechanics has been started at the Chamdor centre near Krugersdorp. Private in-service training schemes The Luipaardsvlei Driver Training Centre and the Sabie Forestry Training Centre continue to operate. By the end of 1980, 349 individual industrialists were conducting their own in- service training schemes.11 They qualify for tax concessions if their courses are approved and registered by the Co-ordinating Council for Technical Education. Voluntary assistance The Financial Mail reported on May 8 that the Anglo American Corporation had contributed to the construction of the Mangosuthu Technical Institute in KwaZulu, the Lebowa Agricultural College, as well as the Soweto Teachers' Training College and other institutions. Barlow Rand Ltd had been responsible for the establishment of the Lennox Sebe Technical Institute in the Ciskei. In Port Elizabeth the motor industry had played a major role in creating the KwaZakhele Technical School. The SA Institute of Civil Engineers launched a programme in Soweto during May to prepare a selected group of promising African school pupils for a career in civil engineering. They would be given special training in mathematics and science, taken to visit engineering sites, and possibly given assignments of an engineering nature.12 TECHNICAL TRAINING FOR COLOURED STUDENTS Schools According to the Director-General of Internal Affairs, in 1981 there were seven senior secondary schools for coloured pupils offering technical subjects. Enrolment was as follows:3 m 7 265 8 263 9 127 10 67 Total 722 Technical training: Coloured students The following number of students passed technical courses at the secondary level in 1980: Junior Certificate 114 Senior Certificate 61 The Director-General of Internal Affairs stated that there was one state-aided vocational school. The courses offered in 1981 were: cabinet making and carpentry; shoemaking; tailoring and upholstery; motor mechanics and welding; and masonry. The total enrolment at this school in 1981 was 50. The 1980 examination results at the state-aided vocational school were as follows: Candidates NI Entered Passed Upholstery and trimming theory 7 2 Motor trade theory 9 Woodworkers' theory 13 8 Furniture makers' theory 13 1 Upholstery and trimming theory 1 N3 Furniture makers' theory 6 3 Technical colleges and technikon The number of students enrolled at the Peninsula Technikon and technical colleges was as follows (as at June 30): Peninsula Technikon 1 732 Highveld Technical College 428 AthloneTechnical College 2 530 LCJohnson Technical College 550 RC Elliott Technical College 68 Bethelsdorp Technical College 1 318 Proteavil le Technical College 27 Cape College of Printing 127 Results of the NTC I, NTC II, and NTC Ill examinations in 1980 and April 1981 were as follows: 374 Standard Number

1980 1981 375 Candidates Candidates Examination Entered Passed Entered Passed NTCI 1501 809 662 274 NTC II 1 212 668 483 202 Technical NTC III 900 309 459 214 training: Indians Training Centres for Coloured Cadets Repeal Act, No 82 of 1981 The principal Act of 1967 provided that every coloured male between the ages of 18 and 24 years had to register for possible training. Those who were not receiving full-time education or training and were unemployed, might be called up for training as cadets for a period of three months, after which youths regarded as suitable could be sent to a training institution or be placed in employment. The rest would remain at the centre for at least another nine months and receive training in some form of useful work. A training centre was opened at Faure in the Western Cape in 1969. It did not prove a success and was closed on January 1, 1980, at the request of the Coloured Persons' Representative Council. The enabling Act was then repealed. TECHNICAL TRAINING FOR INDIANS Technical secondary school courses No information is available later than that given on page 528 of last year's Survey. M L Sultan Technikon Training for Indians at a tertiary level continued to be provided by the M L Sultan Technikon in Durban. State grants-in-aid of the following amounts were made in the 1980-81 financial year:'4 R General subsidies 2 248 529 Ad-hoc grants 867 464 Furniture and equipment 233 218 Buildings 234 657 Total 3 583 868 Total 3 583 868

376 Technical training: Indians EE~ 0 0 *1 ci 'i I E 0~ c UoC a~ 00 ~ ~> ~ w L. gi 0 'i gi e~00 Vi m CD CD rng n C Lin In n - C

Total enrolment: Full-time 2 271 Part-time 5 977 Total 8 248 The results of examinations written in 1980 and the number of diplomas and certificates awarded were as follows: Number of Candidates Number passed % passed N1 183 131 71,5 N2 108 76 70,3 N3 124 95 76,6 Some other certificates and diplomas awarded in 1980 were: Full-time Part-time National Diploma in Commerce 6 3 National Diploma in Cost Accounting 13 5 National Certificate in Business Education 7 3 National Secretarial Certificate 4 1 National Diploma in Art and Design/ Clothing Design 8 National Technical Certificate in Hairdressing (NTC I) 4 6 National Technical Certificate in Hairdressing (NTC II) 3 1 National Technical Certificate in Hairdressing (NTC III) 5 TECHNICAL TRAINING FOR WHITE STUDENTS Schools White pupils, too, may include technical and commercial subjects in their curricula for the Junior Certificate or Matriculation examinations. No information about the numbers doing so is available. Technical institutions Details of the 1979 enrolments at institutions for technical and vocational training were extracted from the latest report of the Department of National Education: 5 Enrolment Institutions Full-time Part-time Total Technikons 20 202 19826 40028 Technical colleges 15 008 10 556 25 564 Technical institutes 5 018 7 917 12 935 Total 40 228 38 299 78 527 377 Technical training: Indians

Examination results for the period November 1979 to October 1980 were as follows: Technical training: White students Diplomas Certificate% 3 81 366 18 93 5 206 5 27 293 353 210 616 713 47 96 429 2 949 226 77 - 3 765 -- 4021 3 514 The numbers of adults who enrolled for, completed or left each course uncompleted at the Trade Training Centre for Adults at Westlake during the period May 7, 1979 to April 17, 1980 were as follows: Course Electrician Plumbing Motor/diesel mechanic Panelbeating Fitting and turning Plating, boilermaking Carpentry, joinery Electronics mechanician Number enrolled 42 15 39 16 40 13 6 17 Number left uncompleted course 1 3 4 3 3 2 Number completed course 41 12 35 13 37 12 6 15 Total 188 17 171 References I RP 103/1980 2 StarJuly 2 1 Sowetan March 17 4 Departmental report, op cit 5 SowetanMarch 27 6 Hansard 5 cols 328-9 February 26 7 Rand Daily Mail March 11 8 Minister of Education and Training, Hansard 3 cols 1170-1 February 11 9 Daily Dispatch June 25 10 Sowetan March 27 11 Survey 1980, p527 12 StarMay 6 13 Information supplied by the Director-General of Internal Affairs, September 29 14 M L Sultan Technikon Annual Report, 1980 15 Annual Report of the Department of National Education, RP 34/1981 378 Course Electrical engineering Telecommunication Civil engineering and building Mining Physical sciences Biological sciences Agriculture Supplementary health services Engineering Other Commerce: management and administration Art Teacher training NTC I NTC II NTC III

UNIVERSITIES Statistics According to the official publication Statistics, 1980 and 1981, quoted earlier, the staff complement at universities in SA in 1981 was as follows: -- 262 Staff complement Indian 325 African Total -- 7029 -- 262 - 325 750 750 - 1 012 The registrars of the various universities were asked to furnish student enrolment figures. Those given below refer to the year 1981 unless marked with an asterisk, in which case they refer to 1980. The black students at the University of Natal were mainly medical students. Mainly white universities Cape Town Natal OFS Port Elizabeth Potchefstroom Pretoria Rand Afrikaans* Rhodes Stellenbosch* Witwatersrand Mainly coloured Western Cape Mainly Indian Durban-Westville Mainly African Bophuthatswana Fort Hare The North Transkei Zululand* Correspondence Unisa White9 719 7 535 8 240 2 845 6 777 16480 4 795 2 737 11 858 12 711 Coloured 959 180 3 87 3 2 2 62 81 183 Enrolment Indian Chinese 230 26 835 13 27 2 4 78 28 4 1 716 195 32 3 615 36 4838 5 Not available African 104 408 16 55 7 3 80 7 360 Total 11 038 8 958 8 259 3 027 6 789 16482 4 804 2 985 11 951 14 165 18 3 809 13 4961 - 512 - 2 361 - 2 722 - 1 509 528 2 410 2 752 1 512 36146 3131 5328 White 7 029 Universities White Coloured Indian African Unisa Coloured 1 012 115 11366 56086

380 Enrolment figures for the Medical University of SA near Pretoria (mainly for Africans) are not available at the time of writing. According to the Minister of National Education, Dr G Viljoen, in Universities 1981 a total of 4 034 black students were registered at residential universities for whites, including the Natal Medical School. This was an increase of 681 over the 1979 figures. There were 110 white students at black universities in SA.1 Vista University The Vista University Act, No 106 of 1981, provided for a university to be established for Africans, its seat to be at a place to be determined by the Minister of Education and Training. It would also be able to conduct its activities at such other places as the council of the university, with the approval of the minister, might determine. Students other than Africans might be admitted with the minister's written permission. Included as members of a broadly-based council would be one person in a post on the estalishment of each of the universities that were designated by the minfste,, and nominated by the council of that university. The senate would include, 'in respect of each faculty of the university, one or more persons, who shall be a professor or professors in a corresponding faculty at another university institution'. Such persons would be appointed by the council after consultation with the other university institution concerned. They would participate only in such proceedings of the senate as related to curricula, syllabuses, standard of examinations, and appointment and functions of external examiners and moderators. The council was constituted during 1981, and it appointed Professor C F Crouse to be rector. Early in 1982 it was reported2 that the Universities of Cape Town, Natal, and the Witwatersrand had refused invitations to serve on the council of Vista. (These universities had consistently opposed the principle of segregated institutions.) The Vice-Chancellor of Wits, Professor D J du Plessis, told the press: 'This attitude' (i.e. the refusal of the invitation) 'was not adopted because the university did not favour the provision of additional facilities for blacks, but because existing universities were not granted permission to contribute towards the need which exists, and because Vista University will not have the same degree of autonomy and academic freedom of existing universities in urban areas . . . Although the university council does not wish to be officially associated with the establishment of a new segregated university of this kind, the individual members of staff of Wits will be free to decide for themselves whether or not they wish to participate in the academic work of an established Vista University.' In a press statement made on February 3 1982, Professor Crouse said that Vista's administrative centre would be sited in Pretoria. Campuses had been planned for Soweto, Vereeniging, Cape Town, Port Elizabeth, and Bloemfontein; and another five might be developed later. Early in 1979 the then minister had appointed a committee to investigate tertiary education for urban Africans: it consisted of Professor F P Retief with seven white and five African educationists as members. It is stated to have handed its report to the incoming minister, Dr F Hartzenberg, in August 1981. This report was made available to members of the relevant Parliamentary Select Committee and to members of the council of Vista University. It contents were confidential. In January 1982 there were speculations in the press about the recommendations made in the report. Several prominent members of the committee urged that their report be made public. The minister told the press' that, in view of the anticipated rapid growth in the number of African matriculants and the country's need for trained manpower, the Retief Committee had recommended the establishment of an African university with a centralised campus in the PWV area, and linked decentralised facilities. The committee, he indicated, had recommended a change in the system in terms of which ministerial permission was required for the admission of black students to white universities, and vice versa. It had suggested that there should be 'voluntary differentiation', and that university councils should themselves decide on admissions. It had pointed out, however, that the numbers of black students admitted to white universities would affect state financing in the allocation of available funds between different state departments. The minister went on to say that the government was looking into the feasibility of a 'quota' system to control the admission to universities of students of different races. Particularly in regard to certain popular courses, student numbers might be limited to a defined quota. Student organisations National Union of SA Students (NUSAS) NUSAS chose 'Students for a Democratic Future' as its 1981 theme in order to investigate the concept of democracy in general, and in the SA context in particular. It perceived students as being among the most privileged members of society. While most South Africans never got further than primary school, students at university had an almost limitless opportunity to develop themselves academically and intellectually. If students were to commit themselves to working for a democratic future, it was important that they should devise the best ways of making use of their privileged position. NUSAS argued that by joining the broad democratic front against apartheid, students were showing that the conflict in South Africa was not simply between black and white, but between those who supported democracy and those who opposed it. Organisations like NUSAS and the SRCs should be strengthened to ensure that the students' contribution to the drive for democracy remained constant and meaningful .4 As reported on page 28 of the 1974 Survey, in that year the government declared NUSAS to be an 'affected organisation', which meant that it could not accept money from overseas sources. As it had also experienced difficulty in raising funds locally, during March a 'Friends of NUSAS' organ isation was set up to assist.I In July Rhodes University re-affiliated to NUSAS after a majority of only 64 students had voted in favour of this step. It. was the fifth referendum on the subject held at Rhodes since the campus withdrew from NUSAS in 1976.6 It is reported in an earlier chapter that Mr Andrew Boraine, 381 Student organisations

382 Student organisations president of NUSAS, was detained in May and held for more than a month under Section 10 of the Internal Security Act. On his release, he was placed under a five-year banning order. Afrikaanse Studentebond (ASB) At the annual congress of the ASB, a growing polarisation between conservative and more liberal elements became evident. The conservative faction appeared to be strongest among the representatives from the University of Pretoria and the Rand Afrikaans University. Liberal opinions prevailed primarily among students from Stellenbosch and Potchefstroom. According to Mr J Lubbe, the incoming president, the congress witnessed a move away from a conservative standpoint. Afrikaans student representatives were aware that certain exclusive privileges would have to be given up. Mr N Niemandt, the outgoing president, said that more students were becoming ready to consider alternatives to past policies, and were prepared to explore a new political dispensation especially with regard to Indian and coloured people.7 In his presidential address, Mr Niemandt said that ASB-NUSAS relations were at an all-time low, and although there was still some informal contact, their paths had irrevocably parted.8 Political Students' Organisation (POLSTU) As reported on page 541 of last year's Survey, POLSTU was formed in July 1980 following a break-away from the ASB of 18 students whose views differed widely from those of the majority. Prominent among them was Mr Theuns Eloff. By the time of its first congress in July 1981, the membership of POLSTU had grown to 500, including three SRC presidents and the editors of several student newspapers.9 Membership was open to students of all races who were Christians and loyal to SA. In a first edition of its newsletter, CRUX, published early in May, POLSTU set out its principles. It stood for full citizenship and equal political participation by all South Africans. It called for the abolition of statutory discrimination on the grounds of race, colour or creed, and urged the creation of a just economic system providing equal access for all to the benefits of the economy, and an educational system which provided equal opportunities and facilities.' At a meeting held in March at the University of Pretoria to introduce POLSTU to the campus, Mr C Lessing, treasurer of the organisation, said that the aim of POLSTU was to give students an opportunity to debate options for the future of SA. All races would have to be involved in working out the new dispensation for the country. In his opinion economic inequalities were the real cause of unrest in SA." At its first congress in July, the organisation was careful not to adopt motions which could be interpreted as being too radical. The strongest motion, which was passed after it had been amended a number of times and been referred back to study committees, concerned the banning of student and other black leaders. It condemned the bannings but stressed the need for security legislation. Students also rejected the unqualified comparison which guest speakers Chief G Buthelezi and Dr N Motlana had made between apartheid and the Hitler regime.12

Meeting of black students Representatives of a number of predominantly black student organisations met at the University of Durban-Westville in March. Represented were the Black Students' Societies of the Universities of the Witwatersrand, Natal and Cape Town, the Students' Representative Council of the University of Durban- Westville, and representatives from the University of the Western Cape, the University of Transkei, the University of the North (Turfloop), the Rand College of Education, the Transvaal College of Education, the Medical SRC of the University of Natal and the SA Black Intervarsities Committee (SABIC). They affirmed their commitment to the struggle for a non-racial, democratic SA.1 Students' Representative Councils Following disturbances and unrest, SRCs were disbanded at the University of the Western Cape in 1976 and at the University of the North in 1977. During the year under review, student councils were re-established at these institutions. References Eastern Province Herald February 19 The Star January 26, 1982, Rand Daily Mail February 1, 1982, Rand Daily Mail January 26, 1982, The StarJanuary 27, 1982 The StarJanuary 27 Students for a Democratic Future, NUSAS, 1981 Rand Daily MailMarch 23 Cape Times August 1 7 RapportJuly 19 8 Rand Daily MailJuly 20 1 BeeldJuly 8 10 FriendMay 12 11 Rand Daily MailMarch 11 12 lbidJuly 11 11 IbidMarch 31 383 Student organisations

UNREST AT SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES Cessation of 1980 boycotts As reported on page 518 of last year's Survey, by the end of the 1980 school year 77 African secondary schools under the control of the Department of Education and Training had been closed because the pupils were boycotting classes. Some 63 000 pupils were affected. About 2 000 matriculation candidates did not write their examinations. Other schools had been affected in African homelands, notably Transkei, where special emergency regulations were introduced mainly to curtail the movement of students; and many coloured pupils, too, were boycotting classes. When schools reopened in January, however, boycotts were being continued only in coloured and African schools in the Eastern Cape and African high schools in Cape Town. Five schools in the Eastern Cape were attacked by arsonists in January, one being gutted, and another school had more than 80 windows shattered by stone- throwers.' The Port Elizabeth Students' Committee (PESCO) was in favour of continuing the boycott until local students who had been detained in November were released and an equal education system instituted. At a mass meeting in January 5 000 students supported this attitude. But the Congress of SA Students considered that the boycott should end. (This body is described on page 500 of the 1979 Survey.)2 The 21 detained students were released in February.' Shortly afterwards, PESCO was disbanded and the boycott called off.4 In Cape Town, African high school pupils continued their boycott: many parents sent their children away to attend schools in Ciskei or Transkei. New enrolment figures in the lower primary classes were not affected, however. The high school students laid down various conditions for their return to school, including the release of detain.ed student leaders and the free provision of stationery and library books, these demands to be met by March 10. Although the government did not comply, the students decided on March 12 that they would end the boycott: They issued a statement reading: 'We have come to realise that the intention of the government is to keep us - black children - uneducated . . . Although the boycott is now suspended, the struggle against inferior education is still continuing. Our form of struggle will from now take on a different complexion and tactics' .6 The boycotts gradually petered out. Student Representative Councils 384 were formed at institutions in the Eastern and Western Cape to represent 385 the students in day-to-day issues as well as general political and educational matters.7 According to Ms T Fledeman, in a paper published in the SA Teach- Student ers' Association Educational Journal, the boycotts of 1980 taught pupils unrest that confrontation was more effective than working through 'the system'. While the (coloured) Labour Party tried in vain for ten years to obtain an increase in the education budget, the pupils achieved huge increases in educational expenditure by means of their boycott actions. She said that before the boycott, prevailing values in the classroom were: competition, individualism, obedience and hierarchical relationships. Subsequently, values of unity and democracy emerged as vital. Pupils also had come to the conclusion that the syllabi in certain subjects were influenced by white political ideology.8 The whole curriculum became suspect. Uproar at the University of the Witwatersrand During March two campus organisations at the University of the Witwatersrand, the Political Forum and the Students' Moderate Alliance, invited the Minister of Co-operation and Development, Dr Piet Koornhof, to address a lunch-time meeting in the University Great Hall. About 1 200 students attended. The meeting was disrupted by about 300 students, many of them black, who shouted and stood up twice to sing the African anthem Nkosi Sikelela 'iAfrika, and the minister had to abandon his attempts to speak. Professor P Tyson, Deputy Vice-Chancellor, condemned the behaviour of the students, saying that Dr Koornhof should not have been denied the freedom to make his speech. Mr A Leon, a committee member of Political Forum, said that the refusal to hear a dissenting point of view amounted to 'fascism of the left'. Mr G Cachalia, a member of the Black Students' Society, summed up the attitude of the members of 16 student organisations opposed to inviting government ministers to the campus. He said that while Dr Koornhof expected the freedom to speak, those opposed to the government were denied freedom of speech. Furthermore, the majority of people in the country were not allowed to vote. Mr Samuel Adelman, then president of the Wits SRC, said that when Mandela, Sisulu and Toivo (all jailed on Robben Island for political offences) were allowed to exercise their democratic rights to speak on Wits campus the studernts would allow Dr Koornhof to speak as well.9 A petition was circulated calling for the resignation of the Wits SRC president, Mr Adelman. The organisers claimed that he had been directly involved in the disruption of the meeting and felt that his irresponsible actions meant that he could no longer claim to represent the majority of Wits students. About 3 000 students signed the petition.10 More than 200 academics of the university came out in support of the student demonstration. They included 15 professors. They also dissociated themselves from some statements made by the university authorities in response to the furore.1 According to a report in the Sowetan, the disruption of Dr Koornhof's speech signalled a new development - the emergence of black students as a well organised, articulate and politically powerful group on

386 campus. Comprising 10% of the student population, black students had organised themselves into the Black Students' Society (BSS) and were confronting the majority of conservative students and the university adStudent ministration. According to the outgoing chairman, the BSS was deterunrest mined to bring the struggle for 'a free, non-racial and democratic society' onto the campus.2 Protests at the time of the general election On April 29 a (white only) general election was held to elect new members for the all-white parliament. The election soon became a focus of student protest against the nature of SA society. In April thousands of coloured high school pupils in Johannesburg held sit-in demonstrations to protest against the election and unequal education. In Cape Town 1 500 students stayed away from Belhar and Bonteheuwel high schools." Walkouts also took place at Uitsig and Elsies River high schools.'4 Demonstrations and protests during May and June In the period before and during the celebrations of May 31 to mark the twentieth anniversary of the Republic of SA, student groups, among others, organised wide- spread campaigns of protest against the whole concept of celebrating this occasion. There were further demonstrations in June to commemorate the township risings of June 16, 1976. More than 200 people, most of them students, staged a protest march through the streets of Atteridgeville, Pretoria, to protest against the Republic festival.5 More than 40 students and three lecturers of the Federal Theological Seminary in Imbali held a demonstration." About 200 riot police dispersed a mass meeting of students at the University of the Witwatersrand. The police baton-charged school pupils who held a sit-in protest at the C J Botha High School in Bosmont, Johannesburg. University of Cape Town students also staged demonstrations. Large numbers of students and pupils boycotted classes at the Medical Faculty of the University of Natal at Wentworth, the Universities of Fort Hare and the Western Cape, the M L Sultan Technikon, and several black schools in the Cape Peninsula and Indian schools in Durban. The national flag Three students were arrested in the Cape after destroying a national flag. During the mass meeting at the University of the Witwatersrand a man present burnt a national flag: this led to a public outcry. The university authorities ascertained that the man concerned was not a registered student: he was charged in court and fined. The government then introduced the Republic of South Africa Constitution Second Amendment Act, No 101 of 1981. It provided that anyone found guilty of maliciously destroying or mutilating the national flag, or of holding it in contempt, or of having removed it without permission from a place where it was being displayed by order of any authority, would be liable to a fine not exceeding RIO 000 or imprisonment for a period not exceeding five years. Threats made by the authorities, and repercussions The Minister of Internal Affairs, Mr C Heunis, stated in June that funds might be withheld from schools or institutions which were destroyed or 387 damaged during unrest. He said that pupils 'guilty of activities which foment unrest' would face permanent expulsion. Furthermore, students and scholars who failed to write examinations 'because of their involve- Student ment in disturbances' would forfeit their right to do so. Study aids and unrest grants would be withdrawn from scholars in any way associated with such disturbances.7 Mr J Arendse, Director of Coloured Education, said that students who took part in a boycott could lose their bursaries. Pupils who misbehaved or influenced others to boycott classes could be prevented from coming back to school.'8 In a letter distributed to all Indian high school pupils in June, Mr G Krog, the Director of Indian Education, invited parents to help in combating boycotts. He said that pupils who boycotted classes were actually undermining parental authority and that parents should step in and prevent a breakdown of the family unit. Student leaders condemned the letter, saying that it was a deliberate attempt to create a division between pupils and parents.19 More than 60 coloured pupils were suspended from six Western Cape high schools for having stayed away from school in response to a call for two days' mourning for pupils who died in the 1976 uprisings.2" Several hundred Indian pupils were expelled from high schools in Durban for having boycotted classes in protest against the Republic celebrations.2" About 500 Indian students of the University of Durban/Westville decided to boycott lectures from June 9, demanding, inter alia, that the expelled pupils be reinstated. In spite of the presence of armed police, only about 10% of the students at the university wrote the June examinations.22 In a test case, the decision by the Director of Indian Education to expel a Merebank High School pupil was set aside in the Pietermaritzburg Supreme Court on the ground that the expulsion order had not been legally valid.2" In September the Director agreed to re-admit 400 suspended pupils in 1982, provided that they were not guilty of any 'reprehensible behaviour' in the intervening period. He said that the position of 10 pupils was still in the balance, as their conduct was receiving further consideration.24 Detention and banning of student leaders In an earlier chapter dealing with the Administration of Security Legislation (page 86 et seq) an account is given of official action taken against certain student leaders who were suspected of having been concerned in the protests. Mr Andrew Boraine, the president of the Nationa Union of SA Students (NUSAS), was detained in May. On his release 34 days later he was served with a five-year banning order. Others who were first detained and then banned were Mr Adelman, the ex-president of the Wits SRC, and Mr Azhar Cachalia and Mr Firozi Cachalia of the Black Students' Society at the University of the Witwatersrand: the latter two were detained in June together with eleven fellow- members of the BSS. Mr Adelman subsequently fled from SA. Aziz Jardine, head boy of the C J Botha High School in Bosmont, Johannesburg, where there had been an anti-Republic Festival protest,

388 was detained, as were at least ten members of the Congress of SA Students, eight former members of the banned Soweto Students' Representative Council, thirteen other people connected with various educational Student institutions, and ten members of the Port Elizabeth branch of the Conunrest gress of SA Students. Protests against detentions As a consequence of the detention of Mr Aziz Jardine, thousands of coloured pupils staged a protest march in the Johannesburg townships of Bosmont, Coronationville and Newclare. The march was violently opposed by riot police with dogs, sneeze machines, batons and teargas.2' As a result of police action 57 boys and girls, only 16 of whom were over 17 years of age, were charged with taking part in a riotous assembly.-" Pupils at Riverlea and Eldorado Park high schools boycotted classes in a protest at police brutality. The authorities responded with a massive army-backed police search of homes in Westbury township. Police claimed that they were searching for 'stone throwers' and that they were rooting out the ringleaders of student demonstrations. Over 40 children (some as young as seven and nine years) were detained briefly after an intensive house-to-house search. Protests by pupils took the form of a massive stay-away, and at the five major senior secondary schools in the township attendance was for a time down by more than half.27 After Mr Adelman's banning order had been issued, nearly 100 students of the University of the Witwatersrand, carrying torches and placards, staged a demonstration on university property. They scattered when riot police appeared on the scene.", References 1 Daily Dispatch January 14 2 TheStarJanuary 12 1 Eastern Province Herald February 7 4 ArgusJanuary 26 1 Sowetan March 13 6 Argus March 12 1 GrassrootsJune 8 Argus May 12 9 Rand Daily MaiIMarch 21 10 Citizen March 26 11 StarApril 2 12 SowetanApril 8 13 Rand Daily MailApril 30 14 ArgusApril 29 15 SowetanJune 2 16 StarMay 20 17 Cape Times June 13. 18 BeeldJune 10 19 Post NatalJune 26 20 Cape Herald June 27 21 TASA News June 22 Rand Daily Mail June 9, Cape Times June 16 23 Natal Mercury September 4 24 Rand Daily MailSeptember 19 25 TheStarJune 3 26 IbidJune 4 27 IbidJune 5 28 Rand Daily MailJune 19

BURSARIES AND SCHOLARSHIPS African students The following bursaries were awarded by the Department of Education and Training in 1980:1 Courses Number Total value R Junior Secondary 113 16 850 Senior Secondary 788 92 970 Primary Teachers' 860 103 857 Special One Year Teachers' 215 45150 Junior Secondary Teachers' 472 93 395 Senior Secondary Teachers' 251 88 485 Total 2 699 440 707 Besides these, Departmental bursaries were made available to students taking technical or vocational courses, university students, and medical and para-medical students: details are not available. As indicated later, large numbers of homeland governments, private organisations, churches, business firms, and private individuals sponsor African students. The Departmental Report for 1980 stated that according to the information at its disposal, totals of 121 bursaries valued at RI 7 950 were granted to Junior Secondary pupils, and 1 176 bursaries to the value of R130 400 to those in Senior Secondary classes. These figures are possibly underestimates. Coloured students The Department of Internal Affairs provided the following bursaries to coloured students in 1981:2 1981 University 138 TeacherTraining 1 956 The value of bursaries awarded varied according to the institution attended by the bursar. Students at the Universities of the Western Cape and Durban-Westville were awarded RI 000 per year. Students at 'open' universities, e.g. the University of Cape Town, received RI 800 per year. Students at teacher training colleges received either R550 or R450 per year. 389

Indian students The Department of Indian Affairs awarded the following bursaries for teacher- training in January 1980:' Springfield College of Education 758 Transvaal College of Education 206 University of Durban-Westville 597 Total 1 561 Information is not available about the bursaries granted by this Department to school pupils or university students taking courses other than teacher-training. Education Information Centre An Education Information Centre, initiated early in 1979 as a department of the SA Institute of Race Relations, became an independent organisation in 1980, and, with financial assistance from the Urban Foundation, expanded its activities to become, in effect, a career centre for black students. It provides career guidance and information, and assistance in finding suitable employment. It runs an annual Winter School for matriculants, and, throughout the year, a variety of workshops and seminars. It also continues its original function of providing information about the bursary/scholarships that are available to black students. Lists of these bursary funds are available on request. The Director of the Centre states that its lists do not include small bursary schemes operated by private companies and individuals. The number of bursary/scholarship funds listed by the Education Information Centre in 1981, and the courses for which they were awarded, were as follows: Course Primary education Forms 1 to 3 Forms 4 and 5 Teaching: Primary Teachers Certificate Post-Matriculation Diploma Technical and Vocational Training: Pre-matriculation Post-matriculation Nursing Commercial and secretarial courses: Pre-matriculation Post-matriculation Correspondence studies: Pre-matriculation Post-matriculation University study Number of funds providing assistance 3 31 36 19 33 13 23 7 5 8 2 7 45 390 Bursaries

Bursary funds administered by the SA Institute of Race Relations Through its head office and regional offices, the Institute of Race Relations administers a large number of bursary/scholarship funds, some of these on behalf of various private companies. It also administers a number of trust funds that are education-orientated. The largest of these is the Isaacson Foundation Bursary Fund. It awards the following bursaries, all to African students: * school bursaries to scholars resident in Johannesburg or within a radius of 40 km, who have passed Junior Certificate and who wish to matriculate (60 new bursaries were granted in 1981 and 29 were being continued from the previous year); * university bursaries to Africans resident in the Republic of SA or any black state formerly part of the Republic (23 new bursaries were granted in 1981, while 28 were being continued); * teacher training bursaries for students training at institutions other than universities (one new bursary was granted in 1981). During 1980, a total of R59 770 was spent on bursaries. There were 2 025 applications for those awarded by the Isaacson Foundation in 1981. Other bursaries awarded in 1981 which were administered by the head office of the Institute of Race Relations were: Swiss Church Group Scheme (Matriculation) Swiss Church Group Scheme (University) German Academic Exchange Programme (University) Mobil Education Programme (University) Gert and Irmgard Brusseau Trust Robert Shapiro Trust Company schemes Murray and Roberts Lewis Stores WR Grace Africa (Pty) Ltd British Steel (Matriculation) Number 41 71 41 86 5 4 47 27 17 88 The Cape Town, Natal and East London offices of the Institute of Race Relations awarded the following numbers of bursaries in 1980: Type of bursary Universtiy School Teacher Training Vocational Cape Town Natal 115 25 91 264 8 46 9 30 Total 223 365 254 The total amounts spent on bursaries in 1980 were R185 610 by the Institute's head office (including the R59 770 from the Isaacson Foundation Bursary Fund), and R89 142 by the three regional offices. 391 Bursaries East London 212 1 41

392 References 1 Annual Report of the Department of Education and Training RP 103/1980 2 Information supplied by the Director-General of Coloured Affairs, September 29 3 Annual Report of the Department of Indian Affairs RP 114/1980 Bursaries

HEALTH Legislation The Mental Health Amendment Act No 41 This measure amends the Mental Health Act of 1973. It states that the State President may determine conditions with which a discharged mentally ill prisoner must comply. The Act also deals with the detention and examination of a person from a state which previously formed part of SA. The purpose of such detention would be to report on the medical condition of any person who is charged in such a state with murder, attempted murder, and rape or assault with intent to do grievous bodily harm. The Nursing Amendment Act No 85 This amends the Nursing Act of 1978. It restricts the membership of the SA Nursing Association to persons practising the profession within SA. Furthermore, only a registered nurse may be a member of the board of the Association and participate in the election of its members. Any amendment to the constitution of the Association has to be approved by the Minister of Health, Welfare and Pensions. The Act also gives to any registered nurse the right to perform certain duties normally undertaken by medical practitioners and pharmacists, providing that the services of the latter are unavailable. Speaking in the Assembly,' the Minister of Health, Welfare and Pensions said that it had been deemed necessary that the members of the Board (and the persons entitled to elect such members), be restricted to registered nurses because qualified nurses could be completely crowded out by less qualified nursing assistants, who formed the category with the largest number of members. He said that because the Association had decided to become non-racial it was necessary for him to have a final say on the constitution, in order to prevent any possible problems regarding race relations. According to Mr R Swart (PFP) the new draft constitution of the SA Nursing Association stated that the area designated as the 'Republic of SA' excluded the area of any 'self-governing black state'.2 The Minister of Health, Welfare and Pensions said3 that according to the 1971 Act relating to the (so called) 'National States', the moment a 'black state' obtained self government, it would regulate its own health affairs and nursing would fall under its jurisdiction. What this meant in practice was that if any nurse came to work within the territory known as the Republic of SA, she had to register with the SA Nursing Association. Conversely a nurse who worked for remuneration in, say, Kwa- 393

394 Zulu and was stationed in Durban, had to register both with the SA Nursing Association and the KwaZulu Nursing Association. Health The Medical, Dental and Supplementary Health Service Professions Amendment Act No 86 This Act amends the Medical, Dental and Supplementary Health Service Professions Act of 1974. The 1974 Act gave the SA Medical and Dental Council the right to review and determine a tariff of fees with respect to medical schemes. The amendment sets out a new procedure for the amending of fees should anomalies arise. According to the Minister of Health, Welfare and Pensions,4 anomalies in a tariff of fees occurred frequently because of the large number of items. The amendment was aimed at giving the Council the right to delegate its review powers to one of its committees in order to streamline the process. According to Dr M Barnard (PFP)' in 1980 medical schemes paid out an amount of R159,7m to doctors, specialists, medical practitioners, dentists and hospitals. He said that there were 294 medical schemes with millions of members and their dependants. The Medical Schemes Amendment Act No 87 This amends the Medical Schemes Act of 1967. Agreed tariffs between private institutions and medical scheme associations are now permitted without ministerial approval. A further amendment makes it obligatory for a medical practitioner to furnish the patient concerned with a statement reflecting particulars of treatment. It does away with the provision that the medical scheme concerned must also be furnished with a statement. Speaking in the Assembly,6 the Minister of Health, Welfare and Pensions said the second amendment was aimed at preventing the swamping of medical schemes with duplicated accounts. However, Mr A Widman (PFP) said that the amendment would result in the delay of payment to medical practitioners. He said that many more dentists and doctors would opt out of medical aid schemes. In 1980 alone 3 657 doctors and 935 dentists had opted out. Policy in regard to health A six-tier health facilities plan has been instituted to provide a comprehensive health service to all South Africans, according to the Minister of Health. The plan includes services such as clean water, adequate food, clothing and housing, as well as health guidance and primary health care.8 According to Dr J de Beer of the Department of Health, the emphasis on curative medicine had led to health care systems which were too expensive for most people in SA. Addressing a seminar of the SA Medical Congress he said that there were inadequate numbers of doctors to provide a curative based health service9 (see 1980 Survey, p 558). It was announced that there were to be cuts in the government's health budget. According to spokesmen of the various services concerned, these cuts would affect more than 900 000 patients, yet the savings would amount to no more than R2m. According to a Department of

Health memorandum the number of health jobs in TB prevention, mental 395 and dental health services, and family service programmes had been frozen.10 Health Need for improvement in social conditions According to an article in the social science journal, Work in Progress,1 medical science in SA seemed able to do little to check the TB epidemic ravaging the African population. Much the same was true for measles, gastroenteritis and other infectious and contagious diseases which inflicted a heavy toll on the oppressed and exploited in SA. The article said that this was because the great epidemics of the current period were caused more by sickness in the social fabric than by viruses and bacteria. It concluded that it was in social restructuring and change that solutions were to be sought. It criticised the medical profession for attempting to stem the tide of disease by treating its victims one by one, and then sending them back to be reinfected by bad social conditions. Industrial health According to a fact sheet'2 presented at a Wits Medical Students' Conference on SA health which was held in May, the tightening of health regulations in the USA and Europe had led to companies exporting dangerous production processes to underdeveloped countries like SA. From the annual report of the Workmen's Compensation Commissioner, it cited the following statistics on accidents in factories: Total Permanent Man hours lost Year accidents disablement Fatalities through accidents 1974 359758 32019 2284 30191054 1975 355615 31819 2232 29927332 1976 340063 33752 2546 32534762 (The report stated that the lower figure given for total accidents in 1976 was a result of decrease in employment in that year.) The fact sheet also stated that, according to the Commission of Inquiry into Occupational Health (the Erasmus Commission) in 1976, industrial health was neglected in industry and industrialists put very little time and money into the prevention of occupational diseases. Dealing with occupational diseases, the fact sheet referred to pneumoconiosis, of which there were three variants: silicosis, asbestosis and anthrocosis. Occupational dangers were noted as being caused by the following gases and chemicals: " Ammonia: there was a wide range of industries where exposure took place (i.e. a total of 6 794 factories employing 589 672 workers); * Ozone: long exposures to high ozone concentrates would cause oedema, haemorrhage and chronic bronchitis. There were 3 793 factories where this was likely to occur. They employed 175 605 workers; * Vinyl chloride: tests had revealed that cancer of the liver, kidneys, lungs and brain were caused by exposure to vinyl chloride. The potentially exposed population in 451 factories was 23 767 workers.

396 The sheet also referred to health dangers arising from industrial metals, particularly lead. It said that in SA there was no maximum level of lead in blood laid down, as in other countries. If SA were to be examined Health by Swedish standards 45,6% of workers would be withdrawn because they would show an overdose of lead. In actual fact only 3,2% were withdrawn, and this represented a voluntary withdrawal. Noise was the most widespread occupational hazard, yet there was no compensation for this. If a sound reached an intensity of 85 decibels and was sustained for a sufficient length of time, it would cause deafness. The noise limit in SA was 90 decibels, which allowed for about three times more noise than the limit necessary to protect hearing. Of the 30 097 factories with 1 598 070 workers, 239 711 (or 15%) worked in noise zones. Farm workers were also seen as a group who had less protection than many others against occupational diseases and accidents. This was because there was no official monitoring to ensure that procedures for the use of pesticides were obeyed. Traditionally the method of enforcement of such statutory regulations as exist had been by way of investigation by the factory inspectorate and prosecution in the criminal courts. However, the Erasmus Commission recorded that there were only four factory inspectors for the Johannesburg area which had 5 713 factories with 268 299 employees. There were 29 inspectors in the whole of SA catering for 39 097 factories totalling over 1,5m employees. According to Dr N White,3 industrial health researcher with the Cape Town- based Health Care Trust, all workers at Everite's asbestos cement factories were exposed to enough asbestos to cause mesothelioma (cancer of the lining of the lungs or the abdomen). Everite was the largest processor of blue asbestos and owned four asbestos cement factories. The company was 41,5% owned by the Swiss-Belgian Etemit Group and had a 46% shareholding in Asbestos Investments, which ran six mines and five mills. Dr White's criticisms were endorsed by the SA Allied Workers' Union and by a report in the journal of the Medical Students' Council of the University of Cape Town. The company however, claimed that the exposure of workers to blue asbestos was only slight and that they carried out dust level tests regularly. They said that conditions were so, good that masks were not required. The Financial Mail commented that some cases of asbestos mesothelioma went undetected in SA because a high percentage of workers were migrants who never came to the notice of the SA Department of Health. Dr L Tibbet, Cape Divisional Council Medical Officer of Health, said14 that farmers in the greater Cape Town area had contributed to serious health problems among farm labourers by paying low wages and not providing adequate living conditions. Alcoholism, tuberculosis, venereal disease and malnutrition were said to be rife in the areas he investigated. According to an article in the journal Work in Progress, while there had been improvements in industrial health over the past few decades, these had generally occurred at a pace and in a manner which suited employers. The interests of employees would have dictated much more vigorous action but when these clashed with those of capital, the latter prevailed."5

Community Health 397 Urban Areas According to an article in the January edition of the SA Medical JournaP6 the mortality rate among child patients admitted to the wards at Health Baragwanath hospital, Soweto, had decreased from more than 1 000 in 1956 to 308 in 1978, giving a mortality rate of 6,5%. This was the lowest mortality rate ever achieved. The incidence of gastro-enteritis and malnutrition, both important yardsticks in measuring the health and socio-economic conditions of a community, had declined substantially. In 1956, for instance, 1 400 severely undernourished children were admitted to Baragwanath, when the population of Soweto was said to be 300 000. However, in 1978, when the population had increased to an estimated 1,5m, 1 104 malnourished children were sent to hospital. In 1970 the mortality rate of kwashiorkor cases alone was 17,8% and for the combined categories of malnutrition, 17,1%. However, by 1978 the mortality rate for kwashiorkor had fallen to 14,1% and for all types of malnutrition to 7,1%. Nevertheless, African infant mortality in Johannesburg was still more than double the toll for white infants." In January Benoni's Medical Officer of Health expressed fears that an epidemic might sweep through the township of Daveyton if an inspection of the living conditions of the 4 000 Daveyton squatter families were not undertaken by the Department of Health. Many of the squatters were living in overcrowded and appalling conditions18 with little light, ventilation and inadequate sanitation. Among them were children who had not been immunised against diseases such as polio, TB, diphtheria, measles and whooping cough. According to the April edition of the SA Medical JournaP9 the practice of sniffing benzine and glue had become a significant health hazard in Natal and KwaZulu. The report said there was a growing danger in that not only were more and more children taking to the habit, but those doing so were younger than before. The toxic effects of solvent abuse included intensive liver damage, renal failure, irreversible brain damage, bone marrow abnormalities, blood disorders, and chronic lung injuries. Many psychologists and social workers thought that the heart of the problem lay in the lack of any stimulation for the children. Cancer of the gullet, which had reached epidemic proportions among black SA males, might be caused by mild life-long nutritional deficiencies, according to the National Institute for Nutritional Diseases. As a result of tests carried out on rats, the Institute postulated that the disease was related to a diet based largely on wheat and maize. This would explain the dramatic increase in the disease in Africa during the last few decades because everywhere the traditional African indigenous grains had been replaced by easily cultivated and high yielding maize.2" Rural reserve areas It was reported by the Health Care Trust21 that increased economic hardship and disintegration of personal and social relationships under the migrant labour system were known to have produced new forms of mental diseases among rural women in many areas. For specific information on cholera, malnutrition and related diseases, see the section on diseases in this chapter. The cholera epidemic occurred mainly in rural areas reserved for Af-

398 rican occupation. In Lebowa precautionary steps taken in February resulted in the closing of schools in Sekhukhuneland, affecting 8 000 pupils. Numerous deaths also occurred in the Eastern Transvaal lowveld Diseases area. Reports indicated that by January the disease had also spread to parts of the OFS and Natal.22 According to the author of the book Women Without Men: 'Little wonder . . . that a study of malnutrition in the Nqutu district of KwaZulu sounds the warning that poverty and malnutrition are so rife that the traditional Zulu physique is changing: the amaZulu in the area are becoming a puny, stunted and mentally enfeebled people'.', In a survey in the Ciskei it was reported that 64% of schoolchildren in two villages ate only once a day. In a survey conducted by doctors for the Ciskei government in 1978 it was found that half of all two and threeyear old children in the Ciskei were malnourished. According to Dr T Thomas the children: '. . . were just stunted like mealie plants in a drought-stricken field, but one in ten in the towns and one in six in the country were actually suffering from sickness-forms of malnutrition, kwashiorkor and marasmus'24 Due to an unusually harsh drought and an increase in population relocation since 1977, malnutritional problems in the Ciskei would increase, according to a medical practitioner who had studied malnutrition there. The increase in the price of milk would cause further harm.25 Mr R Haxton (PFP) said in the Natal Provincial Council that thousands of people in KwaZulu faced famine and starvation due to drought.26 Diseases Tuberculosis The number of newly-diagnosed TB cases in 1980 was 44 895, according to the Minister of Health, Welfare and Pensions.7 This figure excluded Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda. Sufferers were distributed throughout the country in the following way: (a) 'White' area (b) Reserves Cape Province 16306 Ciskei 2277 Natal 3 761 Gazankulu 207 OFS 2 728 KwaZulu 2 836 Transvaal 14 930 Lebowa 1 148 Sub-total 37 725 QwaQwa 0 KaNgwane 702 Sub-total 7 170 Total 44 895 In the first six months of 1981 the following number of cases of TB were reported to the Department of Health:28 Transvaal 6 106 Cape 7 813 OFS 1 470 Natal 2 087 Information about the numbers of each racial group suffering from TB in 1980 is not available. For 1979 figures see 1980 Survey p 559.

According to the Department's report,29 the incidence of TB per 399 100 000 population (excluding Transkei and Bophuthatswana) was approximately 200 in 1980. The reported number of deaths during 1980 in SA, due to all forms Diseases of tuberculosis, was 1 784.30 The Department continued its strategy of aiming to reduce the infectious pool by providing protection against infection. It is claimed that attempts to reduce morbidity and mortality to acceptable limits had achieved some success during 1980.31 The number of beds available to TB sufferers in 1980 was as follows: 12 Number of beds Hospital White Coloured African Indian Total State 81 779 2 538 102 3 500 SANTA 4 442 Local authorities figures per racial group unavailable 773 Private 2 813 Total 11 528 The minister said that the cost per day of hospitalised TB sufferers was R14,19 during the 1979-80 financial year and estimated that the cost per out-patient varied between RO,28 and R1,80 per day.33 According to the annual report of the Medical Officer of Health of Johannesburg, 2 403 new cases of TB were notified in the city in 1979. The statistics, however, presented a drop in the incidence of TB in all racial groups. (The incidence has been declining since 1976.)34 Mr T Boye, the mayor of Daveyton, said in July that one of the major causes of the wide spread of TB among Africans in SA was overcrowding in the townships."s According to the SA National Tuberculosis Association (SANTA), ten people in SA died every day of TB, and at least 45 000 new cases were reported annually. Tuberculosis accounted for 83% of all notifiable infectious diseases reported in SA. Most people were under the misapprehension that the disease was no longer a problem, and such an ignorance led to apathy in reporting it.36 In December 1980, the Transvaal region of the Department of Health decided to suspend further issue of two drugs - Rifampicin and Ethambutol - which were most effective in combating TB. This was in response to appeals by State Health Services in Pretoria for more careful budgeting to prevent overspending. However, in April the Department announced that the drugs might again be issued. Dr H Hurwitz, president of the Preventive and Community Medicine Group of the Medical Association of SA, said that the group had been deeply concerned that central government budgetary restrictions on the Department of Health were leading to a breakdown of TB control in SA.37 Malnutrition According to a report in the Evening Post malnutrition was established as a killer disease31 in SA and was claiming thousands of lives every year. The report said that documents from the SA Institute of Race Relations showed that an average of three children died from malnutrition every

400 hour in SA. Statistics showed that 25% of rural pre-school children were underweight (using the internationally accepted standard of comparing weight for age). Diseases There were three specific malnutrition syndromes: kwashiorkor, marasmus and pellagra. They were the result of protein deficiency and led to swelling of the limbs, wasting away, mental derangement and death. A survey conducted by Rhodes University revealed that nearly onethird of all African babies born in Grahamstown died of malnutrition before they were one year old. Deaths from malnutrition-related diseases were 13 times higher among African children between the ages of one and four than among white children of the same age. The irony was that SA produced enough food to meet 112% of the optimum daily energy requirements of the whole population and should, theoretically, not have been facing a chronic feeding problem at all. Research conducted by World Vision of Southern Africa estimated that there were 400 000 children at risk of dying from malnutrition in SA. According to Mr D Cuthbert, the support director of World Vision, SA was grappling with a malnutrition problem of near-crisis proportions, despite recent economic growth at a rate of 7%. This proved that it was a myth that a bigger economic cake created more for everyone. A study conducted by Dr J Keenan of the University of the Witwatersrand showed that even in periods of economic growth large sections of the working class actually experienced a decline in living standards. Two Durban doctors, who were experts in diagnosing malnutrition, criticised another doctor for being sceptical of the extent to which malnutrition existed in SA.9 The doctors were Professor A Moosa and Dr H Coovadia, both of the Department of Paediatrics and Child Health at Natal University in Durban. The doctor they criticised was Dr B Richardson. In an article to the SA Medical Journal Dr Richardson had disputed the way in which malnutrition was determined, implying that its extent was exaggerated. Her critics said that malnutrition was rampant and that Protein Energy Malnutrition (PEM), from which many children died, was 'only the tip of the iceberg'. While agreeing with her that body proportions were normal in 80 to 90% of black children, the two doctors argued that it was misleading to imply solely on this basis that PEM was not a serious problem. They said that despite normal body proportions, more than 50% of the children between the ages of one and 14 who had been studied by Dr Richardson suffered from stunting (i.e. 'nutritional dwarfism'). Cholera The cholera epidemic which broke out late in 1980 (see 1980 Survey p 562) continued in 1981. By January 8, a total of 1 7 people had died since the first outbreak. There were also 18 additional victims confirmed in the Eastern Transvaal lowveld. On February 24, cholera organisms were found in two Durban sewers which served the areas of Umlazi, Glebelands, Lamontville and Chatsworth. On March 6 the Department of Health announced in Pretoria that a total of 1 756 cholera cases had been confirmed. By April 17 this had risen to 1 862 cases with a total of 27 deaths.

In October there was an outbreak in the Moretele district of 401 Bophuthatswana. It claimed four lives and hospitalised 100 people.1' According to an article in the magazine of the World Health Organisation, cholera reflected the tie-up between infection, malnutrition and Diseases overpopulation. It was aggravated by poverty, unhealthy environment and inadequate health services. The article focused on strategies against priority diseases and said that communicable diseases, such as cholera, demonstrated the relationship between health and socio-economic development.' Professor E Glatthaar of the Medical University of SA said in July that cholera was in SA 'to stay'. Talking on health strategy in a developing society, he said that diseases like malnutrition, measles, cholera and typhoid were rife in SA.2 A campaign to prevent cholera was launched in all African secondary schools in SA - including those in Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda.3 In an article in the social science journal, Work in Progress,4" the author claimed that state health policy was aimed at placing the responsibility for dealing with diseases like cholera firstly on the individual sufferers and, secondly, on to the so called 'Black National States' (and away from Pretoria). Other than attempting to prevent the spread of diseases to white areas, the department had neglected to do anything about combating preventable diseases found in the African rural areas. The author argued that fear of the cholera spreading to white areas was the major factor in the massive press publicity that the disease had received. 'In point of fact', he wrote, 'cholera is a relatively minor disease, and far less important as a cause of death and illness than numerous other diseases. There were, for example, over 40 000 cases of tuberculosis in SA during 1980 but that disease has not received even a fraction of the publicity given to cholera. Infantile gastro-enteritis, a major killer of infants in rural areas, has received little if any attention because it poses no threat to the white population of South Africa.' Other diseases The number of reported cases of specific notifiable diseases during 1979 was given in the Assembly in 1980 (see 1980 Survey p 562). Corrected figures for 1979 have been extracted from the Annual Report of the Department of Health, Welfare and Pensions. Disease 1979 Leprosy 142 Malaria 1 798 Poliomyelitis 88 Typhoid 3 784 According to the Minister of Health, Welfare and Pensions, the following cases were notified in 1980:45 Disease 1980 Leprosy 93 Malaria 3 000 Poliomyelitis 84 Typhoid 3 721

402 Heart A report in the SA Digest in May stated that the white male population of SA had the highest mortality rate for ischaemic heart disease (IHD) in the Mental world. In the economically active age group 25 to 54 years, the IHD morHealth tality rate for white males in 1970 was 678 per 100 000, compared with 432 per 100 000 in the USA, 190 in West Germany, 331 in Australia and 329 in England and Wales. It had been estimated that IHD cost SA R200m per year in lives lost, manhours and hospitalisation.4" According to Professor A Brink, one of the founders of the National Heart Effort, the incidence of heart disease was highest among Indians between the ages of 25 and 34, with whites not far behind. Over the age of 55 however, more whites died of heart disease than Indians. While the number of African sufferers was much lower, the incidence was increasing.47 Mental Health The minister said8 that during the 1980-81 financial year, mental institutions were administered by the Department of Health at a cost of R61 347 905. A further R 8 687 734 was spent by other agencies. He said that for the 1981-82 financial year an additional R 7 020 095 was being budgeted for state institutions. Private agencies were to receive a further R 1 094 266. According to the departmental report the following additional accommodation became available at departmental hospitals during 1980. (The report did not say whether those were for all race groups, or for whites only): Oranje Care and Rehabilitation Centre, Bloemfontein - 60 beds Town Hill Hospital, Pietermaritzburg - 60 beds. In private hospitals the following number of beds were provided: White 676 Coloured 500 Indian 250 African 5 845 Total 7 271 The minister gave information relating to the number of mental patients in each race group as at December 31, 1980:41 White Coloured Indian African Total State institutions 7064 2 462 156 4 707 14 389 Other agencies 609 449 372 5 034 6 464 Total 7673 2911 528 974120853 The expenditure figures for the state in respect of these institutions were not available for the 1980-81 financial year. (Figures for 1979-80 were given in the 1980 Surveyp 563.) The Society for Safety in Mental Healing, a lay watchdog group, said in December 1980 that urgent amendments to the laws for mental patients were vital to prevent people who were not criminals from being 403 placed in police cells. The society referred to two cases in which people awaiting transfer to mental hospitals received injuries in police cells in Uitenhage and New Brighton, Port Elizabeth. It also said that there were Health other aspects of existing laws which needed examining. People who did services not belong in a mental institution, such as epileptics, the mentally retarded, alcoholics and drug addicts, should not be sent there, and those already there should be provided with an environment more conducive to their rehabilitationso In March it was reported that the SA Director of Psychiatric Services had said that patients awaiting transfer to mental institutions would no longer be accommodated in police cells. Early diagnostic centres for psychiatric patients were to be built as transit accommodation for such patients.5" However, the Director-General of Health, Dr J de Beer, said that until new facilities were built these mental patients would, in most areas, have to be accommodated in police cells.,2 Death rate According to a Cape Town-based medical research group, Health Care Trust, 11 there were four principal characteristics of death and disease in SA. Firstly, it was the very young and the old who were most at risk of dying. Secondly, there was a considerable difference in mortality rates between black and white. Thirdly, among blacks the death rate was high in infancy and childhood, and low in adolescence: from the age of 20 onwards (from the time they entered the labour market) the mortality rate among black adults began to rise, and this was not the case among middle class whites who did not perform physical labour to earn their living. Fourthly, in the rural areas one African child out of five died in its first year of life. Health services Family planning In 1980, personnel associated with family planning were as follows:s4 Doctors: Full time 24 Parttime 181 Nurses: Full time 694 Part time 143 Liaison officers 68 Advisers 945 Total 2 055 For information on the number of women accepting contraception at Programme Clinic Services in 1979, see 1980 Survey p 564. According to the report of the Department of Health, 1 053 000 women were protected by contraceptive methods or by sterilisation at such clinics in 1980. A racial breakdown of this figure is not available. The number of sterilisation operations performed in 1980 by departmental and provincial hospitals has been extracted from the department's report:

404 Men Women Total White 1 700 7 100 8800 Coloured 190 6 300 6 490 Hospitals Indian 120 2 800 2 920 African 115 8 300 8415 Total 2 125 24500 26 625 Information on the percentage of women who were at risk was unavailable. For the 1979 figures see 1980 Surveyp 565. According to the Obstetric Department of the University of Cape Town's Medical School,5 family planning efforts had resulted in a significant decline in the white birth rate in SA. Since 1970 this rate had dropped by more than 30%. If the trend continued then whites, who constituted 17% of the population in 1970, would constitute only 11 % in the year 2000. The report also noted that while the white population had been stagnating, the black population had been rapidly increasing. During the period 1974 to 1978, in the hospitals under the care of the medical school, the number of African births had increased by 80%, the number of coloured births by 20%, while the number of white births decreased by 36%. Hospital services According to an article in the journal Fiat Lux,16 the 1977 Health Act paved the way for a comprehensive and integrated system of health services for all racial groups in SA. It laid emphasis on the need for promotive, preventive, and rehabilitative as well as curative services. It pointed out that all communities were increasingly being involved in controlling their own health services. They were sharing in the central decision-making process through their representatives on the Health Policy Council and the Health Advisory Committee. Most Africans, it was stated, paid no more than a nominal fee for their medical services. A visit to the outpatient department of a hospital usually cost 50 cents to R1,00. The admission fee varied from R1,00 to R2,00. Each of the areas reserved for African occupation had its own ministry of health; together these ministries were responsible for the health of approximately eight million people. According to a fact sheet7 on the distribution of health services, produced at the Wits Medical Students' Conference referred to later, there was a great disparity between the health services provided for blacks and whites in the 'white' areas of SA. Because blacks lacked political rights they were powerless to demand better health services; because the whites were drawn mainly from the more privileged economic classes they received better health care. Many of them could afford private hospitals and practitioners who operated on a fee-for-service basis. Blacks had both quantitatively and qualitatively inferior services. (a) Quantity Hospital beds Person per bed White 72 620 61,3 Coloured 5 059 346,1 Indian 2 051 504,8 African 58 080 337,4

(b) Quality 405 The amount spent per patient per day in the 'white' areas was much less in hospitals for blacks than in those for whites. As an example, these amounts in two Johannesburg hospitals were: Hospitals Baragwanath (African hospital in Soweto): ...... R37,24 Johannesburg General (white hospital): ...... Ri 01,95 The fact sheet criticised plans to establish a new private hospital in Soweto, saying that this would only benefit the economic elite. The fact sheet mentioned that the greatest disparities could be seen when African homelands were compared to 'white' areas. Statistics for hospital services in the African homelands were as follows: Homeland Total population Hospitals Beds Person/bed Transkei 4142800 32 7795 312,5 Bophuthatswana 2 219 600 11 5 663 217,4 Ciskei 1023200 4 1119 476,2 KwaZulu 5304500 31 8911 312,5 QwaQwa 1 791 700 1 245 304,5 Lebowa 2121200 20 6508 222,2 Gazankulu 854 900 4 1 214 275,7 According to the Minister of Health, Welfare and Pensions8 a total of 17 700 beds was needed for the white section of the population. This figure was based on a ratio of 4 beds per 1 000 population. He also said59 that a total of 51 220 beds were needed for the coloured population (on the basis of 4 beds per 1 000 population), a total of 38 415 for the Indian group (on the basis of 3 beds per 1 000 population), and a total of 25 610 beds for the African group (on the basis of 2 beds per 1 000 population). The number of beds available to leprosy sufferers was extracted from the departmental report: White 50 Coloured 100 Indian 30 African 820 Total 1 000 In September the Department of Health recommended that health services being run by local authorities be curtailed. The number of health posts with local authorities which were subsidised by the department had been frozen and no new staff could be taken on to run new clinics completed in the 1981-82 financial year. According to the Director-General of Health, the money allocated to health was sufficient to maintain existing services, but not to expand them. The cut back on funds for the Department of Health was made in terms of the government's broad policy to curtail state spending, as an anti-inflationary measure." In his budget speech, the Administrator of the Transvaal, Mr W Cruywagen, said that the province was in debt and that it would be necessary to cut back on hospital services. He said he expected that in the 1981-82 financial year the allowance for hospital services would fall

406 R50mshortofactualneeds.AtotalofR420mwouldbespenton provincial hospitals and institutions.' According to Professor A Nkabinde, Principal and Vice-Chancellor Doctors of the University of Zululand, unless very much larger numbers of African students were admitted for medical training, medical services in the African community would break down by the year 2000.2 Professor T Sarkin, head of the Department of Orthopaedic Surgery at the University of Natal in Durban, said that the KwaZulu health services were in a state of near-collapse. They were short of staff, money, equipment, and back-up services as well as infrastructure. He recommended that the health services of KwaZulu and Natal be re-coordinated and re-united.63 Medical personnel Doctors According to the department's annual report, 14 948 doctors were registered with SA Medical and Dental Council as at December 31, 1979. Their racial groups are not recorded in the register. The report noted that District Surgeon services were taken over by the Cape Provincial Administration on April 1, 1980. It was anticipated that the remaining three provincial administrations would have taken over these services by the end of the following year. In 1980 a total of 136 posts for full-time district surgeons existed, of which 91 were vacant. There were 207 posts for part-time district surgeons, only two of which were vacant. In January a Sunday Times survey64 revealed that by far the majority of doctors in private practice were unwilling to take on extra patients as they were already overworked. In the Witwatersrand area alone which had the highest doctor-patient ratio in the country - nearly 70% of doctors questioned said that they were unable to cater for extra patients. According to the Medical School of the University of the Witwatersrand the problem was not a lack of young students, but inadequate facilities to cope with the extra demand for medical staff. The school cited as an example the fact that it could cope with only 200 new students per year. In February the minister said in the Assembly that there was still a shortage of 83 full time district surgeons.65 Secondment of medical and para-medical staff The number of medical and para-medical personnel seconded to health administrations in the African homelands was extracted from the Department of Health Report for 1980: Medical and Nursing Para- Pharma- Health Area dental staff medical cists Inspectors Total Lebowa 76 - 8 6 2 92 Gazankulu 31 2 5 3 - 41 Venda 13 9 1 - - 23 Ciskei 54 3 14 3 - 74 KwaZulu 252 19 45 15 1 332 QwaQwa 3 - 1 1 - 5

Medical and Nursing Para- Pharma- Health Area dental staff medical cists Inspectors Bophuthatswana 49 33 6 7 Transkei 29 7 - 2 Other 31 870 - Total 95 38 9r1 Total 538 943 80 37 3 1 601 Doctors' salaries Speaking in the Assembly in February,66 the Minister of Health said that the salary scales of doctors employed in state and provincial hospital services were being determined only by the grade of the post held, discrimination according to race having been eliminated. Annual salaries ranged from R26 700 for a chief specialist/professor to a top notch of R20 400 for a medical officer. The Sunday Tribune reported in August67 that, according to information it had received, white medical officers, unlike their black colleagues, had been receiving double-notch increments. However, according to Dr J Gilliland, the Deputy Director-General of Health, the department's policy was one of no differentiation between the race 68 groups. It was announced in August that doctors' fees and private hospital tariffs were to rise by 10%.69 In October, however, the SA Medical and Dental Council demanded a further rise of 6% in doctors' fees.70 Medical students Figures giving the enrolment at the medical schools in SA in 1980, and the number who qualified at the end of 1979, were given on page 572 of last year's Survey. No comprehensive later information is available at the time of writing. The annual medical students' conference at Wits Medical School took place in the first week of May.' The theme of the conference was 'South African Health: History of the Main Complaint'. The conference focussed on the background to ill health - the historical, social, economic and political factors. Papers were delivered dealing with underdevelopment, overpopulation and the health of workers. The conference concluded with a panel discussion which acknowledged that health was partly a political matter. Doctors and other health workers often hid the real causes of ill health in SA: in this way they became part of the problem that had to be overcome in order to promote health. It was recognised that health could be satisfactorily promoted only in a democratic society, in which all people participated in determining how the resources of the society were to be distributed. Health workers could play a part by assisting truly democratic community and worker organisations. Seven SA student bodies petitioned the International Federation of Medical Students' Association to expel the SA Medical Students' Association (SAMSA)72 from the world organisation. Among the seven organisations were: the Medical Students' Council of the University of the Witwatersrand, the executive of the Wits SRC, NUSAS, Natal University Medical SRC, Wits Black Students' Society (BSS) and Wits Medical 408 School's Black Students' Society. Their petition said that SAMSA had shown few signs in the past of accepting the principle that politics and health were inseparable. Dentists Dentists and dental students According to the 1980 annual report of the Department of Health there were 2 426 dentists registered with the SA Medical and Dental Councilas at December 31, 1979. Enrolment figures for undergraduate dental students in 1980 and the numbers who qualified at the end of 1979 were given on page 573 of last year's Survey. Comprehensive later figures are not available. According to a report in Beeld, in July the Dental Council was heading for a conflict with the Minister of Health over a requested 25% increase in tariffs which the minister had rejected.-' It was reported in the Star in April that Medical Aid administrators were also opposed to the proposed increase in dentists' fees. They said that dentists had received an increase of 43% in 1979 and that the entire tariff was already too high.-' Information relating to the salary scales of dentists employed in state and provincial hospitals in 1981 is not available. For the 1980 figures see 1980 Survey p 574. Nurses Numbers According to the department's annual report for 1980, the following numbers of nursing personnel were registered with the SA Nursing Council as at December 31, 1979: White 27 837 Coloured 3 785 Indian 858 African 21 048 Total 53 528 Information on pupil nurses registered at that date was given in the 1980 Survey, p 574. According to the Minister of Health the following numbers of nurses completed their training in 1980:-African Coloured Indian White Total General 1 359 321 96 883 2659 General and midwifery 235 35 3 405 678 Midwifery 1 035 252 83 688 2 058 Psychiatric 132 20 18 133 303 General and psychiatric - - - 34 34 Total 2761 628 200 2143 5732

Shortage of Nurses 409 Reports from various newspapers indicated growing shortages of nursing staff in all the major provincial hospitals in the country. Speaking at a press conference in Pretoria, Professor C Searle, the Nurses president of the SA Nursing Association, said that SA's nursing crisis would persist unless dramatic improvements were made in the earnings of certain categories of nurses, and in service conditions.', According to a top cardiac surgeon at Groote Schuur Hospital nurses were treated 'little better than slaves' in terms of their hours of work, pay and working conditions. He said that long-term career opportunities for nurses were extremely poor. He predicted that in five years the nursing staff at the hospital would be exclusively coloured and that within ten years the wards would be manned by African nurses. Another cardiac surgeon, the well-known Dr M Barnard, predicted that78 black nurses would increasingly be used in white hospitals as the nursing shortage worsened. He was commenting on the possibility of the government changing its policy of using white nurses only in white provincial hospitals. According to a report in June,,9 many black nurses were unemployed because while there were enough jobs to go round, work that was available was for white nurses only. There had been a 'brain drain' in this sector to such an extent that hundreds of beds and many wards had been closed. Another problem was that many African nurses from homelands that had accepted independence were being categorised as 'foreign'. This meant that they could not be registered with the SA Nursing Council, and consequently they had difficulty in finding work. Dr J Coovadia, a senior lecturer at the University of Natal's Faculty of Medicine, said that the only real solution to the nursing crisis was a fundamental restructuring of society and the elimination of discrimination based on race or colour. He suggested that, in the short term, health services for the underprivileged black people should be rapidly expanded so that unemployed black nurses could be given work. As an immediate measure unemployed black nurses should be employed wherever the need existed to minister to people of all races. According to SASPU National," the employment of black nurses in white hospitals would enable the state to reopen facilities and to run them at a lower cost. This was because there were considerable differences between the salaries of black nurses and white nurses. The latter could be retained to do the more highly skilled work. Nurses' salaries According to a private practitioner81 who had studied the salaries paid to nurses, they were financially worse off than in 1971, yet the Nursing Association was powerless to help them. This was because the board members of the Association were employed by the provincial authorities and were therefore unable to make realistic salary demands. His findings showed that in 1970 a student nurse earned a gross monthly salary of RI 10, while a newly qualified sister was paid R1 70 per month. Ten years later the latter was being paid R265 (starting salary) and could expect to receive R433 after three years. A sister trained in midwifery could expect R472,50, while a qualified senior clinical matron would be paid RI 076 per month. He said this had not kept up with the 178% increase in the

410 cost of living over the same period. In fact, the student nurse and the qualified sister were worse off by approximately R40 per month than in 1970. Health Nurses' salaries were increased by 12% in April. Salaries for registered nurses and sisters increased by from 17,2% to 18,9%. According to the minister, parity had been achieved in the salary scales for chief matrons of all races.82 The minister notified the Nursing Association that sisters would get increases of up to 20% and that the overall rate for all nurses would be doubled. This meant that the monthly pay of a sister would rise by between R73 and R120. The new salaries would therefore range between R439 and R737 per month. Student nurses were expected to receive a 12% increase to bring their pay scales up to between R243 and per month." References I Hansard 2 col 1037 August 14 2 ibidcol 1571 3 Ibidcols 1589, 1590 4 Hansard 3 col 1628 August 21 5 Ibidcol 1528 August31 6 Ibidcols 1631, 1632 August21 7 Ibidcol 2089 August 21 8 Rand Daily MailOctober 15 9 IbidJuly 10 10 IbidJuly 21 11 Work in Progress No 16 12 Fact Sheet No 1, Wits Medical Students' Conference 1981 13 FinancialMailMay 15 14 Cape Times October 3 1 Work In Progress, op cit 16 Sunday Express January 18 17 Rand Daily MailJanuary 7 18 StarJanuary 20 19 Natal Witness April 23 20 Argus August 31 21 Frontline of Health in Africa, Health Care Trust, Mowbray 22 Various newspaper reports 23 Natal Witness May 26 24 Ibid 25 Daily Dispatch June 1 26 Rand Daily MailJune 11 27 Hansard 4 Q cols 189, 190 February 20 28 Hansard 3 Q cols 11, 112 August 19 29 Annual Report of the Department of Health, Welfare and Pensions, 1980 30 Hansard 2 Q col 31 February 4 31 Annual Departmental Report, op cit 32 Ibid 33 Hansard 4 Q cols 189, 190 February 20 34 Santa News April 3s StarJuly 23 36 Natal Mercury March 25 31 Various reports from Natal Mercury, Rand Daily Mail and the SA MedicalJournal 38 EveningPostJuly 10 19 Rand Daily MailJune 26 40 Various news reports from the Starand Rand Daily Mail 41 Rand Daily MailJanuary 26 42 Citizen July 8 43 Rand Daily Mail September 14 44 Work In Progress No 16 45 Hansard 5 Q cols 277-279 February 26

46 SA DigestMay 15 411 47 Citizen September 9 48 Hansard 7 Q col 385 September 14 49 Hansard 5 Q col 303 February 26 50 Eastern Province Herald December 12 Health 51 Rand Daily MailMarch 9 52 lbidMarch 10 53 Frontline on Health in Africa, Health Care Trust, Mowbray i4 Annual Report Department of Health, op cit 3i Evening PostJanuary 27 56 FiatLuxApril 5i Wits Medical Students' Conference, Fact Sheet No 2 58 Hansard 3 Q col 113 August 20 59 Hansard 7 Q cols 388, 389 September 14 60 Daily Dispatch September 23 61 StarAugust 6 62 Natal MercuryMay 13 63 StarMay 22 64 Sunday Times January 25 65 Star February 17 66 Hansard 3 Q cols 117, 118, 119, 120 February 12 67 Sunday Tribune August 30 68 Natal Mercury September 1 69 StarAugust 25 70 Rand Daily Mail October 16 71 Saspu NationalJune 72 StarAugust 14 13 BeeldJuly 31 74 StarApril 16 75 Hansard 5 Q cols 266, 267, 268 September 2 76 Rand Daily Mail April 2 7 Daily Dispatch July 11 78 StarMarch 28 19 Post Natal June 10 80 Saspu National July 81 Argus August 17 82 SA Digest April 3 83 Star February 18

SOCIAL WELFARE Legislation The Fund Raising Second Amendment Act, No 92, amended the Fund Raising Act of 1978, which enabled the Minister of Health, Welfare and Pensions to prohibit the collection of funds by or on behalf of any person(s) or organisation(s). The amendment permits the minister to prohibit fund raising without provision for the affected organisation to make any representation against such an order. According to the minister' the amendment was necessary in order to enable him to put an immediate stop to the raising of funds in cases where the security of the country demanded it. He said that the amendment had been necessitated by a Surpreme Court order in terms of which a prohibition on the raising of funds by the Federation of SA Trade Unions (FOSATU) had been revoked. (For information on the ministerial order banning fund raising by FOSATU, see the chapter on Trade Unions and Labour Relations.) Mr Z le Roux (NP)2 said that the Act was aimed at protecting the public from swindlers, and the state from subversive organisations. He said that it should be made as difficult as possible for illegal organisations like the SA Communist Party and the ANC to raise funds in SA. The PFP rejected the amendment,, arguing that the provision could be directed at many organisations and not only at trade unions. It could, for example, outlaw the giving of legal aid to those charged under the Group Areas Act. Expenditure by state departments Figures for the total amount spent on welfare services by the state in 1979 were unavailable. The figures for 1978 appear in the 1980 Survey page 578. Total expenditure (excluding expenditure in independent and selfgoverning homelands) on social welfare services for three of the main racial groups during the 1979-80 financial year were extracted from the annual reports of the Departments of Health, Welfare and Pensions, Cooperation and Development, and Indian Affairs, as follows: Expenditure (R-000) Item White Coloured Indian African Oldagepensions 163462 Not 12395 58221 Pensions for the blind 884 available 164 1 410 Disability pensions 29 373 10 914 25 526 War veterans' pensions 17 297 188 170

Information on war pensions and gratuities, maintenance grants and 413 foster parents' grants, and welfare services in the homelands was not available. For information on these items for the 1978-79 financial year, see 1980 Survey p 578. Social Information on the number of coloured persons who were in receipt of social pensions in the 1979-80 financial year was received from the Welfare Director-General of Coloured Affairs: Number of beneficiaries Item 1979-1980 Old age pensions 88 497 Pensions for the blind 1 626 Disability pensions 57 131 War veterans' pensions 7 979 Children The acting Director-General of the Department of Health, Welfare and Pensions said that during the 1979-80 financial year the department spent R7 385 987 on child welfare services on behalf of white children.4 During the same period the Department of Coloured Affairs spent R46 540 145 (the amount did not include subsidies paid in terms of social workers employed by welfare organisations connected with child welfare services).' The Annual Report of the Department of Co-operation and Development for 1980 lists an amount of RI 668 200 spent in terms of the Children's Act (1960), excluding the homelands. According to the annual report of the Department of Indian Affairs, in the 1979-80 financial year R21 7 643 was spent on subsidies paid to the existing six children's homes. According to the sources mentioned earlier, the following numbers of children were in children's homes during the year stated :6 White Coloured Indian African 1979 941 2444 185 704 1980 691 1689 - The following numbers of children were placed in registered adoption in 1980 in terms of the Children's Act:' White 1 973 Coloured 589 Indian 142 African Notavailable The following numbers of children were placed in foster care in 1980 in terms of the Children's Act:' White 1 079 Coloured 15 798 Indian 1 203 African Notavailable Social pensions Social pensioners received a 12% increase from April 1. This meant a R1 3

414 rise per month in social pensions for whites, R9 for coloured people and Indians and R7 for Africans.' There was also a special bonus of R30 for whites, R24 for coloured people and Indians and Ri 8 for Africans.10 Social For information regarding the maximum monthly pensions payable Welfare as at December 1979 and December 1980, see 1980 Survey p 580. The Minister of Health, Welfare and Pensions said that the number of old-age pensions cancelled as a result of the application of the means test was minimal.1 According to Mr H Schwarz, PFP, figures released in the AuditorGeneral's Report showed that while 139 722 whites (3% of the white population) were receiving old age pensions, only 199 565 Africans out of 16m domiciled in the white areas were state pensioners. This corresponded to 1,25% of the African population in these areas. According to the figures given in the report, 3% of the coloured community (87 722 people) and 2% of the Indian community (17 377 people) drew old age pensions.12 The Minister of Health, Welfare and Pensions announced that 205 858 whites were receiving social pensions as at February.3 The Minister of Internal Affairs said that as at February I there were 156 407 coloured and 35 300 Indian social pensioners.'4 The Minister of Cooperation and Development said that as at December 31, 1980 there were 299 775 African social pensioners.'" The Minister of Health, Welfare and Pensions said'6 that the minimum amount of money needed for a reasonable existence was R20 per month (this covered only articles like food and clothing, and not accommodation). He said that white pensioners received R122 per month, and were consequently well above the subsistence level. Although the minister had said that the above-mentioned figures were based on research undertaken by the Department of Health and the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC), both the department and council denied this. The Deputy Director of Nutritional Services in the Department of Health said that scientific research would not substantiate the R20 per month figure given by the minister as the amount needed to provide for minimum food needs.'7 African pensions in 1980 were R33 per month, payable every two months.'8 Africans have to travel to the offices of Administration Boards to receive amounts due to them. Pensions due to employees In August the draft Preservation of Pension Interests Amendment Bill was published for comment. In terms of the Bill, employees would no longer be able to withdraw their pension benefits when leaving a job to enter other employment. They would have to transfer their accumulated benefits to another fund, or else could leave the pension money with the former employer subject to the agreement of the employer and the pension fund concerned. However, an employee would still be entitled to transfer the money due to him to a retirement annuity fund or to deposit the money- in a special trust savings account at a bank, building society or the Post Office.9 According to the Bill, only one-third of the total pension could be taken out as a lump sum on retirement.20 Money put into a pension fund had three elements - the contri- bution of the worker, that from the employer, and the capital apprecia- 415 tions and interest earned. The Bill provided that the worker's portion, when he/she left a job, would comprise his own contributions plus 7,5% from the other two components." Social The proposed legislation made provision for the granting of exemp- Welfare tions from the provisions relating to withdrawal of benefits. Examples of cases where exemption might be granted were the following: contract workers from a territory outside SA (including Transkei, Venda and Bophuthatswana) who returned there after completion of their contracts of service; requests for exemptions in a particular industrial sector for sound reasons; female members of pension funds who were married or were to be married; and emigrants.22 Government officials said that they hoped the Bill, if passed, would reduce the number of people who became a 'burden' to the state when they retired.2 According to Mr B Kantor, a UCT economist, the system of pension benefits came into being in order to serve the economic interests of the employers. Their purpose was to discourage labour mobility. The making of pensions transferable would enable competing employers to entice away senior employees by offering salary increments to meet the workers' short-term needs. Employers would be less inclined to offer generous pensions if they could no longer use this method to hold on to their labour force. He contended that in this particular sense, the proposed legislation would be self-defeating. Natal University economist, Professor J Nattrass, criticised Mr Kantor's reasoning. She doubted whether transferability would increase mobility at the top of the job structure. She maintained that the higher the employee rose in a company the more specific to that company did the employee's knowledge and experience become.2" According to a report in Saspu National, black workers believed that as the people most affected by the draft pensions Bill, they should have had a major say in the drawing up of the legislation. Instead, the proposals came after debate between the state, insurance companies and management, in consultation with white union officials. Although the state and the employers had said that a national preservation fund would improve the quality of life of pensioners, in a country like SA, where wages were low and unemployment high, pensions were an important source of money during times when people were out of work. The average life expectancy of African men in SA was 50 years. It was therefore difficult to comprehend how African people would benefit from the proposed scheme if money could only be withdrawn when a worker retired or turned 60.25 For the reaction of workers and trade unions to the draft Bill, see chapter on Trade Unions and Labour Relations (page 210). Social workers According to a report in the Star, there was a manpower crisis threatening the entire sphere of social work, largely because salary issues had been ignored. Social workers of all races were steadily being siphoned off to more attractive positions in commerce and industry. The situation among black members of the profession was particularly serious.26 In May the Durban branch of the Society of Social Workers ex-

41 6 pressed concern about the lack of adequate and uniform salary scales for all race groups, inadequate service conditions, and the shortage of social workers. According to the Society the starting salaries of white social Social workers (male or female) after completion of a three-year or four-year Welfare degree averaged R472,50 per month, while a black social worker with the same qualifications could expect a starting salary of R352 if a male, and R334,50 if a female. Inadequate service conditions, which also lacked uniformity, together with dissatisfaction over salary scales, had led to the shortage of personnel in the profession. In a statement issued in June the Minister of Internal Affairs said he had held talks with representatives of the Social Workers' Association and the Society for Social Workers of SA, covering many matters relating to social work. These included the shortage of qualified workers, salaries, service conditions and financial assistance by the state to private welfare organisations. The minister claimed that complete parity in pay scales for state employees in his department had been achieved by April 1 .21 In August the Social Welfare Society of SA, the Social Workers' Association and the Black Social Workers of SA met in Johannesburg and demanded a combined government department for all race groups instead of four departments. They also demanded pay increases to match nurses' salaries and the elimination of race and sex wage gaps. The Society of Social Workers in SA focused on the position of African social workers at its symposium in September. According to Mr R Mphahlele, African social workers were hindered in alleviating the problems of the community because of the apartheid laws which destroyed community and family life. The effects of influx control, migrant labour, low wages, and the shortage of housing aggravated social problems and frequently bound the individual in a structural impasse, he said."' References Hansard 8 ol 4599 September 23 2 Ibidcols 4615 to 4619 Ibidcol 4613 4 Information supplied by the Acting Director-General of Health, Welfare and Pensions, October 14 Information supplied by the Director-General of Coloured Affairs, September 8 6 Information extracted from the Annual Reports of the Departments of Co- operation and Development (RP 104/1980) and Indian Affairs (RP 114/1980) and given by the Assistant Director-General of Health, Welfare and Pensions and the Director-General of Coloured Affairs Ibid 3 Ibid Daily Dispatch August 19 10 Rand Daily Mail May 5 1 Hansard 5 Q cols 227, 228 February 25 12 Rand Daily Mail February 13 13 Hansard 3 Q cols 93, 94 February 10 14 Ibid 15 Ibid 16 Rand Daily MailApri 1 25 17 /bidApril 27 18 /bidApril 28 19 SowetanMay 8

20 Rand Daily Mail August 29 417 21 Natal MercurySeptember 1 22 Cape TimesJanuary 30 23 Rand Daily Mail December 12, 1980 24 Financial MailApril 24 Social 25 Saspu NationalAugust Welfare 26 StarApril 14 27 Daily News May 30 28 Rand Daily Mail June 16 2q9 lbidAugust 19 30 Eastern Province Herald September 29

SPORT General Right wing opposition to 'deracialised sport' became more acute during 1981, as evidenced by increased resistance to integrated school sport meetings. On the other hand, the 'blacklist' sponsored by the United Nations, which seeks to isolate SA sport by boycotting sportsmen who have had contact with SA, was designed to coerce sports authorities into making further concessions. These opposing pressures have left government-sanctioned 'multinational' sport squarely in the middle. There was little change in relations between the SA Council of Sport (SACOS), which is affiliated to the Supreme Council for Sport in Africa (SCSA), and the SA National and Olympic Games Association (NOGA). (See Survey 1980, p 599.) Further reference to the matter is made in this chapter. Rugby tours to and from SA continued in spite of massive international pressure, which succeeded in bringing about the cancellation of a soccer tour by a team of British professional players who had already arrived in the country. The SA Cricket Union failed to gain approval of its application for membership of the International Cricket Conference. The central government apparently left local authorities free to decide whether or not to open sports facilities to members of all racial groups. Government policy In its report on sport, issued in 1980, the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) recommended that the relevant sections of the Group Areas Act, Separate Amenities Act, Black (Urban Areas) Consolidation Act and Liquor Act should be repealed to allow for integration in sport.' During March Mr D Dalling, MP, opposition spokesman on sport, attacked the government for not implementing the HSRC's recommerdations, saying this was 'playing into the hands of our enemies'. The nonimplementation of the recommendations, he said, would hamper the campaign of SA sportsmen in the 'international arena'., During May, Dr Gerrit Viljoen, Minister of National Education, said that the government had 'approved in principle that the relevant sections of the Liquor Act, the Group Areas Act and the Urban Areas Consolidation Act should be amended in order to abolish their applicability to sport situations'.3 Regarding the Reservation of Separate Amenities Act, the minister said that the government was in agreement with the view of the HSRC but that a further investigation was required. As described in an earlier chapter, the Liquor Act was amended during 1981 (Act 117) to exempt holders of club liquor licences from racial 418 restrictions on the serving of liquor, thus enabling sports or other clubs 419 which catered wholly or mainly for whites to offer liquor to black members and visitors if the club committees so decided. In an interview with The Star on November 23, Dr Viljoen pointed Sport out that clubs could already obtain umbrella permits under the Group Areas Act to admit persons of all races to their premises. Amendments to the Group Areas Act itself and to the Black (Urban Areas) Act were being drafted and would be placed before Parliament in 1982. School sport As in the previous year,' Mr Jan Preuyt, chairman of the SA Schools' Rugby Association, stated that he was against the participation of African and coloured rugby teams in the annual Craven Week schools' rugby tournament. Mr Preuyt received support from 15 East Rand principals, who said their schools would boycott a racially mixed tournament, and also from Dr Andries Treurnicht, Minister of Statistics.' Dr Danie Craven, president of the SA Rugby Board (SARB), said that unlike the previous year, when one coloured team played under special dispensation, in 1981 black teams would be given full right to participate. He said that this was a policy decision of the SARB and of the sponsors. Those who did not accept the ruling should 'get out'. Dr Viljoen said during November' that the Craven rugby week was regarded by the government as being outside the official school sports system, and players therefore did not need official approval in advance. At school level, Dr Viljoen continued, the government's attitude was that ordinary school sport was part of the educational programme - of the curriculum - and as such, should remain racially segregated. If a school wished to compete with a school for pupils of another race it could do so with the approval of the parent- teachers' association, the principal and the education department. Those private schools in white areas which admit black pupils, are apparently free to field racially mixed teams in sports matches played against all-white provincial schools that are willing to participate. Large numbers of such matches are played, arousing little comment, although there are occasional objections. A rugby match in the Transvaal Administrator's Cup League between the (Afrikaans) Hoerskool Waterkloof and the Pretoria Christian Brothers' College (CBC) was cancelled because the CBC team included two black players, one the son of the Malawian ambassador and the other the son of a Botswana businessman. The Afrikaans school objected. Thereupon the headmaster of the CBC cancelled other matches that were to have taken place that day between the two schools.8 In another incident, the (white) Port Natal Hoerskool in Durban refused to allow its under-14 girls' netball team to play against a team from a convent which included a coloured player. The principal of the Hoirskool, Mr E 0 Klingenburg, said it was the policy of the Natal Education Department that schools with mixed teams should inform opposing schools of this fact in advance. He said that some parents objected to their children playing against mixed teams and that if he had been informed earlier he would have consulted with parents. The netball game continued after the coloured girl had left the field and had been replaced by a white reserve.9

420 Indian and coloured schools are members of the SACOS-affiliated Primary Schools' Sports Association and High Schools' Sports Association. Sport University sport In keeping with its 1980 decision, the Black Universities Sports Council (BUSC) applied to the biennial conference of the SA Council of Sport (SACOS) for full membership of this body. BUSC supported its application by saying that if membership were granted then all university sports facilities, including those of the University of the Witwatersrand and the University of Cape Town, would be controlled by SACOS. The SACOS conference rejected the application because of its 'double standards' resolution, which forbids any dealings with individuals or organisations which have links with the apartheid state. Black students attending mainly white universities did have such links, SACOS considered, since they attended the institutions under government permit. The Randse Afrikaanse Universiteit (RAU) cancelled all sporting contact with the University of the Witwatersrand after a SA flag had been burnt during a demonstration on the campus of the latter institution. It transpired later that the culprit had probably not been a registered student at the university concerned (see the chapter on Universities). International pressure Guyana objected to the inclusion of Robin Jackman in an English cricket team touring the West Indies because he had maintained close sporting links with SA. The controversy resulted in the cancellation of a test match.10 This 'Jackman Affair', as it became known, led to the birth of the 'blacklist' against international sportsmen who had links with SA. The 'blacklist' was launched by the Supreme Council for Sport in Africa (SCSA) on March 13 and was immediately supported by the overseas representatives of the SA Council of Sport (SACOS), i.e. the NonRacial Olympic Committee (SANROC), and the Azanian People's Organisation (AZAPO).11 Among the immediate reactions to the 'blacklist' were the cancellation of a tour to Trinidad by an American soccer team, since it contained three SA players, and a declaration by a British golfer that he would not play again in SA. While the blacklist was being authorised, the Zimbabwean authorities severed all sporting ties with SA.'2 SACOS revealed that it had provided names for this list." The affiliation of SACOS to SCSA meant that all African countries supported the blacklist.14 Reaction among non-African countries was mixed. The British government was the most critical: Mr Hector Munro, British Minister of Sport, called it 'an infringement of human freedom'.15 The sports ministers of 23 European countries convened a meeting to discuss the matter at which a resolution was passed calling upon 'sports organisations to draw up rules (a code of conduct) on participation in international sport...'. There were two immediate repercussions to the publication of the blacklist. Firstly Mr Billy Beaumont, captain of England and the British Lions rugby team that toured SA in 1980, withdrew from playing in a rugby benefit match in SA after finding his name had appeared on the blacklist; this threatened his import/export business activities in third world countries., Secondly, Nigeria jailed and deported three black- 421 listed British tennis players who had entered to play in a Grand Prix tournament there. Reacting to this, the International Professional Tennis Council expelled Nigeria from the International Grand Prix Circuit 'as a Sport warning to other countries considering applying the UN blacklist aimed against SA'.'1 (See sections under sports codes.) When the New Zealand Rugby Board decided that it would not cancel an invitation to the Springboks to tour its country, the West Indies retaliated by cancelling a proposed New Zealand cricket tour to the West Indies. A scheduled English cricket tour to India was threatened because two blacklisted players had been included in the English team, but eventually Mrs Indira Gandhi's government accepted that England's Test and County Cricket Board had no power to prevent individual players coaching and playing in South Africa.' During December African militants submitted a sweeping resolution to the UN General Assembly which would have outlawed not only countries and sportsmen defying the ban on links with SA, but also 'third party' countries which competed with those that had been outlawed. But the Soviet Union quashed this plan. The General Assembly passed a resolution enabling governments and organisations to take such action as they deemed appropriate. National sports bodies Sport in SA continued to be controlled by two rival national bodies, the SA National and Olympic Games Association (NOGA) and SACOS. NOGA organised SA Festival Games to celebrate the twentieth anniversary of the formation of the Republic of SA. The SA Games were first held in 1969 after SA had been excluded from the Olympic Games. The events held in 1981 were well supported. In pursuance of its anti-apartheid stance, SACOS supported the UN blacklist and at this year's biennial conference was even firmer than in the past in its stand against apartheid." SACOS continued its relationship with SANROC, arguing that since its executive members were not allowed passports, the SA body had no other voice in the outside world. Mr Hassan Howa, who for a number of years had been president of SACOS, called for a national convention on sport to consider a solution to SA's continued isolation.2" Dr Danie Craven, president of the SA Rugby Board, said that he would attend a national convention if politics were not discussed. Mr Rudolf Opperman, president of NOGA, said he would attend if the press were not invited.- Mr Howa's reaction was that he had only been 'sounding people out' and that he felt many were afraid to attack the real issues of sport in SA. Mr Howa had been adopting an increasingly conciliatory attitude, and after much debate, the SACOS-affiliated Provincial Councils of Sport agreed to oust him from the presidency.-2 2 He did not attend the May conference, at which Mr Morgan Naidoo was elected president in his stead. Mr Naidoo pledged that SACOS would maintain its anti-apartheid stand and would continue to assist SANROC and other such bodies, to update the UN blacklist, and to supply information to anti-SA sports bodies such as Halt all Racist Tours (HART) in New Zealand.

422 Athletics Promising black athletes were again offered sports scholarships to the United States of America to give them opportunities for international Sport competition. Following in the steps of Mr Sydney Maree and Mr Mathews Motshwarateu, who both attend American universities on sports scholarships, a promising black athlete, 19-year-old Mr Gerry Magobolo, was offered a scholarship to the University of Texas. However, he cancelled his acceptance after a crowd of school children threatened him and his family with death." Two other athletes, Mr Charles Vilakazi and Mr Abel Thlome, did accept scholarships to universities in America.24 While both Mr Maree and Mr Motshwarateu were allowed to compete on the universities' circuit, they were not so fortunate in.Europe and even at some US venues. Because they came from SA, they were barred from the Milrose Games in New York, even after appeals had been made to the US Secretary of State. In order to enable them to participate internationally, they have both changed their citizenship. Because he is married to a US citizen, Mr Maree became a naturalised American. Mr Motshwarateu opted for Botswana citizenship because he was born there.2' South Africans were able to participate in the World Veterans' Athletics Games in New Zealand because they entered as members of overseas clubs, e.g. clubs from USA or Holland.26 Boxing The boxing year in SA began with a world championship fight in Soweto, Johannesburg. Peter Mathebula, who had won the world flyweight title in the US, defended his title against an Argentinian, Santos Laciar, who defied UN pressure by coming to fight in SA.27 Despite attempts by AZAPO to arrange a boycott of the fight, a large crowd attended. This event was a forerunner of visits by other foreign boxers who were recognised by the World Boxing Association, which accepts SA's membership. The rival World Boxing Council does not do so. Several SA boxers toured the USA. Despite the boycotts of SA by many overseas bodies, the chairman of the SA Boxing Board of Control, Mr Justice H W 0 Klopper, became the first SA president of the World Boxing Association in April, when, as first vice-president, he succeeded Mr Rodrigo Sanchez, who had been forced to resign through illness.28 Cricket During 1981 the SA Cricket Union (SACU) applied to be admitted to full membership of the International Cricket Conference (ICC). The 'Jackman Affair', described earlier, had threatened to split world cricket into white and black camps, and SACU felt reasonably confident that it would be accepted by the white members if the split eventuated. At the ICC meeting it was decided that there would be no interference with team selections by member countries. This solved the difficulties faced by countries maintaining links with SA cricket, especially England. The threatened split in the ICC did not materialise, although the acceptance of Sri Lanka to full membership of the ICC destroyed SACU's chances of regaining membership, since the black members (India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and the West Indies) became the majority.9

The hostility between SACU and the SACOS-affiliated SA Cricket 423 Board (SACB) continued. As described on page 565 of the 1977 Survey, SACU was formed in 1977 with a non-racial constitution and administration. Mr Rashid Varachia was elected president.* Mr Hassan Howa Sport formed the SACB. The Transvaal SACB affiliate, the Transvaal Cricket Board (TCB), was this year not allocated any grounds in Lenasia, Johannesburg (the major Indian group area in the Transvaal), even though most Lenasia teams are affiliated to the TCB.0 Soccer The rift between the National Professional Soccer League (NPSL), which is affiliated to the Football Council of SA (FCSA), and the SA Football Federation (SAFF), which is seeking SACOS membership, widened. Both claim to be multiracial. Mr George Thabe, president of the FCSA, said that he would not join SACOS because the latter was a political organisation, and thus the 'differences are irreconcilable'.' SACOS, on the other hand, would not accept Mr Thabe because he served on the Sebokeng Community Council, a government-sponsored local authority. SACOS views people who participate in government organisations as breaking the 'double standards' resolution. For the same reason SACOS rejected SAFF's application for membership because its president, Mr Norman Middleton, belonged to the coloured Labour Party. SACOS remained adamant that it would only accept SAFF as a member if Mr Middleton resigned from the party. The NPSL suffered a setback when it lost the use of three football grounds. The Pretoria City Council banned multi-racial football at the Caledonian Stadium, home ground of the Arcadia Pepsi first-division club on the grounds that multiracial football led to violence. 2 The Johannesburg City Council's decision to ban football at the Rand Stadium, for similar reasons, deprived the NPSL of another major venue. When Dynamos, another first-division team, applied to use the Lenasia Stadium for NPSL fixtures, premission was refused because of the SAFFaffiliated sub-union had already been allocated use of the stadium. Fourteen British professional footballers were invited to play in SA, but after their arrival the tour had to be called off. The Federation of International Football Associations (FIFA) declared it would suspend the players if they played competitive football in SA, while the football clubs to which they were contracted in Britain insisted that they should not do so.33 Rugby Three international rugby tours took place during the year. An Irish national team toured SA during May; a team of SA's Country Districts toured South America during the same month; and in August the Springboks toured New Zealand. Both major tours caused enormous controversy. The decision by the Irish Rugby Football Union to accept the invitation to tour SA led to a large protest march in Dublin." A number of prominent Irish players announced before the team was selected that they would not participate because of SA's apartheid policies. The Euro- * Mr Varachia died on 11 December.

424 pean 'player of the year', Mr Tony Ward, stated that since he had been to SA in 1980 he had seen no major changes and he would not return." The Springbok tour of New Zealand led to major clashes between Sport NZ citizens who supported the right of rugby administrators to invite a team of their own choice and those who wished to demonstrate their opposition to apartheid in SA. Many people were injured, and great damage caused to property. Two planned matches were cancelled. The South African team spent most of their time in seclusion. Under conditions of extreme secrecy, the Springbok team played two matches in the US on their way home from New Zealand. Members of the public were not admitted to the grounds. A Welsh team called the Academics toured SA. It played against teams from white universities other than the Rand Afrikaans University, which was excluded because, as described earlier, it had temporarily cut sporting ties with the University of the Witwatersrand. Riding and horse racing A team of six British jockeys came to SA in January to compete against six of SA's top riders. 1 SA continued to participate in international show jumping competitions. Hockey During April the Old Johannians hockey team visited Ireland, masquerading as Australians. A Belgian under-21 team and a Spanish team, the 'Don Quixote', toured SA. Tennis SA's professional players continued to play on the international tennis circuit without any interference. The annual 'test' competition between SA and the USA was played at an under-21 level. Three of the USA's leading junior professionals came to SA to participate. References Survey 1980 p 587-588 2 Sunday Express March 22 Citizen May 23 4Survey, op cit p 592 SCape Times March 9 6Sundav, Express January 11 Star November 23 Sunday Express May 3 Sunday Times June 20 Rand Daily Mail February 28 StarMarch 13 !'Rand Daily Mail March 2 ''Argus March 13 StarMarch 19 /bidApri1 10 FriendMarch 13 Sunday Tribune March 22 ".Rand Dailv.MailOctober 20 and 31 " SACOS Biennial Report

20 Daily Dispatch March 24 425 21 Rand Daily MailApri 2 22 Eastern Province Herald December 11, 1980 21 Argus January 16 24 StarJune 17 Sport 23 Rand Daily MailAugust 25 26 Citizen January 29 27 Sowetan March 16 21 IbidApril 16 29 Rand Daily MalJuly 15 11 Interview with Dr Asvat, President TCB 31 Rand Daily MailJanuary 22 32 IbidJune 22 11 IbidJune 27; Citizen June 28 14 Sunday Express January 4 1' Daily Dispatch December 8, 1980 36 StarJanuary 14 37 IbidAugust 13 8 lbidAugust 8 and Rand Daily Mail August 15

LIQUOR LEGISLATION Control of sale of liquor In terms of the Liquor Amendment Act, No 117 of 1981, the administration of the Act was transferred from the Department of Justice to the Department of Industries, Commerce and Tourism. The Liquor Act of 1928 as amended and re-enacted in 1977 had laid down that, subject to certain exceptions, holders of on-consumption liquor licences that were issued in respect of premises established to cater wholly or mainly for whites, must not supply refreshments, meals, accommodation, or liquor for on- consumption to black persons, nor might they admit black persons as guests. One of the early exceptions was that liquor might be sold to black employees of the hotel or of its guests, or black customers, for off- or on-consumption, in a part of the premises that was set aside for black persons. Supply of liquor in hotels and restaurants Another amendment, introduced in 1975, provided for 'international' status to be granted to hotels and restaurants established to cater wholly or mainly for whites. The holders of on-consumption licences in respect of these premises might apply to the local magistrate for authority to sell or supply liquor or refreshments or meals on the premises, or, in the case of hotels, to provide accommodation, to a black person of any group (not necessarily in a segregated part of the premises). After an inquiry by the Liquor Board, the minister might grant the application, subject to such conditions as he might deem fit to impose. Annual re-application for such authority was originally required, but this was rendered unnecessary in 1980: 'international' permits, once granted, remained valid unless withdrawn. Conditions imposed by the minister were set out on page 367 of the 1980 Survey. Inter alia, licensees of 'international' hotels and restaurants had to display special distinguishing signs in a conspicuous place on the building. Hotels or restaurants which did not have international status might apply to the minister or any person acting under his directions for ad hoc permission to serve black guests in parts of the premises which were not segregated. In cases where a speedy decision was wanted, such permission might be sought by telephoning authorised officials of the Liquor Board. Again, conditions might be imposed. In terms of a further amendment contained in Act 117 of 1981, it became possible for hotels and restaurants to be granted a status intermediate between that of 'international' hotels and restaurants and those 426 which did not normally cater for black patrons. Application might be 427 made to the minister for authority, during any particular period, to sell or supply liquor, refreshments, meals or accommodation on the premises to black persons. After any inquiry deemed necessary the minister or any Liquor person acting under his directions might grant such authority for such period and subject to such conditions as might be specified. The licence holder would not have to display any special insignia outside the premises, and would be able to use his discretionary powers in regard to the persons whom he would admit. Supply of liquor in clubs Sports and other clubs may also be granted 'international' status entitling them to supply liquor to black visitors who are competitors, officials, or guests of club members.

SOUTH WEST AFRICA/NAMIBIA INTERNATIONAL NEGOTIATIONS RELATING TO THE FUTURE OF THE TERRITORY UN Security Council Resolution 435(1978) International negotiations relating to the future of SWA/Namibia continue to be based on the United Nations Security Council Resolution 435 (1978). The essence of this resolution was that the UN Secretary-General's Special Representative for Namibian Affairs, Mr Martti Ahtisaari, would come to SWA/Namibia to share responsibility for its interim administration with the SA- appointed Administrator-General. Mr Ahtisaari would be accompanied by a UN Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) composed of administrative personnel and a military force. On an agreed date hostilities between the SA/SWA security forces and SWAPO would cease and the men from both sides would be restricted to specified bases. These processes would be monitored by UNTAG's military force, which would be composed of contingents of men from various countries selected by the Security Council in consultation with the parties concerned, the total not to exceed 7 500 men. During the twelve weeks after the ceasefire SA would reduce the number of its troops in the territory to 1 500. All discriminatory and restrictive laws in SWA/Namibia which might hinder free and fair elections would be repealed. Political prisoners and detainees would be freed and exiles allowed to return, all being able to participate in the electoral process. Seven months after the ceasefire, elections would be held, under UN supervision. The constituent assembly thus elected would formulate and adopt a constitution for independence. The last SA troops would be withdrawn within one week of the election result. The Five Western Powers Earlier, in 1976, the five Western powers on the Security Council had offered to help negotiate terms for the independence of Namibia. These powers were the United States, Britain and France (permanent members) of the Council) and West Germany and Canada (which then occupied two of the rotating seats). Resolution 435 was formulated by the Secretary-General on the basis 428 of proposals made by these powers after consultations with the parties 429 involved. Negotiations in 1979 and 1980 SWA/ Both SA and SWAPO expressed reservations in regard to the acceptance Namibia of this resolution. One point of difference was the establishment and monitoring of bases to be occupied in the period between the ceasefire and the elections. SWAPO demanded bases within SWA/N to accommodate those of its fighters who happened to be in the territory at the time of the ceasefire; but this demand, together with various others made by SWAPO, was apparently not accepted by the negotiating powers. The then UN Secretary-General, Dr Kurt Waldheim, said that the UN was not providing for the monitoring of SWAPO's external bases in Angola and Zambia after the ceasefire, but the governments of these countries had given repeated assurances that they would do their best to ensure that SWAPO troops remained in the bases and did not try to infiltrate SWA/N. Such assurances did not satisfy SA. The Western powers in consultation with Dr Waldheim then proposed that a demilitarized zone (DMZ) should be established along the border between Angola and SWA/N, 50 km deep on each side. This zone would be monitored by UNTAG forces between the ceasefire and the election; but SA/SWA forces would be allowed bases within the portion on the Namibian side of the border. Another important reservation by SA was the lack of impartiality that UN bodies had displayed in the past. The General Assembly had repeatedly recognised SWAPO as 'the sole and authentic representative of the people of Namibia'. This recognition, SA considered, must be rescinded if the UN were to be seen as an impartial arbiter. SWAPO had been granted permanent observer status in UN bodies and was receiving very considerable financial and material assistance from the UN and various of its agencies. Military action by SWAPO was deemed by the UN to be legitimate, but counter-action by SA was condemned. All of this would give SWAPO a psychological advantage in elections unless the UN could, before then, prove that it could and would be impartial. A further stipulation by SA was that the internal parties in SWA/N should be accorded the same status as SWAPO in negotiations. A conference aimed at ironing-out differences was arranged by the UN in Geneva at the end of 1979. Participants were SA, SWAPO, the five Western powers, the five African front-line states (Angola, Zambia, Botswana, Zimbabwe and Mozambique), and, at SA's insistence, representatives of the internally-based SWA/N political parties. This conference failed to resolve the differences. Twice during 1980 a UN mission headed by Mr Brian Urquhart (UN Under- Secretary-General for Special Political Affairs) visited SA, SWA/N, and the front- line states for further discussions. 'PIM' Talks, Geneva, January 1981 In a report made in November 1980 Dr Waldheim said that one of the main obstacles in the way of progress had been acute mutual distrust and lack of confidence. He proposed that a 'pre-implementation multi-party meeting' (popularly referred to as 'PIM talks') should be held in Geneva

430 in January 1981, under the auspices and chairmanship of the UN, for talks based on Security Resolution 435 'and other practical proposals'. Mr Urquhart was selected as chairman. It was planned that the talks SWA/ should be followed, in March, by a ceasefire and the arrival of the UNNamibia TAG group. The SA Prime Minister, Mr P W Botha, said that SA would not itself take part in such talks, but would be present as an interested party and to give advice if asked. The parties that claimed the support of the peoples of SWA/N (i.e. SWAPO and the internal political parties) must make the decisions. (SA would, thus, avoid the possibility of being seen as having concluded any deal with SWAPO.) SWAPO insisted that the only other party, besides itself, should be the SA government. If internal Namibian parties attended, they must do so as members of the SA delegation. A compromise formula was adopted. SWAPO would meet a delegation headed by the SA-appointed Adrrinistrator-General for SWA, Mr Danie Hough, who would be free to select a negotiating team. He announced later that the extreme right- wing Herstigte Nasionale Party had not been prepared to participate, nor had the Namibia National Front or the Namibia Independence Party. He had considered proven support at the polls in December 1978 in determining which of the other parties should be invited to nominate representatives to form a SWA/N delegation. The Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA) had been invited to send 17, Aktur 4, the Namibia Christian Democratic Party 2, the Rehoboth Liberation Front 2, the (coloured) Liberal Party 2, and Nudo, the Federal Party, and the Namibia People's Liberation Front one each, making a total of 30. (Party politics are discussed later in this chapter.) Mr Sam Nujoma headed the SWAPO delegation, reported' to consist of about 30 people, of whom seven were members of the SWA/N internal wing who had been under restriction in terms of the security laws, but were released by the SA authorities to enable them to join in the discussions. SA sent an observer-group headed by its Director-General of Foreign Affairs, Dr Brand Fourie. Observers were sent, too, by the five Western powers, the African front-line states, the Organisation of African Unity, and Nigeria - the dominant power in Pan-African politics. At the first session, UN officials described the manner in which the UN would fulfil its responsibilities under the settlement proposal. One of the main stumbling blocks to agreement, as the talks proceeded, was the international status accorded to SWAPO. The DTA insisted that the UN should immediately revoke all special recognition of this body. The DTA, leader, Mr Dirk Mudge,2 insisted that this was essential if elections were to be free and fair and the UN were to be seen as impartial. The UN would have to demonstrate, over a reasonable period of time, that it could and would act consistently and evenhandedly. A second crucial factor, Mr Mudge continued, was that conditions of peace and absolute security must prevail during the election. He doubted whether UNTAG would be able to monitor the vast Demilitarized Zone satisfactorily, preventing SWAPO from infiltrating SWA/N during the period after the ceasefire or from invading the territory if the elections did not go its way. Thirdly, Mr Mudge said, 'those who vote must be assured that the government they return will uphold democracy, permit them to vote again, and protect their rights - that it will not be a case of "one man, 431 one vote, one time". . . Free and fair elections necessarily imply the continuation of the democratic process.' SWAPO, he alleged, was an undemocratic and dictatorial organisation, economically dependent on the SWA/ Soviet Union and its satellites. Namibia Mr Hough told the conference that in the light of the proceedings it would be premature to proceed with discussion of a date for implementing a settlement plan. The conference adjourned without having discussed a date for a ceasefire. Changes in Government in the US and France For some weeks, early in 1981, there was a loss of momentum in the efforts of the Western powers to secure a settlement in SWA/N because of changes in government. President assumed office in the United States on 20 January, and on 10 May the Socialist challenger, Mr Francois Mitterrand, won the French presidency from Mr Valery Giscard D'Estaing. President Reagan appointed General Alexander Haig as Secretary of State, Mr William Clark as his Deputy, Dr Chester Crocker as Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, and Mrs Jeane Kirkpatrick as US Ambassador to the United Nations. A first public intimation of his policy in regard to Namibia was given by President Reagan in an interview with the Washington Post at the end of March.3 He supported the idea, arising from the speech of Mr Mudge of the DTA at the 'PIM' talks, that the basic principles of a constitution for Namibia should be agreed upon before elections were held - a constitution that would guarantee fundamental human rights to all the people of the territory and protect minority rights. Negotiations initiated by the United States During the months that followed the United States took the lead in a new series of international discussions and negotiations. Dr Crocker toured eleven African states, including SA and SWA/N, in April, and Mr Clark made a similar tour two months later. Dr Crocker made another extensive tour during September. Meetings of the five Western Foreign Ministers were held in London (April), Rome (May), Ottawa (July), and New York (September), these meetings being preceded or followed by conferences of senior officials at a working level. SA's Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr Pik Botha, went to the US in May for talks with General Haig; and in September a team of senior SA diplomats headed by Dr Brand Fourie flew to Zurich for discussions with Dr Crocker. The president and chairman of the DTA visited Washington. Mr Sam Nujoma of SWAPO went overseas to meet West German, French, and British leaders. After the meeting of the five Foreign Ministers in Ottawa a joint communiqu6 was issued stating that proposals were being framed to 'complement and strengthen' Resolution 435, and recording the need for confidence-building provisions in any settlement plan. It was reported in September that constitutional proposals for a future independent Namibia were being debated. 432 Commonwealth Conference A Commonwealth Conference was held in Melbourne in October. One of the items discussed was the recent tour of New Zealand by Springbok SWA/ rugby players, who had been invited by NZ rugby administrators. Mr Namibia Robert Muldoon, the NZ Prime Minister, said he had warned these administrators that he opposed the tour, and that violent demonstrations might take place (as they did). But he maintained that the Gleneagles Agreement made at the time of a previous Commonwealth Conference (see 1977 Survey p 562) had specified that Commonwealth members would seek to discourage sporting ties with SA, by means consistent with their own laws. The word 'prohibit' was not used. Hence he did not override the decision of the NZ rugby administrators. Mr Muldoon condemned apartheid in SA and said that, were the UN to take action to impose economic sanctions on SA, NZ would go along with the decision, despite its general uncertainty about the effectiveness of sanctions as a method of bringing about positive change.' Despite pressure from the African members, Britain and Canada refused information about the progress of the negotiations by the five Western powers. In a communique issued at the end of the conference' members urged the Western contact group to intensify efforts to secure the implementation of Resolution 435 'without modification or dilution as early as possible in 1982'. Heads of government condemned 'the apartheid system which the white minority regime in South Africa continues to sustain and strengthen in a variety of ways, including the brutal internal repression of the African majority; the persistent refusal to implement relevant Security Council resolutions providing for Namibia's long-delayed independence; the pursuit of policies of destabilisation against neighbouring states; the repeated threats to and violations of their territorial integrity; and the expansion of South Africa's military capability'. They considered that these developments 'not only threatened the stability of the region but also gravely endangered international peace and security, and they therefore called on the international community to strengthen its collective resolve to eradicate apartheid'. Western proposals for an independence constitution for Namibia Towards the end of October the Western Five released details of a plan it had put before SA, SWAPO, and the internal parties in SWA/N. The African frontline states had been kept informed." It was suggested that the settlement process should consist of three phases. Phases of the settlement process * Phase 1 would be the adoption by the parties concerned of guidelines for the constituent assembly that would be elected to formulate a constitution for the territory. The target date for completion of this phase was January 28, 1982. * Phase 2 would be decisions on the mechanics of the implementation of the settlement process as set out in Resolution 435. It would include such matters as the impartiality of the UN, and 433 plans for a ceasefire, monitoring of bases, and the transition period until UN-supervised elections were held. * Phase 3 would be the actual implementation of the settlement pro- SWA/ cess. Namibia Adoption of a constitution The constitutional proposals made by the Western Five (as slightly amended after discussions with the interested parties) contained guidelines to safeguard democratic principles in an independence constitution for Namibia, which would be a unitary state. It was proposed that the constitution, when finalised, should be adopted by at least a two-thirds majority vote of a constituent assembly to be elected in a UN- supervised election. A two-thirds majority in the legislature, or a popular referendum, would be necessary for its amendment. (Dr Crocker said in Windhoek that all parties contesting the UNsupervised elections would be expected to make a public commitment to the principles of the constitutional proposals.)7 Elections There would be universal and equal suffrage in periodic elections held by secret ballot. In the elections, each voter would have two votes. One of these would be a direct vote, counted on a constituency basis. The other would be cast for a party and counted on a national basis, according to a system of proportional representation. Members elected in terms of either system would have equal status in the assembly. All parties that carried substantial support would, according to this proposal, be able to secure representation, thus minority rights would to some degree be protected. Branches of government There would be three branches of government: * an elected executive, to be responsible to a legislative branch; * a legislature responsible for the passage of all laws; * an independent judiciary responsible for the interpretation of the constitution and ensuring its supremacy and the authority of the law. It would test all legislative and other measures against a Bill of Rights. It would be the task of the judiciary to ensure that the provisions of the constitution were not violated after independence. Declaration of fundamental human rights The declaration of fundamental rights would include the rights to life, personal liberty and freedom of movement; freedom of conscience; freedom of expression including freedom of speech and a free Press; freedom of assembly and association, including political parties and trade unions; due process and equality before the law; protection from arbitrary deprivation of private property or to deprivation of private property without prompt and just compensation; freedom from racial, ethnic, religious, or sexual discrimination.

434 This declaration of rights would be enforceable by the courts at the instance of an aggrieved individual. SWA/ Retrospective measures Namibia The legislature would be prohibited from creating criminal offences with retrospective effect, or from increasing penalties retrospectively. Posts in the public service, police and defence services Provision would be made for all inhabitants of Nambia to have equal access to recruitment for the public service and police and defence services. The fair administration of personnel policy in relation to these services would be assured by appropriate independent bodies. Local government There would be optional choice between the establishment of elected councils for local administrative and fiscal purposes, or the election of regional administrations. Non-aggression pact It was suggested that pacts be concluded with neighbouring states to prevent armed conflict and to bar any outside powers from establishing a military presence in any of these states. Reactions to the Western proposals Addressing the US House of Representatives' foreign affairs committee on November 13 the US Secretary of State, General Alexander Haig, said8 that SA had now accepted UN Resolution 435, which established a framework for the independence of SWA/N, and also a 'UN presence', referring to the plans for a peacekeeping force. Pretoria had also agreed to work on a three-phased approach to resolve the remaining issues. According to Press reports9 SA still had reservations on some points, not publicly disclosed, but was willing to proceed with negotiations. The DTA in SWA formally accepted the proposals. Its chairman, Mr Mudge, said that there were still several problems to be sorted out, but these had to do with details only and could be discussed with the contact group."0 But Aktur, made up predominantly of the National Party of SWA, rejected several major aspects of the proposals.' SWAPO and eight African states including Kenya and Nigeria committed themselves to all but two of the proposals. It was reported12 that SWAPO objected to the suggested voting system, preferring a one-man, one-vote model, and also objected to clauses protecting private property and limiting Africanisation of the public service to a process of attrition by retirement or resignation. PROCEEDINGS AT THE UNITED NATIONS General Assembly, February and March As described in last year's Survey, the 35th Session of the UN General Assembly was adjourned in December 1980 pending the outcome of the

'PIM' talks to be held in Geneva, which were designed to overcome 435 mutual distrust and pave the way for the implementation of the UN settlement plan as expressed in UN Resolution 435 (1978). After these talks collapsed, a special emergency session of the General Assembly was SWA/ called to deal with the Namibian situation. It began on March 2. Namibia For the first time since 1974, when the Assembly, by majority vote, suspended SA from its proceedings at that year's sessions, SA again occupied its seats briefly in 1981. On March 3 the then SA Ambassador to the UN, Mr Adriaan Eksteen, led in a team of diplomats, intending to try to explain SA's attitude to the Namibian question. The 50-member African bloc protested against SA's presence. The President of the Assembly, Baron Rudiger von Wechmar of West Germany, called the 9nation credentials committee into session and, by an 8 to 1 vote (the United States dissenting), this committee decided to reject SA's credentials. When this decision was reported to the Assembly Mr Eksteen tried to speak to argue a point of procedure that gives a country the right to make itself heard before the Assembly votes on a credentials committee verdict, but by 113 votes to 23 the Assembly denied SA the right to speak. It then decided, by 112 votes to 22 with 6 abstentions, to uphold the ruling that outlawed the 1974 delegation, again on the grounds that the delegation did not represent the majority of the people of SA. Mr Eksteen then led his team from the Assembly. He pointed out to the Press that without SA - a vitally interested party - there could be no solution to the Namibian question. The SA Department of Foreign Affairs released the text of the speech that he had intended making in which he would have said, inter alia, 'My government stands ready to withdraw from the territory, but not in a way which must inevitably lead to the imposition of violence and intimidation as the decisive factors in determining the future government of the country'. Despite pleas by the five-nation Western contact group that measures that would force SA into further isolation should be avoided, the Assembly passed a series of resolutions advocating action against SA. The voting on a number of these was 133 to nil with 5 abstentions. The main resolution, passed by 112 votes to nil with 22 abstentions, called on the Security Council to impose comprehensive mandatory sanctions against SA, including an arms embargo. Member-nations were asked to give full support to SWAPO in its guerrilla war. Security Council, April The Security Council met in April to consider these resolutions. It was composed of the five permanent members, Britain, France, the United States, China, and the Soviet Union, and ten members chosen by the General Assembly, to occupy the rotating seats: in 1981 these were East Germany, Ireland, Japan, Mexico, Niger, Panama, Philippines, Spain, Tunisia, and Uganda. Canada and West Germany no longer occupied seats but continued to be members of the Western Five negotiating group. A delegation from the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA) in SWA/Namibia, which was visiting New York for the purpose, applied to be granted observer status at the meeting and for permission to address

436 the Council; but its application was rejected by 9 votes to 6.* SWAPO was, without dissent, granted permission to speak. SA's Director-General of Foreign Affairs, Dr Brand Fourie, was perSWA/ mitted to address the Council; but as he rose to speak all the representaNamibia tives of African states who were present walked out of the Chamber. He said, inter alia," that the rebuff of the DTA had 'stripped away the last vestige of any claim which the United Nations might have had to being an impartial arbiter of the future of the territory. . . What manner of arbiter would this council have been if any breach of the peace (during UN-supervised elections) were to occur?' He went on to maintain that 'sanctions against South Africa would, in effect, amount to sanctions against the countries of Southern Africa, whose economies were so closely inter-linked, and it would inevitably be the poor who would suffer most'. SA, he said, was ready to play a constructive role in securing a peaceful and internationally-recognised solution which would accommodate the concerns of all the interested parties. In the course of a lengthy debate the American Ambassador to the UN, Mrs Jeane Kirkpatrick, asked the Council to postpone decisions on sanctions until there had been further negotiations. Finally, on behalf of the 50-nation African bloc, Uganda moved a resolution asking the Security Council to impose a mandatory ban, under threat of severe penalties, on: * all diplomatic, consular, and trade relations with SA; * import of any SA or SWA goods; * shipment anywhere of any SA produce; * all investment in SA and SWA; * all tourist, sport, scientific, or cultural contact; * the sale or supply of oil or any oil product; * all air links; * nuclear co-operation of any kind; " licences for arms manufacture. All SA passports would be declared invalid 'save on exceptional humanitarian grounds'. This resolution was vetoed by Britain, France, and the United States. Security Council, August A special meeting of the Security Council was called at the end of August to consider a demand by the Angolan government for the immediate unconditional withdrawal of SA troops from its territory. The African bloc submitted a draft resolution seeking to condemn SA for 'pre-meditated, unprovoked, and persistent' aggression against Angola, pressing for mandatory sanctions, and asking the Council to appoint a commission of inquiry to visit Angola to assess damages caused by SA, in order that reparations might be demanded. The American point of view was expressed by its delegate, Mr Charles Lichtenstein, and was voiced also in speeches made at the time by the Secretary of State, General Alexander Haig, and the Assistant Sec*Besides the US, UK and France, Ireland, Spain and Japan supported the DTA's request to speak. retary of State for Africa, Dr Chester Crocker. All deplored any escala- 437 tion of violence and made it clear that apartheid policies were abhorrent to the US. But they called for 'greater logic and candour' in deliberations, pointing out that the relationship between Namibia and Angola SWA/ cut both ways. General Haig said that the Angolan situation had to be viewed in a Namibia wider context of violence in Southern Africa, 'a context which saw Soviet advisers and Cuban troops in Angola six years after the independence of that country, and Soviet arms refurbishing SWAPO elements that crossed the border freely, inflicting bloodshed and terrorism on noncombatant inhabitants of Namibia'. Dr Crocker said, 'A Namibia settlement is, we believe, desirable and obtainable at an early date. To succeed, it must be internationally acceptable, under UN auspices, and in accordance with UN Security Council Resolution 435, which must form the basis of a settlement... That framework, in our view, can and should be supplemented by additional measures aimed at and reassuring all Namibian parties, including the white minority, of fair treatment, and at answering certain basic constitutional questions prior to elections that will lead to independence'.' Mr Adriaan Eksteen was permitted to speak on behalf of SA: all the African envoys walked out during his speech. While stressing SA's desire for 'peaceful co- existence' with its neighbours, he warned that hot pursuit operations across the border would continue while terrorists threatened the territory. 1 A watered-down resolution merely asking for condemnation of SA's incursion into Angola was finally put to the vote. It was vetoed by the US. Britain abstained from voting; but all the other members, including France, supported it. The US, however, indicated willingness to accept a Security Council mission to Angola to conduct an on-the-spot investigation. General Assembly's special emergency session in September A special emergency session of the General Assembly was convened in September at the request of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). In view of vetos of resolutions put to the Security Council, the OAU had intended using a 'Uniting for Peace' procedure which would allow member-governments to recommend collective measures to maintain peace and security, including the use of armed force. It would be possible for the General Assembly, by this means, to by-pass the Security Council and possible vetos there. Any such resolution passed would not be binding on governments that voted against it or abstained. However, both the Soviet Union and the West dissuaded the Africans from invoking this procedure.6 A SA team led by Mr Eksteen did not try to reclaim the SA bench, but took seats among diplomatic observers at the side of the hall. It had earlier submitted credentials with a view to possible participation in the debate on the resolution condemning SA. However, the credentials committee voted 6 to 1 (US) with 2 abstentions to exclude SA. Again Mr Eksteen tried to rise to argue that this country had the right to be heard before a general vote was taken; but the President of the Assembly did not recognise him. The Assembly voted 117 to 22, with 6 abstentions, to exclude SA from the debate. 438 In spite of representations by the Western Five that they believed a negotiated settlement based on UN Resolution 435 was still possible, the Assembly once again called on the Security Council to impose compreSWA/ hensive mandatory sanctions against SA. All nations were called upon to Namibia 'cease forthwith, individually and collectively', all dealings with SA in order to isolate it politically, economically, militarily, and culturally. The voting this time was 117 to nil, with 25 abstentions.17 General Assembly, October to December During its session at the end of the year the General Assembly again debated racial discrimination, its attitude to SA, the situation in Namibia, and related matters. A resolution with 16 clauses was passed, inter alia condemning racialism, calling on member-states and subsidiary bodies of the UN to render full support to SWAPO, increasing the budget of the UN Council for Namibia, and declaring 1982 as a year of 'mobilisation for sanctions'. For the third time during the year the Assembly called for comprehensive mandatory sanctions against SA. The main resolution was adopted by 138 votes to 1 (US) with 7 abstentions.18 SA's contributions to the budget of the UN After its suspension from the UN General Assembly in 1974 SA refused to pay its contributions to the UN's budget. By the end of the 1981 financial year its arrears were reported to have mounted to more than 14-million US dollars.19 UN Institute for Namibia in Lusaka A feature article in the Press," published in January, described the UN Institute for Namibia, founded in Lusaka in August 1976 by the then UN Commissioner for Namibia, Mr Sean MacBride. Its aim is to enable Namibians to develop and acquire the skills needed by middle-level administrators in the civil service of a future independent country. A threeyear diploma course is offered to students with a Namibian background, preferably with some secondary school education. The third year is devoted to practical work, on secondment to government departments in Zambia and other African states. The report stated that 150 students had thus far graduated, 85 of them at the end of 1980. Changes in personnel at UN By May 1981, after the stalemate at the Geneva conference, it became clear that UN Resolution 435 (1978) would not be implemented in the near future. In 1978 a small team of hand-picked specialists had been recruited to lead the UN Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG), under the direction of Mr Martti Ahtisaari, the UN Special Representative for Namibian Affairs. They were to have been augmented by hundreds of civilians and thousands of troops in supervising elections leading to an independent Namibia. However, after prolonged delays, they were re-assigned by the end of June, or had their contracts terminated. One of them was Lieut 439 General Prem Chand, who was to have led the UN military force.2" Mr Ahtisaari was in December ousted from the post of UN Special Representative for Namibian Affairs, reportedly as a result of pressure SWA/ from states wanting more forthright action than had been adopted. This Namibia post was not filled for the time being. Mr Ahtisaari continued, however, to be the special representative charged with eventually leading UNTAG.22 As from the end of 1981 a Peruvian, Mr Javier Perez de Cuellar, succeeded Dr Kurt Waldheim as UN Secretary-General. In November Mr David Steward replaced Mr Adriaan Eksteen as SA's Ambassador to the UN. INTERNAL DEVELOPMENTS IN SOUTH WEST AFRICA/NAMIBIA Population A first population census was conducted in SWA/Namibia in 1970, at which 761 542 people were enumerated:" the actual population was probably considerably larger. It was officially estimated to have grown to 973 600 by mid- 1979. A new census was conducted during 1981, the results of which are not available at the time of writing. The forms made provision for 12 population groups consisting of at least 70 tribes or sub-groups. According to official estimates in 1975 the percentage composition of the population was: Percentage Whites 11,4 'Coloured' groups: Coloured 3,8 Rehoboth Basters 2,2 Namas 4,3 'Native' groups: Ovambos 46,6 Kaokovelders 0,8 Kavangos 6,6 East Caprivians 3,4 Damaras 8,8 Hereros 6,6 Tswanas 0,6 Bushmen 3,1 Others 1,8 Total 100,0 The numerical strength of the Ovambos is an important political factor.

440 The chairman of the SWA National Party, Mr Kosie Pretorius, is reported to have said on February 8 that about 20 000 white people had left Namibia in recent years.24 SWAI Namibia Some of the political groupings * The DTA (Democratic Turnhalle Alliance), created in 1977, is an umbrella body consisting of representatives of each of the ethnic groups. These include the (white) Republican Party which in 1977 broke away from the National Party, in alliance with the eleven black or brown delegations which had attended the Turnhalle Conference (1975-6). Its chairman is Mr Dirk Mudge, and president Mr Peter Kalangula (who is also chairman of the executive of the Ovambo Legislative Council). " Aktur is the name adopted in SWA/Namibian elections by members of the National Party who opposed the Republican Party in 1977. Its initials stand for the Action Front for the Preservation of Turnhalle Principles (i.e. the original principles of the National Party delegates who attended the Turnhalle Conference, who were determined to preserve white interests). It holds the majority of seats in the Legislative Assembly, which is one of the bodies forming the second tier of government. In proceedings of this Assembly the name National Party is retained. During the year under review Mr J W F (Kosie) Pretorius succeeded Mr A H du Plessis as leader. * The Federal Party was originally a white party to the left of the Nationalists, but subsequently adopted a non-racial constitution. Its leader is Mr Bryan O'Linn. For a time it was a member of the NNF (described below), but broke away in 1980. " The Herstigte Nasionale Party is an extreme right-wing white group. * SWAPO (the SWA People's Organisation) was founded in 1960 among the Ovambo people to work for independence for the territory on the basis of one- man-one-vote. From 1962 a group of self-exiled leaders began recruiting young men from SWA for military training abroad. A guerrilla army was gradually built up, forming SWAPO's external wing, based mainly in Zambia and Angola, and led by Mr Sam Nujoma. The internal wing of SWAPO (within the territory) has the same ultimate aims but hoped to achieve them without violence. * SWAPO-D (the SWAPO Democrats) was formed in 1979 by Mr Andreas Shipanga, a former member of SWAPO who had been under detention in Tanzania after having criticised Mr Nujoma's leadership. It has support among Ovambo in the south of the territory as well as in the 'homeland' of Owambo in the extreme north. * SWANU (the SWA National Union) was established before SWAPO, but relied to a lesser extent on United Nations' backing. It is largely Herero-based. In 1981 Mr Moses Katjiuongua succeeded Mr Gerson Veii as president. " NUDO (the National Unity Democratic Organisation) also has a considerable Herero following but includes Rehoboth Baster and Nama members. It constitutes the main Herero opposition party, and contested the elections in 1978.

* The NNF (Namibia National Front) was formed in 1977 as an 441 umbrella organisation to draw together smaller groups that opposed SWAPO but could not accept the DTA's constitutional plan because this plan would perpetuate ethnic differentiation. SWA During 1980 the NNF planned to merge with SWAPO-D; but Na differences arose. In October 1980 its central committee decided Namibia to disband the NNF in its previous form: it would become merely an electoral alliance for UN-supervised elections. * Other parties that contested the 1978 elections and were represented at the 'PIM' talks in Geneva during January included the Namibian Independence Party (which had been one of the members of the NNF), the (coloured) Liberal Party, the Rehoboth Liberation Front, the Namibia People's Liberation Front, and the Namibia Christian Democratic Party. A number of the ethnic groups are divided amongst themselves into two or more small political parties. Party political developments in 1981 1 The DTA The DTA president, Mr Kalangula, suggested during the year that instead of continuing to be merely an umbrella body made up of delegations from each of the ethnic groups, the DTA should become a political party in its own right. This would be more in accordance with the Western constitutional proposals and enhance the DTA's chances of defeating SWAPO in UN-supervised elections. Mr Kalangula was supported by Dr Ben Africa, vice-president of the DTA, and Chief Kuaima Riruako (Herero paramount chief and vice-chairman of the DTA).25 His plan was, however, defeated by a large majority at a DTA head committee meeting.26* 2 Namibia National Democratic Coalition This new party was constituted in July, including the Rehoboth Liberation Front headed by Mr H Diergaard, the (coloured) Liberal Party led by Mr A J F Kloppers, and the Herero opposition party, the NUDO Progressive Party headed by Mr Johannes Karuaihe. Its president is the self-exiled Herero politician Dr Mburumba Kerina.2' (There was another alignment of parties in January 1982 when Mr Kalangula's Ovambo National Democratic Party held discussions with the (coloured) Liberal Party and the Namibia People's Liberation Front, the members of which are mainly Damara. All were reported to be in favour of second-tier authorities being constituted on a regional rather than an ethnic basis.)28 3 Owambo Owambo is the home of some two-thirds of the Ovambo people. No elections were held there in November 1981 when second-tier ethnic bodies were being constituted in the rest of the country, the official reason being that the security situation made free elections impossible. *Mr Kalangula withdrew from the DTA in February 1982, taking with him most of the members of the Ovambo-based National Democratic Party.

442 The legislative council elected in 1975 thus continued in power: this consisted largely of traditionalists, since SWAPO had called upon the people to boycott the elections then held. In consequence it has been SWA/ impossible to determine to what extent the council commands popular Namibia support. The National Assembly Constitution of the Assembly in 1980 As reported in previous issues of this Survey, the National Assembly, created in 1979, consisted initially of the 50 members elected the previous year to a Constituent Assembly: they were 41 representatives of the DTA, six of Aktur, and one each of three smaller parties. The SWAPO Democrats and Namibia National Front had boycotted the election. The Assembly's term of office was initally for one year, but the Administrator- General has power to extend it for six months at a time pending the holding of general elections. It has legislative powers except in regard to matters governing its own composition and competency and matters delegated to the second-tier ethnic authorities (these are described later). Laws passed must be referred to the AdministratorGeneral for approval. A Council of Ministers was appointed to exercise certain executive powers relating to governmental functions that had previously been controlled by SA through the Administrator-General. The AdministratorGeneral had the right of veto, but only in defined circumstances such as unconstitutional action. The Council would not be divided into portfolios, but would make collective decisions. The National Assembly nominated Mr Dirk Mudge to be chairman of the Council, and eleven other ministers, one from each of the ethnic groups. It was decided in 1980 that the membership of the Assembly should be increased to a maximum of 65 by nominating additional members drawn from democratic parties not so far represented. This body would then have greater credibility. However, the parties that had boycotted the election refused invitations by Mr Mudge to nominate members: they objected to the built-in ethnicity in the Assembly. Enlargement of National Assembly and Council of Ministers The Administrator-General, Mr Hough, announced in August that, before its next sitting in October, the Assembly would be expanded from 50 to a maximum of 72 seats. The additional 22 members would be drawn from the second-tier authorities established by the various ethnic groups. The Council of Ministers, he stated, would have 15 instead of 12 members. Powers of the Council of Ministers and Assembly It was announced, too, that pending independence, SA would retain control over foreign affairs, the overall defence and security of the territory, constitutional matters, posts and telecommunications, and railways. Executive power in regard to all other matters would be handed over to the Council of Ministers by the Administrator-General or the SA 443 Department concerned. This included control of the civil service. The Administrator-General would remain formal head of the executive with the status 'more or less' the same as that of a State SWA/ President.29 Namibia Other powers had been transferred to the National Assembly from the white Legislative Assembly, which was relegated to the status of a second-tier ethnic authority. Among these powers were control of local authorities, roads, and nature conservation and tourism. Second-tier authorities The creation of second-tier ethnic authorities was described on page 648 of last year's Survey. These bodie's have legislative and executive powers in respect of land tenure, agriculture, education up to the level of primary school teachers' training, health services, and social welfare and pensions, for members of the ethnic group for which each authority was constituted. Budget for 1982-3 Mr Mudge tabled a budget of R888 million in the National Assembly on June 17,30 representing an increase of R368 million over the amount for the previous year. He said that only R514 million of the total would be financed from SWA/Namibia's own revenue. Part of the shortfall would be made up by R120 million in loans. The rest would come from R134 million compensation for services such as defence and the police, which had been taken over from the SA government; an annual contribution of R80 million from SA; and a further R40 million from an outstanding contribution from the previous year's contribution of R80 million by SA. Of the total, R54 million was needed for drought-relief payments. Public service Addressing the Windhoek Press Club in March,' Mr Hough said that SWA/Namibia needed about 25 000 officials to supply the necessary public services. There were then about 2 600 officials from SA who had been seconded to the territory to help with the establishment of an independent public service there: this figure excluded members of the police and defence forces and railways. Of these, 759 had thus far joined the SWA/ Namibian Public Service. At the request of Mr Peter Kalangula (chairman of the Owambo Executive Committee and president of the DTA), four seconded white officials were recalled from Owambo because, he said, they were perpetuating apartheid practices." Supreme Court As from the end of 1960 the SWA division of the Supreme Court of SA ceased to exist, being replaced by the Supreme Court of SWA, consisting of a Judge- President and three other judges. The Council of Ministers would recommend the appointment of judges to the Administrator-General, who would make the final decision.

444 Police Force A SWA/Namibian Police Force was created as from April 2, to take over gradually from the SA Police. It would be controlled directly by the AdSWA/ ministrator-General. Major-General Dolf Gouws, previously a member Namibia of the SAP, accepted appointment as its first Commissioner. He announced that there would be no racial discrimination in the Police Force: promotion would take place strictly on merit." Prisons and prisoners Prisons in SWA/Namibia have been administered by the SA Department of Justice, and controlled by a commissioner responsible to the SA Minister of Justice and the State President (the latter has authority to commute sentences). A Prisons Amendment Bill published in June stated that all prison functions were eventually to be handed over to the AdministratorGeneral except for the authority to commute sentences: this authority would 'in due course' be transferred to a (unspecified) 'competent authority'. A SWA/Namibian Prisons Service would be created under the control of a commissioner responsible to the Administrator- General."' In 1968 one of the founder-members of SWAPO, Mr Toivo Herman ja Toivo, was convicted of terrorism by the Supreme Court, Pretoria and, with eight others, was sentenced to 20 years' imprisonment. (See 1968 Survey p 60.) They were sent to Robben Island. In January Mr Sam Nujoma called for the release of Mr Toivo and three of his fellow-prisoners to enable them to join the SWAPO delegation at the talks held in Geneva. However, the SA Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr Pik Botha, told the Press that an exchange of prisoners between SA and SWAPO would take place only when the peace plan was implemented. This exchange would have to include 'hundreds of South West Africans' held by SWAPO: South Africa had a complete list of their names.3" According to a Washington report,6 in 1981 there were 53 SWAPO prisoners on Robben Island, convicted of crimes in terms of security legislation. (The subject of prisoners-of-war is dealt with later.) Detentions Two proclamations issued by the Administrator-General allow for detention without trial: they are AG 9, which provides for detention for questioning for up to 31 days, and AG 26 which allows indefinite detention in order to prevent violence and intimidation. It was reported in September"' that two members of the internal wing of SWAPO had been detained after a meeting organised by the party to commemorate 'Namibia Day' - the beginning of SWAPO's armed struggle against the SA security forces. Five other SWAPO members, detained earlier, were still being held. Territorial force As described on page 446, from January military service in the SWAIN Territorial Force became compulsory for all male citizens between the ages of 18 and 24 inclusive, who were called up for service according to a selective system. A compulsory call-up was, however, waived for black men living in the border areas, largely because many of them may have had relatives serving with SWAPO.38

Combating of Terrorism Bill 445 On November 19 Mr Mudge introduced in the National Assembly the Combating of Terrorism Bill which would, in SWA/N, repeal SA's Terrorism Act, Internal Security Act, General Law Amdendment Act of 1966, SWA/ and Abolition of Juries Act. It sought to abolish the death penalty for ter- Namibia rorism and the minimum penalty of five years' imprisonment contained in the Terrorism Act. The maximum sentence allowed would be 20 years. The Bill made provision for prosecution of people harbouring, concealing, assisting, or failing to report the presence of terrorists. The Security Districts Amendment Bill was introduced on the same day, providing for members of the security forces to detain people for questioning in 'security districts'. A member of the opposition Aktur called for an amendment stipulating that interrogation might be conducted only by responsible persons.39 Both measures were referred to a select committee for scrutiny and recommendations. Restriction of certain political meetings The Prohibition and Notification of Meetings Act, promulgated on 23 December, provided for written notice to be given of certain political meetings, which might then be banned. It was introduced during a mounting right wing campaign against the territory's independence,- conducted by the Herstigte Nasionale Party and by three bodies from SA - Aksie Red Blank Suid Afrika (Action to Save White South Africa), Aksie Eie Toekoms (Action for Own Future), and Afrikaner Weerstandbeweging (Resistance Movement).40 Education From the beginning of 1981 education became free (but not compulsory) for all children in the territory between the ages of 6 and 16.41 Both the Owambo and the Damara Legislative Assemblies have decided that English should replace Afrikaans as the medium of instruction in schools. As reported last year, an Academy for Tertiary Training, open to all races, was established by the central government in 1980. For a start it concentrated on courses generally offered at technikons or technical colleges, but certain university courses were available as well. Students taking the latter courses followed the syllabuses and wrote the examinations of the University of South Africa (Unisa) in Pretoria. The teacher training college in Windhoek is controlled by the 2nd tier (white) Legislative Assembly, and has been reserved for whites only. It was built at a cost R80 million for 1 500 students, but in 1981 was being used by fewer than 200 students. In contrast, the multi-racial Academy of Tertiary Training was over- crowded and ill-equipped. The DTA-led National Assembly appealed several times, without success, to the Administrator-General to transfer the college to its control .42 Tension between the National Assembly and the (white) Legislative Assembly As mentioned earlier, the multi-racial DTA holds 41 seats in the National Assembly as against 6 held by Aktur. But in the white 2nd tier Legislative

446 Assembly the National Party (Aktur) has 11 seats as against 7 held by the Republican Party (led by the DTA chairman, Mr Mudge). The interim constitution, known as AG 8, lays down the distribution SWA/ of powers between the central government and the ethnic 2nd tier authNamibia orities. These authorities were granted jurisdiction over most public facilities and institutions. The reluctance of the National Party to open certain facilities to black people has to some extent hamstrung the central government's efforts to dismantle apartheid. An example is the teacher training college in Windhoek. Some of the white officials seconded from SA are also said to have frustrated attempts to achieve change:43 as reported earlier, the Owambo Executive Committee secured the recall of four men for this reason. Members of the DTA have complained that in consequence of these delays in abolishing racial discrimination their chances of defeating SWAPO in an election are being diminished." There has been friction, too, over the future of two symbolic buildings. The National Assembly, which still meets in the converted Turnhalle (drill hall) considers that the Tintenpalast ('ink palace') should be handed over to it, but the (white) Legislative Assembly has continued to meet there. South Africa House was built by the SA government as the home of the highest executive in the country. Until well into 1981 it was occupied by the leader of the National Party: only then was it handed over to the Administrator-General. According to reports,45 it may become the SA Embassy building after Namibian independence. Influx control The Minister of Manpower Utilisation, Dr Ben Africa, announced in April that all forms of influx control had been abolished.46 Trade unions On the same occasion, Dr Ben Africa stated that workers were free to join any trade union representing workers in their industries. A Namibian Trade Union Council, led by Mr Solomon Mifima, was constituted in October. WARFARE Compulsory military service Until 1981, national service was compulsory in SWA/N only for white youths, who were absorbed into the SA basic training intakes. From about 1976, however, some members of all population groups in the Territory who volunteered to do so were given military training and absorbed into units of the SA security forces. When enough men had been trained, regional battalions were formed in SWA. In terms of proclamations published in Pretoria and Windhoek on August 1, 1980, a SWA/N Territorial Force was created, composed of existing military units; and a Department of Defence was set up within the National Assembly. The executive control of the Territorial Force was transferred from SA to the SWA/N Council of Ministers. The Administrator-General announced that until the territory became independent the Territorial Force would remain part of the SA security 447 forces operating in the area. The Council of Ministers would have to be consulted about operations. In January 1981, military service became compulsory for all male SWA/ citizens of SWA/N between the ages of 18 and 24 inclusive, who were Namibia called up for service according to a selective system. A compulsory callup was waived, however, for black men living in border areas such as Owambo, Kavango, and Caprivi. Army spokesmen said that there were sufficient volunteers from these areas serving in regional battalions. An important other reason was undoubtedly that black nationalist political parties and church groups had expressed strong misgivings about a callup in the areas concerned, saying that some men might be forced to fight their own brothers who were members of SWAPO forces. It was reported46 that more than 100 members of SWANU fled to Botswana to escape the call-up. The Secretary-General of this organisation said that 'it was not their war'. The internal wing of SWAPO held a protest meeting in Katutura township, Windhoek, stated to have been attended by about 700 men, at which a People's Action Committee was formed to oppose compulsory military training. According to the SWA/N Broadcasting Corporation the General Officer Commanding the SWA Territorial Force, Major-General C Lloyd, announced that supporters of SWAPO in the territory's forces would be treated as conscientious objectors and employed in non-fighting capacities.47 The Caprivi Strip According to various Press reports in December 1980, members of a body called the Caprivi African National Union (CANU) merged with SWAPO in 1964 to help to free their country from SA rule. Numbers of them underwent military training in Zambia. They felt, however, that they were discriminated against by the Ovambo element in SWAPO the large majority. Many of them were opposed to alleged hard-line communism and corruption within the organisation. One of the Caprivians who had become a senior SWAPO officer, Mr Mishake Muyongo, was expelled from the movement in 1980, and reformed CANU. Many of the Caprivians supported him. It was reported 8 that these dissidents, numbering at least 785, were rounded up by SWAPO and sent to camps in Angola or Zambia. About 30 adults and 80 children were stated to be in a camp near Lusaka in the care of the UN Commission for Refugees; but the rest, in the hands of SWAPO, were often maltreated - even 'summarily liquidated'. About 70 of these men managed to escape and surrendered to SA/SWA security forces in Caprivi, accepting an amnesty offer made by SA in 1980.49 There were reports in March,0 originally published in Britain, about a counter- insurgency unit called '32 attalion' that had headquarters in the western part of the Caprivi Sirip serving under Commandant Ferreira, who was stated to be a South African who understood a little Portuguese. There were 25 officers, all South Africans except for one American, and 75 NCO's, including 20 white Rhodesians. Junior members of the unit were said to be Portuguese-speaking black troops who fought with FNLA during the Angolan civil war (see page 449). SA Defence Force authorities stated that the approximately 1 000

448 private soldiers were men who had crossed into SA with their families, had joined the SA Permanent Force, and were officially regarded as naturalized South West Africans. SWA/ Namibia Incidents near the border between SWA/Namibia and Angola According to a 'military source',"1 at the beginning of the period under review there were at any one time between 150 and 200 armed SWAPO insurgents in Owambo, hiding in the bush or living 'underground' among the local people. By mid-1981, however, their numbers had grown to between 500 and 600, probably due to a very severe drought and famine in southern Angola. The insurgents continued to plant landmines, to murder members of the local population who were considered to be opposed to SWAPO, and to abduct young Ovambo men and women, or encourage them to cross the border to join the guerrillas. According to a SA Defence Force spokesman,2 the following civilian casualties occurred during 1981: 64 were killed by landmine explosions; 95 were murdered by SWAPO; 112 were abducted; 27 were killed in cross-fire between SWAPO and security forces. According to official figuTes"3 there were 33 incidents of sabotage in 1981. On several occasions the pipeline bringing water to Owambo from the Kunene River at Ruacana was blown up. Several attacks were made on pylons carrying electricity supply lines from the Ruacana Falls to the south. On February 1 SWAPO insurgents bombarded Oshakati, the capital of Owambo, housing African and white officials and their families as well as defence force personnel. Rockets were fired at the town from long range; but damage was slight and no-one was injured. 14 In mid-February a group of SWAPO men ambushed a SA Police counter- insurgency unit that was travelling on the tarred road between the mining town of Ondangwa and the security force base at Oshakati, to the north-west. Traffic along this and other roads became dangerous. Early in April a total ban was placed on the movement of any vehicles between sunset and sunrise on roads in Owambo.1s Similar bans were imposed periodically in Kavango. During June, saboteurs blew up all the buildings of the Anglican mission of St Mary's, near the border. These buildings were unoccupied, as the institution was forced to close in 1979 when infiltrators took most of the pupils with them across the border into Angola (see 1979 Survey, p 644). A number of skirmishes took place at intervals during the year between security force patrols and groups of SWAPO men, with casualties on both sides.

Further SWAPO incursion into the interior of 449 SWA/Namibia Early in April, two groups, each of about 30 insurgents, infiltrated the white farming area around Tsumeb, some distance to the south-east of SWA/ Ondangwa. They blew up a stretch of railway line and water installations Namibia on a farm, but were tracked down by the security forces and forced to flee, at least 18 of them being shot dead.16 Situation in Angola According to a report from Lisbon published in the Rand Daily Mail on September 12, which quoted a leading member of the Angolan government, the country was spending more than half of its foreign exchange on defence: the maintenance of its army known as FAPLA, of Cuban troops (estimated by Western experts to number about 15 000) and of some 1 000 Russian and East German military advisers, and also on the purchase of arms from the Soviet bloc. FAPLA is the army of the ruling MPLA government (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola). When the Portuguese left Angola in 1975 civil war was prevailing between the MPLA, UNITA (National Union for the Total Independence of Angola), and FNLA (Front for the Liberation of Angola). With the help of the foreign troops and arms the MPLA seized power soon afterwards; elections were never held. Partly for these reasons the United States had never recognised the MPLA government. Led by Dr Jonas Savimbi, UNITA continued the war from hidden camps in the bush in the south of the country. Periodic attacks have been made, inter alia, on the Benguela railway which links Zaire and Zambia with the Atlantic port of Lobito. The report quoted above stated that the disruption of rail traffic had seriously affected the distribution of food as well as having deprived Angola of foreign exchange revenue because it had caused a decline in exports of oil, diamonds, and coffee. FNLA, too, has from time to time attacked targets in Angola from a base in Za'fre. Escalation of the war between SWAPO and the SA/SWA Security Forces The General Officer Commanding the SWA Territorial Force, MajorGeneral Charles Lloyd, confirmed in July that members of SWAPO had been infiltrating from Angola into Owambo in greater numbers, and in consequence the security forces had become more aggressive, sometimes pursuing groups of insurgents to their bases across the border. The security forces also undertook cross-border search-and-destroy raids with the object of finding and wiping out SWAPO bases within easy striking distance of SWA/N: in effect, creating a buffer zone in southern Angola.7 In consequence, SWAPO moved its bases further north, in a number of cases siting these near to FAPLA bases to provide security. As described later, the SA/SWA forces made several massive attacks on the main bases during 1981; but before and during operations leaflets were dropped warning FAPLA and Angolan civilians to leave or stay away from the area concerned, and emphasizing that SA/SWA was waging war only against SWAPO.

450 General Lloyd gave a warning early in August8 that 'should FAPLA, supported by Cuban forces, interfere with our operations, and the moment they become participants in this war, then we shall definitely SWA/ have an escalation of the war, and it can then take the form of a conNamibia ventional operation'. He was reported to have said that SA was preparing 'militarily and logistically' to meet such a threat. His remarks were endorsed by the SA Minister of Defence, General Magnus Malan, who stated that it was imperative for SA to enhance its defence in SWA, so that it would not be caught off guard if the situation escalated due to 'direct and aggressive intervention by Angolan forces and Cubans'. Attack on base near Lubango In March 1981 the SA Air Force bombed a large SWAPO training base which was situated some 440 km north of the border, near the town of Lubango (formerly Sa da Bandeira) which is on the main road to the north. 'Operation Carnation' 'Operation Carnation' took place in July, in eastern and central Angola. It apparently consisted of a number of relatively small-scale cross-border raids by the SA/SWA forces into Angola to attack SWAPO patrols or bases, combined with aerial attacks on traffic using the main roads north from the border. A number of skirmishes took place.9 In one, a security force patrol that was following tracks left by insurgents was ambushed near Evale (the site of 'Operation Smokeshell' in 1980: see 1980 Survey p 653), but switched to the counter-attack. One patrol at least was stated to have penetrated as far as 150 km into Angola, where a clash took place to the north of the town of Xangongo. According to a Mozambican journalist who visited the area,6" the people of Xangongo, Evale, Ongiva* and other small towns in southern Angola were living under wartime conditions, with SA aircraft constantly overhead. Travellers between the towns had to abandon the roads and travel in convoy through the bush. Press reports61 stated that 225 SWAPO guerrillas were killed during July. The Security Force death roll was put at about 29 from January to July inclusive. Early in August a large display of weapons captured from SWAPO was shown to journalists at a Press conference in Oshakati. They were mainly of Soviet, East European, or Chinese origin, and included Russian SAM-7 heat-seeking ground- to-air missiles, rocket launchers, and automatic rifles. Destruction of early-warning system At a Press conference held in Windhoek on August 10, General Lloyd said that information had reached the security forces about an earlywarning radar system that had been installed in southern Angola, and the *Also spelt Ondjiva or N'Giva. availability of the Russian SAM ground-to-air missiles at the port of Mo- 451 camedes and inland at Lubango. On August 23, SA Air Force fighter-bombers attacked and destroyed these installations. Leaflets were dropped on FAPLA camps and various SWA/ civilian centres warning of imminent action against SWAPO bases and Namibia advising the Angolans to steer clear of the targets. (The Chief of the SA Defence Force, General C Viljoen, said in a Press statement62 later that, despite these warnings, FAPLA forces stayed on at several of the camps and gave active support to SWAPO.) 'Operation Protea' According to accounts in numerous Press reports,63 on August 24 SA/SWA task forces consisting of infantry transported in armoured personnel carriers, artillery, and armoured cars invaded Angola at a number of points, making across country for various targets which at the time were code-named. One force left via Ruacana in the west, and after crossing the Kunene River at Calueque made a dash for the town of Humbe, on the main highway about 200 km by road north of the border. Their object was to cut off a possible SWAPO retreat from other SA/SWA units which had penetrated from further to the east. Another force consisting mostly of infantry was reported to have swept north from Ondangwa through the territory to the east of the main road, where Evale is situated. SWAPO troops had, however, already fled from a camp in this area. A large motorised force with armoured car, artillery, and air support made for the strategic town of Xangongo to attack a SWAPO base there. The civilian population of some 2 000 people had heeded the warnings, and had fled, but FAPLA troops remained and fought with SWAPO as an integrated force. After SA aircraft had dropped bombs, a conventional battle developed. Eventually FAPLA and SWAPO were driven out: their losses were reported to number many hundreds. Huge quantities of their weapons were destroyed or removed by the SA/SWA troops. SA doctors and medical orderlies are stated to have given preliminary treatment to wounded men, at the Xangongo hospital, after which the casualties were flown out to Oshakati. A Soviet operational headquarters was found in one of the Xangongo houses, with charts and maps setting out command structures and strategy in the Russian language. Shortly after the town fell a FAPLA/SWAPO supply column of about 70 vehicles arrived, and was captured. SA/SWA columns were reported to have continued north, capturing the towns of Catequero and then Cahama (which is some 250 km from the border). The civilian population had fled. More Russian literature was found. Several towns further north, including Tchibemba and Lubango, were severely bombed because the presence of missile batteries had been reported. A phased tactical withdrawal of SA/SWA forces began on August 29. It came to a temporary halt at Ongiva, about 50 km north of the border, which had been a major SWAPO staging area. Another massive battle took place there, causing heavy SWAPO and FAPLA losses. A column of 25 military vehicles, including tanks, tried to break out

452 from Ongiva as the SA/SWA forces approached, and it refused to surrender. The vehicles were bombed from the air, then a ground battle took place. Among those killed were members of SWAPO and FAPLA, and SWA/ four Russians, two of them being Lieut Colonels who had been advisers Namibia to the guerrillas, and the other two being wives of Russian officers. Another Russian, Sgt-Major Nicolay F Pestretsov, was captured alive by the South Africans. After Ongiva fell, landmines had to be cleared along the route south before the withdrawal could be completed. It was reported that the majority of the SA/SWA men had left Angola by September 2, but that not all of them had gone. A BBC journalist stated" that SA Air Force jets continued to attack traffic moving along the main roads in southern Angola; he had been one of a party travelling with an Angolan army escort to examine the war damage and, with two others, was wounded when aircraft fired on their convoy. The Chief of the Army, Lieut General J Geldenhuys, told a Press conference held at Oshakati on September 15 that during 'Operation Protea' ten SA soldiers and two members of the SWA Territorial Force had been killed, as well as two airmen in a SA Air Force helicopter that was shot down. According to various reports, as many as 450 members of SWAPO and FAPLA may have been killed. An undisclosed number of prisoners was taken (see notes on prisoners, later). General Geldenhuys said that ten of them had been admitted to a sick-bay at Oshakati. Reporters present at this conference were shown some of the military equipment, weapons and ammunition captured by the SA/SWA forces, stated to weigh in all between 3 000 and 4 000 tons, with a market value estimated at about R200 million. Reports stated6' that 'among the most impressive, though somewhat outdated, equipment were included ten Russian T34 tanks, four PT 76 amphibious tanks, and two Stalin organs'. More than 250 other vehicles including armoured cars and radio and mine-laying vehicles were driven or towed out of Angola. The ammunition on display included anti-aircraft guns, SAM-7 missile-launchers, rockets, and thousands of machine guns and rifles, many of these still in their packing-cases with the names of countries such as the Soviet Union, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, China, and others stamped on them. 'Operation Daisy' On November 1 the SA/SWA forces began 'Operation Daisy' - an 18day search- and-destroy mission, during which massive air and land attacks were made on SWAPO bases. The security forces are reported to have penetrated more than 240 km into Angola. The first contact was made near londe, where SWAPO troops were occupying underground bunkers. After capturing this base the SA/SWA forces used it as an operational headquarters during warfare further north, during which bases at Chitequeta and Bambi were attacked. Most of the occupants were said to have fled after receiving warnings of the attacks.66 On November 4 two SA Mirage jets pilots were flying in an area considerably to the west of these operations when they were informed by radio that two Angolan MiG-21 planes were heading towards SWA. The SA airmen intercepted the Angolans, and suspecting that they were about to attack because of their air manoeuvres, shot down one of the 453 planes. The pilot was thought to have been wounded, but he ejected safely. The second MiG was allowed to fly away.6 No other contact was made with the Angolan Air Force, which did not interfere. SWA/ It was officially stated that three SA/SWA men were killed (one of Namibia them stepped on a land-mine) and that more than 70 SWAPO troops were killed or captured. Several SWAPO wounded were flown to the military sick-bay at Oshakati. Seventeen other members of SWAPO were stated to have been killed in November in a clash with security force members. Other follow-up actions and skirmishes took place. Number of attacks by SA in 1981 Early in 1982 a fact-finding mission consisting of members of the European Economic Community (EEC) and officials from the African, Caribbean and Pacific Countries (ACP) visited Angola and compiled a report, submitted in February to a meeting of the Lome Convention signatories.8 They stated that during 1981 the SA Air Force made at least 1 617 reconnaissance flights and carried out 100 bombardments. There were four parachute drops. SA had decisive aerial superiority in Angola. SA/SWA forces were alleged during the same period to have carried out 26 ground reconnaissance missions, 34 ground attacks, seven ground bombardments, and nine mine-laying operations. SA military intelligence, it was stated, had effectively monitored any significant movements in the area. SA forces did not just cross the border to attack and then withdraw to Namibia, but were a constant military presence in the south of Angola. Casualties The Chief of Staff for the SWA Territorial Force, Brigadier Jan Klopper, announced on January 6 that during 1980 SA/SWA forces killed 1 467 SWAPO guerrillas in the operational area, themselves losing 76 men.9 According to a 'SA Defence Force spokesman' in Windhoek on January 5, 1982,70 in 1981 the SA/SWA forces lost 54 members in the operational area, including men who died in accidents. It was estimated that 1 493 SWAPO insurgents had been killed in northern SWA/N and in cross-border raids in Angola; but this figure did not include members of SWAPO and FAPLA who succumbed to injuries in the bush, nor those who died in air attacks on SWAPO bases further north. No reports were published about the number of men who had been wounded. Prisoners of war Mr Peter Lutolf, who headed a delegation from the International Red Cross that visited SWA/N during August,"1 said that SA had been a signatory to the Geneva Convention on the treatment of prisoners of war, but was not party to the 1977 'additional protocols' which came into effect in 1978, giving 'national liberation movements' status in terms of the convention. He maintained that SWAPO prisoners were thus technically but not legally POW's. The military authorities in Geneva, he said, although friendly, did not inform the Red Cross about SWAPO prisoners or 454 wounded. Similarly, the Angolan government gave no information about U NITA captives. A subsequent report from Geneva72 stated that SA did not, in any SWA/ case, consider the Geneva Convention applicable in the conflict against Namibia SWAPO. This was confirmed by a 'SADF spokesman', who said: 'We consider members of SWAPO to be terrorists, and not soldiers - as we do members of the Angolan army.' SA did not extend the rules of war to 'liberation movements'. SWAPO announced at the end of August that it would treat SA prisoners of war according to the Geneva Convention, and had made a declaration of intent to that effect to the International Red Cross. But, according to the Geneva report, SA's refusal to adopt the 1977 protocol prevented SWAPO's declaration having legal effect. The only SA prisoner of war held by SWAPO continued to be Sapper Johan van der Mescht, who was captured in 1978. In the report mentioned above made in August, Mr Peter Lutolf of the Red Cross said that according to his information only 119 SWAPO members were being held in SWA/N, 117 of them having been captured during the raid on the SWAPO base at Cassinga in May 1978 (see 1978 Survey p 536). They were being held at Mariental in the south of the territory, and had been visited three times by Red Cross representatives. The Red Cross was aware of two more SWAPO prisoners captured in southern Angola in July 1981. It was pressing for more information. 'It simply does not happen in any conflict or battle', he said, 'that you have a clash with 200 or so people in which 45 are killed and no prisoners or wounded taken.' (Mr Lutolf was referring to the clash near Evale early in July.) A further report from Geneva in October 7 stated that SA was holding 79 Angolan prisoners, all of whom had been visited by the Red Cross. Ten of them, who were seriously wounded, were receiving medical treatment. Refugees The EEC fact-finding mission, mentioned earlier, which reported early in 1982, said the Angolan authorities estimated that there were 13 000 displaced persons and refugees in southern Angola. They were told that the refugee population in Zambia comprised 28 000 Angolans, 5 500 Namibians, 5 000 Zaireans and 3 500 South Africans. On the other hand, there are numbers of Angolan refugees in SWA/ Namibia. In his Press conference on September 15 General J Geldenhuys said that about 270 had recently crossed the border to escape the fighting, and were being given temporary shelter near Oshakati. A UN mission visited Angola in September and reported to the UN Disaster Relief Co-ordinator office in Geneva that perhaps half a million people in Angola were in dire need resulting from war against the Portuguese, subsequent civil war, the SA raids, and severe drought. The UN planned a disaster relief operation and the World Council of Churches launched an appeal for assistance."

References 455 1 TheStarJanuary 5, 6 and 9 2 Speech published as a supplement to the SA Digest, February 6 3 Recorded in The Star March 30 4 The Star October 1, Rand Daily Mail October 2 SWA! 5 Rand Daily MailOctober 10 6 The Star October 26, Rand Daily Mail October27 Namibia 7 Rand Daily Mail October 31 8 Ibid November 14 9 IbidJanuary 14, 25, 27, 1982 10 The StarJanuary 28, 1982 11 Rand Daily Mail November 21 12 The Star November 20 and January 14 and 27, 1982 13 Speech published as a supplement to the SA Digest, May 1 14 Various reports, August 29 to September 1 inclusive 15 Rand Daily Mail August 31 16 IbidSeptember 14 17 IbidSeptember 15 18 Ibid December 18 19 The StarAugust 25 20 Ibidjanuary 6 21 Sunday Times May 17 22 Rand Daily Mail December 20 23 IbidSeptember 30 24 The Star February 8 25 Rand Daily Mail October 30 26 The Star November 19 27 Sunday Times July 26 28 TheStarJanuary 27, 1982 29 Rand Daily Mail September 1 30 IbidJune 18 31 TheStarMarch 13 32 Sunday Times November 8 33 Rand Daily Mail April 3 34 TheStarJune 18 35 Rand Daily MailJanuary 5 36 IbidMay 14 37 Rand Daily Mail September 3 38 Ibid November 20 39 The Star November 26 40 SA Press Association December 2, 1980 41 Rand Daily Mail December 10 42 Sunday Times May 17 43 Rand Daily Mail November 6 44 e.g. Sunday Times September 13 45 The Star April 25 46 IbidJune 12 47 Rand DailyMailJuly 13 and 16 48 The Star December 19, 1980 49 See 1980 Survey, p 651 50 Rand Daily Mail March 10 and 17, quoting the London Daily Telegraph 1 Quoted in TheStarjuly 11 52 Rand Daily Mail January 5, The StarFebruary 18, 1982 53 Rand Daily Mail December 18 54 The Star February 2 15 IbidApril 11 56 IbidApril 16 57 IbidJuly 13 58 IbidAugust 11 59 IbidJuly 7, 8, and 9; Sunday TimesJuly 12

456 60 TheStarJuly 13 61 Rand Daily Mail August 3 62 The Star August 28 63 e.g. by Don Marshall, one of a party of SA and foreign newsmen flown into the target area SWA/ on August 29, Sunday Times August 30; and Press conference at Oshakati addressed by Namibia Lieut General J Geldenhuys, Chief of the Army, The Star September 15, Rand Daily Mail September 16 64 The StarSeptember 7 65 The Star September 15; Rand Daily Mail September 16; SA DigestSeptember 18 66 Rand Daily Mail December 7 67 From Press statement by Chief of Air Staff Intelligence, Brigadier Dries van der Lith, Rand Daily Mail November 10 68 The Star February 3, 1982 69 Rand Daily MailJanuary 7 70 IbidJanuary 5, 1982 71 IbidAugust 18 72 /bidSeptember 1 73 IbidOctober 14 74 IbidSeptember 16 and 17, November 16

INCURSION OF SA TROOPS INTO MOZAMBIQUE According to Press reports,' during February 1980 a trading store in northern Zululand was attacked by terrorists. As described on page 77, suspected African National Congress attacks were subsequently made on a considerable number of other targets in SA, mainly in urban areas. The SA Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr Pik Botha, sent a note to the Mozambique government stating that SA had conclusive evidence that terrorists were being housed in that country. The SA government, he said, reserved the right to take whatever steps might, in its view, be necessary, whenever and wherever, to protect SA life and property. The control of security in northern Zululand was transferred from the police to the army. Four ethnic army battalions drawn from the Zulu, Swazi, Shangaan, and Venda peoples were stationed along the eastern borders of SA adjoining Mozambique and Swaziland. On January 30, 1981 SA forces made a pre-dawn commando raid on three buildings situated in different parts of Matola, a town about 16 km from the centre of the capital city of Maputo. The SA Defence Force suspected that these housed the local planning and logistics centres of the African National Congress-in-exile. The head of the SA Defence Force, General C Viljoen, said in a Press statement that SA had evidence that attacks made on various targets in SA had been planned from these hiding places, and launched from there. Help had been forthcoming from the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and from Cuban and East German advisers. This situation was unacceptable, said General Viljoen, and it was the task of the SA Defence Force to destroy the enemy before the people of SA had to suffer acts of terrorism. He warned neighbouring states that by hiding anti-SA terrorists they were endangering their own safety. The SA attack had been directed solely at the terrorists, everything possible having been done to avoid contact with Mozambican security forces and civilians. The SA Defence Force announced2 that about 30 ANC exiles, all armed, and a Portuguese technician had been killed during the firing on the buildings, others being wounded. Two SA soldiers had died in the attack. A report from the Portuguese ANOP news agency in Lisbon stated that five people were killed at the ANC headquarters, together with a South African and a passing motorist. The SA Defence Force seized considerable quantities of weapons, sabotage equipment, and documents. During March, a small group of SA soldiers who were walking along the beach crossed the Mozambican border, apparently inadvertently, 457

458 and were attacked by a unit of the Mozambique defence force. One South African was killed. Mozambique References 1 Rand DailyMailJanuary 31 and February 2 2 Sunday Times February 1; Rand Daily Mail February 2 and 3

APPENDIX I SOME RECENT PUBLICATIONS RELATED TO RACE RELATIONS S A Institute of Race Relations BLIGNAUT, Sue: Statistics on education in South Africa 1968-1979 (1981) COOPER, Carole etal: Pebco: a black mass movement (1981) DAVENPORT, T R H: Black Grahamstown: the agony of a community (1981) HORRELL, Muriel: Race Relations as regulated by law in South Africa (1982) PIKE, Justine: Guide to the administration of voluntary societies (reprint 1981) RESETTLEMENT: papers given at the 51 st annual council meeting (1981) YAWITCH, Joanne: Betterment: the myth of homeland agriculture (1982) Other Publishers BAFFOE, Frank: The economics of migratory labour exploitation in Southern Africa: implications for migrants and supplier countries (Lesotho: Institute of Labour Studies, 1981) BENDIX, D W F: A synopsis of South Africa Labour Legislation. The report of the commission of inquiry into labour legislation, and the Industrial Conciliation Amendment Act, No 94 of 1979 (Pretoria: U N I S A, 1980) BOPHUTHATSWANA: An economic survey and businessman's guide (Johannesburg: Barclays National Bank, 1980) BOULLE, L et al: Natal and KwaZulu constitutional and political options (Cape Town: Juta, 1981) BOZZOLI, Belinda: The political nature of the ruling class: Capital and ideology in S A 1890-1933 (London: Kegan Paul, 1981) BRIDGE: an index of organizations at work in South Africa (Johannesburg: Human Awareness Programme, 1980) CARTER, Gwendolen: South Africa; the continuing crisis (London: MacMillan, 1979) CORBETT, Peter: Housing conditions in Chatsworth, Durban (Durban: University of Durban Westville, 1980) DAVENPORT, T R H: South Africa: a modern history (Johannesburg: MacMillan, 1980, reprint) DAVENPORT, T R H: The beginnings of urban segregation in South Africa: the Natives (Urban Areas) Act of 1923 and its background (Grahamstown: Institute of Social and Economic Research, 1980) DEWAR, D: Unemployment in the informal sector: some proposals (Cape Town: U PRU, 1981) DOSTAL, E ed: Labour relations, training and productivity (Stellenbosch: University, 1980) DU PISANIE, J A: Vermagte regionale verspreiding van ekonomiese aktiwiteite en bevelking tot die jaar 2000 (Pretoria: Bepa, 1981) DU PREEZ, J N: The educational system of the Transkei: a systems description and 459 needs assessment (Bloemfontein: U 0 F S, 1979)

460 Recent Publications DU TOIT, D: Capital and labour in SA: Class struggle in the 1970s (London: Kegan Paul, 1981) ELLIS, C S: Die bevordering van geletterdheid in Suid-Afrika: getalle en verspreiding van swart volwasse geletterdes (Pretoria: H S R C, 1980) FAIR, T J D: Towards balanced spatial development in Southern Africa (Pretoria: Institute, 1981) FEBRUARY, V A: Mind your colour: the coloured stereotype in SA literature (London: Kegan Paul, 1981) FERRINO, Homero: Towards a theory of community social work (Cape Town: Juta, 1981) FREDERICKSON, George H: White supremacy: a comparative study in American and South African history (New York: 0 U P, 1981) FRESCURA, Tranco: Rural Shelter in Southern Africa: a survey of the architecture, house forms and constructional methods of the black rural peoples of Southern Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981) FRIEDLAND, Elaine: A comparative study of the development of revolutionary nationalist movements in Southern Africa: Frelimo (Mozambique) and the African National Congress of SA (thesis) (New York: City University of New York, 1980) GANN, L H: Why South Africa will survive (Cape Town: Tafelberg, 1981) GEBER, Beryl et al: Soweto's children: the development of attitudes (London: Academic Press, 1980) GELDENHUYS, Deon: The constellation of Southern Africa states and the Southern African Development Co-ordination Council: towards a new regional stalemate? (Johannesburg: SA Institute of International Affairs, 1981) GELDENHUYS, Deon: Some foreign policy implications of SA's total national strategy with particular reference to the 12 point plan (Johannesburg: SA Institute of International Affairs, 1981) GERHART, Gail: Black power in SA. The evolution of an ideology (U S A: UCLA, 1978) GOULD, William: Black unions in South Africa: labour law reform and apartheid (Leland: Stanford University, 1981) GREENBERG, Stanley: Race and State in capitalist development: South Africa in comparative perspective (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1980) GRIFFITHS, H R: South African labour economics (Johannesburg: McGraw Hill, 1980) HOWE, Graham: Squatter crisis (Cape Town: Centre for Intergroup Studies, 1981) HUGO, Pierre: Quislings or realists: a documentary study of coloured politics in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1978) HUMAN AWARENESS PROGRAMME: Ciskei: an assessment (Johannesburg: HAP, 1981) HUMAN SCIENCES RESEARCH COUNCIL: Report of the law committee on legislation hampering the normalisation of sports relations in R S A (Pretoria, H S R C, 1980) JEPPE, W J 0: Bophuthatswana: land tenure and development (Cape Town: Maskew Miller, 1980) JOHANNESBURG CHAMBER OF COMMERCE: Housing Seminar (Johannesburg: JCC, 1981) JONES, Robert A et al: Labour legislation in South Africa (Johannesburg: McGraw Hill, 1980) JOYNER, F M: Pragmatic liberalism: a concept for racial peace, harmony and prosperity (Natal) (n pub) (n d) KRAAK, G: Financing of African worker accommodation in Cape Town (Cape Town: Saldru, 1981) LACEY, Marian: Working for Boroko (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981) LANGE, J H ed: Implikasies van die Riekert verslag (Pretoria: U N I S A) (n d)

LODGE, Tom: The creation of a mass movement: Strikes and defiance 1950-52 (Johannesburg: African Studies Institute, 1981) LOMBARD, J A: Socio economic prospects for the eighties (Pretoria: Bepa, 1981) MARTIN, David etal: The struggle for Zimbabwe (London: Faber & Faber, 1981) MORRIS, Michael: South African Security: some considerations for the 1980s (Cape Town: Security Factors for Terrorism Research Centre, 1980) MYBURGH, A C: Indigenous criminal law in Bophuthatswana (Pretoria: Van Schaik, 1980) MYERS, Desaix: U S business in South Africa: the economic political and moral issues (Bloomington: Indiana Universal Press, 1980) MUTLOATSE, Mothobi: Reconstruction (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981) NATTRASS, Jill: The South African economy: its growth and change (Cape Town: O U P, 1981) NEL, P A: Minimum living levels of black migratory employees of the goldmining members of the chambers of commerce (Pretoria: U N I S A 1980) NUSAS: Dissension in the ranks: white opposition in SA (Cape Town: NUSAS, 1981) OHRN, Steven: Africa from real to reel (Mass: African Studies Association 1976) PAGE, D et al: Ontwikkelingsplan vir Owambo (Stellenbosch: Instituut vir Beplanningsnavorsing, 1978) IASTEUR, David: The management of squatter upgrading: a case study of organisation, procedures and participation (England: Saxon House, 1979) POTGIETER, J F: The household subsistence level in urban centres, April 1981 and indexing of salaries and wages in R S A (Port Elizabeth, U P E, 1981) POTGIETER, P J J S: Index to literature on race relations in SA: 1910-1975 (Potchefstroom: Univ. for CHE, 1979) PREISWERK, Roy ed: The slant of the pen - Racism in children's books (Geneva: WCC, 1980) RAMAHAPU, T V: The controlling mechanism of the mine compound system in South Africa (Lesotho: Institute of Labour Studies, 1981) REYNOLDS, Norman: The design of rural development: proposals for the evolution of a social contract suited to conditions in Southern Africa (Cape Town: SALDRU, 1981 ROTBERG, Robert: Suffer the future: Policy changes in Southern Africa (Mass: Harvard Uni. Press., 1980) ROTBERG, Robert: Towards a certain future. The politics and economics of Southern Africa (Cape Town: David Phillip, 1981) SCHARFF, R H: A profile of the African workforce in Durban (Durban: Natal University, 1981) SCHENIER, Steffen: Dairying as an instrument for rural development in the Ciskei (Cape Town: Saldru, 1981) SCHEVEN, Yvette: Bibliographies for African studies 1976-1979 (Mass: African Studies Association, 1980) SCHIFTER, Richard: US denounces apartheid at U N Forum: speech to U N Commission on Human Rights (Johannesburg: USICA, 1981) SCHLEMMER, Lawrence: Black urban communities, socio-political reform and the future (Durban: Centre forApplied Social Sciences, 1980) SCHMIDT, Elizabeth: Decoding corporate camouflage: U S business supprt for apartheid (Washington: I P S, 1980) SILK, Andrew: A Shantytown in South Africa: the story of Modderdam (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981) SIMKINS, C E W: The demographic demand for labour and institutional context of African unemployment in South Africa: 1960-1980 (Cape Town: Saldru, 1981) SIMKINS, Charles: The structure of labour supply in the western Cape (Cape Town: Saldru, 1981) SLABBERT, F van Zyl et al: South Africa: dilemmas of evolutionary change (Grahamstown: Institute of Social & Economic Research, 1980) SLABBERT, Mana: Justice for all? South Africa's legal system (Cape Town: U C T, 1981) 461 Recent Publications

Recent Publications SMEDLEY, L: Multipurpose survey amongst coloured South Africans, 1979. Some aspects of housing (Pretoria: H S R C, 1980) SMEDLEY, L: Multipurpose survey amongst urban blacks, 1978: some aspects of housing (Pretoria: H S R C 1980) SMIT, P et al: Swartverstedeliking: proses, patroon en strategie (Cape Town: Tafelberg, 1981) SOUTH AFRICA (Rep) Dept of Foreign Affairs and Information: Economic cooperation in Southern Africa (Pretoria: Govt pr., 1981) SOUTH AFRICAN COUNCIL ON SPORT: Fourth biennial conference (Durban: SACOS, 1981) SOUTH AFRICA FOUNDATION: Job advancement in South Africa (Johannesburg: S A F, 1980) STEPHEN, W et al: School desegregation, past, present and future (New York: Plenum, 1980) STREEK, Barry et al: Render unto Kaizer: A Transkei dossier (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981) STRIJDOM, H G et al: Rolverdering en rolverwagting in die stedelike swart gesin: 'n verkenning (Pretoria: H S R C, 1980) SWART, C F: Swartbehuising Deel II gesinsbehuising in verskillende woon omgewings (Johannesburg, R A U, 1981) TERBLANCHE, S S: The manpower situation in South Africa and its effect on the goldmining industry (Pretoria: Institute for Manpower Research, 1980) THOM, M B: D F Malan (Cape Town: Tafelberg, 1980) THOMAS, Tranklin: South Africa: time running out. The report of the study commission on U S policy toward Southern Africa (Los Angeles: University Calif. Press, 1981) VAN DER HORST, Sheila ed: Race discrimination in South Africa: a review (Cape Town: David Phillip, 1981) VAN DER MERWE, Hendrik et al: Towards an open society in South Africa: The role of voluntary organizations (Cape Town: David Phillip, 1981) VAN DER ROSS, R E: Myths and attitudes. An inside look at the coloured people (Cape Town: Tafelberg, 1979) VERWEY, C ed: Education and Manpower production (Bloemfontein: U 0 V S, 1981) WILKINSON, Peter: A place to live: the resolution of the African housing crisis in Johannesburg 1944-54 (Johannesburg: African Studies Institute, 1981) WILLMER, Brendan: Buthelezi and Inkatha; the truth exposed (Durban: S A Trust Campai gn) ( n d) WITS WOMEN'S MOVEMENT: History of black women in SA (Johannesburg: WWM, 1981)

APPENDIX II LEGISLATION OF 1981 Electoral Act for Indians Act, 16/1981 - 17 Fund Raising Second Amendment Act, 92/1981 - 412 Guidance and Placement Act, 62/1981 - 132 Labour Relations Amendment Act, 57/1981 - 202 Laws on Co-operation and Development Act, 111/1981 - 247 Liquor Amendment Act, 117/1981 - 426 Manpower Training Act, 56/1981 - 130 Marine Traffic Act, 2/1981 - 61 Medical, Dental, and Supplementary Health Service Professions Amendment Act, 86/1981 - 393 Medical Schemes Amendment Act, 87/1981 - 394 Mental Health Amendment Act, 41/1981 - 393 Nursing Amendment Act, 85/1981 - 393 Police Amendment Act, 47/1981 - 72 Population Registration Draft Bill - 53 Powers and Privileges of the President's Council Act, 103/1981 -2 Preservation of Pension Interests Amendment Bill - 210, 414 Republic of SA Constitution Amendment Act, 40/1981 - 3 Republic of SA Second Amendment Act, 101/1981 - 386 Second Unemployment Insurance Amendment Act, 113/1981 - 122 Second Wage Amendment Act, 58/1981 - 116 Small Business Development Act, 112/1981 - 164 SA Transport Services Act, 65/1981 - 72 Status of Ciskei Act, 110/1981 - 298 Technikons (Education and Training) Act, 30/1981 - 372 Training Centres for Coloured Cadets Repeal Act, 82/1981 - 375 Transkei Criminal Law Amendment Act - 292 Unemployment Insurance Amendment Act, 1/1981 - 122 Vista University Act, 106/1981 - 380 Wage Amendment Act, 48/1981 - 115 Workmen's Compensation Amendment Act, 24/1981 - 176 463

INDEX A Actstop - 224 Action: Save White SA - 11 Administration Boards: Central Transvaal - 241, 253, 263 Drakensberg - 241, 253, 269 East Rand - 241,253,260 Eastern Cape - 241,254, 267 Eastern Transvaal - 241, 253, 265 Highveld - 241,253,264 N Cape- 241,254, 267 N Transvaal - 241, 253 Oranjevaal - 241, 253, 264 Port Natal - 241, 253, 269 S Orange Free State _ 241, 253 WCape- 241,254,266 W Rand - 241,253,254 W Transvaal - 241,253 African education and training: Administration of - 342 Adult education - 353 Age limits for pupils - 345 Apprentices - 127, 128, 129, 366, 370 Bursaries and scholarships - 389 etseq Commercial training - 369, 371 Compulsory education - 346 Contributions from private sources - 355 Cost per pupil - 334 Double sessions - 349 Drop-out rate - 339, 351 Examination results and fees - 351 Financing of - 333 Medium of instruction - 347 Professional education - 369 Pupil/teacher ratio - 335 Pupils enrolled - 349 Pupils expulsion of - 345 Schools - 348 Teachers - 335, 351, 353 Technical and vocational - 368 etseq Text books and equipment - 347 Universities - 379 (and see under names of individual universities) Vista University - 380 (Also see Education) 464

African homelands - see Homelands 465 African National Congress - 24, 27 Attacks by in SA - 77, 78 Trials of members - 81,82, 83 Africans, citizenship of - see Citizenship Index Africans, in urban areas - 231 etseq Africans, political groups - 24 (Also see Black) Afrikaanse Studentebond - 382 Afrikaner Weerstand Beweging - 9, 11 if, 445 Agriculture - 157, 396 African labour tenants and squatters - 274 in Homelands - 323 Aksie Eie Toekoms - 9, 10 if, 445 Alexandra Township - 259 Alberton - 226 Alliance of Black Reformed Christians in SA - 45 Angola: incursions by SA/SWA troops - 449 etseq National Union for Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) - 58 situation in - 449 Apartheid, condemnation of - 38, 39, 41 Athletics - 422 Azanian People's Organisation (AZAPO) - 27, 28, 29 ff, 89 ff, 91, 262, 347 Azanian Students' Organisation (AZASO) - 28, 30 B Banning of gatherings - see Meetings persons - 90 Contraventions of banning orders - 91 Publication of statements by banned persons - 41 publications - see Publications Bantu Welfare Trust - 355 Biko, the late Mr Stephen - 85 Black Consciousness organisations - 28 Black Sash - 27, 47 ff, 234, 236, 239, 277, 284, 345 Black spots and removal orders - 273 etseq Black Students' Societies - 86, 383, 385, 386, 387 Black Universities Sports Council - 420 Boksburg group areas - 225 Bophuthatswana: Agriculture - 327 Area of - 288 Citizenship - 294 Economic development - 319 Finances - 315 Government - 294 Hospitals and health workers - 405, 407 Population - 53, 288, 294 Radio service - 296 Security legislation - 296 Trade unions - 194 University of- 295, 379 (Also see Homelands) Boxing - 422 Britain: investment in SA - 104, 106, 107 Broederbond - 5 Building construction, employment in - 156

466 Bursaries and scholarships - 389 Buthelezi Commission - 27, 302 Index C Cape Peninsula: group areas - 227 housing for Africans - 266 (also see Housing, and Administration Boards, W Cape) squatters - 282 Capital punishment - 66 Child welfare - 413 Cholera - 397, 400 Christian League - 7 Church of the Province of SA - 37 Churches - 32 etseq detention of leaders - 89 Ciskei: Agriculture - 323 Area - 288 Citizenship - 297, 298 Economic development - 316 Finances- 313, 314, 315, 329 Government - 301 Hospitals and health workers - 405, 406 Independence - 297, 299 etseq Land claimed by - 298 Migrant workers - 136 Mining - 321, 322 Population - 288 Relocation of Africans - 299 Security measures - 302 Squatters - 302 Trade unions, action taken against leaders - 194 (Also see Homelands) Citizenship of Africans - 39, 233 ff, 290 if, 294, 297, 298, 308 Civil Rights League - 284 Clubs, black visitors to - 427 Codes of conduct in employment - 213 Coloured cadets - 375 Coloured education: Administration of - 342 Bursaries awarded - 389 Examination results - 357 Financing of - 334 Pupil/teacher ratio - 335 Pupils, enrolment - 357 Schools - 356 Teachers - 335, 357 Technical and vocational - 373 University education - 379 (Also see Education) Coloured labour preference area - 138 people, attitudes of - 1 5 Persons' Council - 14 political parties - 13 Commerce, employment in - 161 etseq Community councils in urban African townships - 248 (Also see under appropriate Administration Board) Confederation of Southern African States - 4

Congregational Church - 42 467 Congress of SA Students (COSAS) - 28, 30, 86, 388 " the People - 15 Conscientious objection to military service - 40, 41, 59, 447 Constellation of Southern African States proposed - 289 Index Cost of living - 111 Council of Unions of SA (CUSA) - 181,183, 190 Courts of law -67 etseq Cricket - 418, 421,422 ff Crime, comment on - 64 in Soweto and other urban areas - 64 Criminal statistics - 64, 68 Crossroads - 282 D Defence - 57 et seq Defence Force: covert and overt action by - 57 " employment in - 59, 173 equipment and arms - 60, 62 expenditure on - 58 war on the borders - see SWA/Namibia De Lange Committee report on education - 338 etseq, 344, 367 Democratic Party - 18, 20 Dentists - 408 Detention: deaths in detention - 84 in African homelands - 90, 194 in SWA/Namibia - 444 numbers detained - 84 of churchmen - 89 of journalists - 88 of leaders of black organisations - 89 of minors - 87 of students, teachers, lecturers - 86, 387 of trade unionists - 88, 195 Doctors - see Medical Domestic workers - 158 Durban group areas - 226 E East Griqualand - 291 East London, relocation of Africans - 281 Economic situation - 103 Education: Admission of black pupils to white private schools - 36, 335, 344 Boycotts of educational institutions - 16, 86, 384 Bursaries and scholarships - 389 Comparative statistics - 333 Financing of - 333, 341 Information Centre - 390 Management of - 342 etseq Per capita expenditure, all races - 334 Pupil/teacher ratios - 334 Sport in schools - 419 Teachers - 335, 336, 341, 343 " Categories of - 358 Technical and Vocational - 366 etseq (Also see African, Coloured, Indian, White) 468 Electoral Act for Indians Amendment Act, 16/1981 - 17 Employment: Agriculture - 157, 396 African labour tenants and squatters - 274 Index in Homelands - 323 Apprenticeship - 127, 128, 129, 366, 370 Budget of SA - 108 Building construction - 156 Closed shop - 206 Codes of conduct for employers - 213 Commerce - 161 Cost of living - 111 Defence Force - 59, 173 Domestic workers - 158 Economic situation in SA - 102 et seq Economically active population - 117 Finance - 160 Guidance and Placement Act, 62/1981 - 132 Health of workers - 395 Incomes and wages - 112 Job creation - 125 Job reservation - 125 "1 1 in mining- 151,152 Labour Relations Amendment Act, 57/1981 - 202 Local government - 174 Manpower - 123, 130, 132,366 Manpower Training Act, 56/1981 - 130 Manufacturing - 138 etseq Clothing industry - 142 Decentralisation of Industry - 139 Engineering - 141 Indian Industrial Development Corporation - 147 Miscellaneous manufacturing industries - 146 Motor industry - 144 Textiles - 144 Migrant workers: Charter for by Roman Catholic Church - 137 Remittances sent home - 328 Statistics - 134 etseq, 327 ff Views on - 36, 40, 43 Mining- 149, 192 " in homelands - 321 Police Force - 172 Post Office - 167 Printing industry - 145 Productivity of manpower - 126 Public authorities - 170 Railways, Harbours, Airways - 165 Skilled workers, shortage of - 366 Trade unions - see Industrial Conciliation Unemployment - 117, 275 " insurance - 120 Wage Amendment Acts, 48/1981 and 58/1981 - 115 Wage determinations - 115 Wages - 112 et seq Wiehahn Commission: Part 5 of report - 198 Part 6 of report - 152

Employment:. Workmen's compensation - 176 469 Entertainment, censorship of - 96 F index Family planning - 403 Farming - see Agriculture Federation of SA Trade Unions - 181, 182, 190, 193, 197, 210, 412 Films, censorship of - 96 Flag, national - 386 Football - see Soccer Foreign investment in SA - 103 France: investment in SA - 104, 106 Freedom Party - 15 Fund Raising Second Amendment Act, 92/1981.-- 412 G Gazankulu: Agriculture - 325 Area of - 288 Economic development - 317 Financing - 313,314, 315,329 Government and administration - 306 Hospitals and health workers - 405, 406 Migrant workers - 136 Mining - 231, 322 Population - 288 Germany, West: investment in SA - 104 Glenmore - 281 Grasskopf Commission - 232 Group areas - 220 etseq Alberton - 226 Boksburg - 225 Cape Peninsula - 227 Comments on - 41,221 Durban - 226 Effects on sport- 418, 419 Ifafa - 226 Johannesburg - 222 Ladysmith - 226 Port Elizabeth - 228 Port Shepstone - 226 Pretoria - 222 Recommendations by De Lange Committee on use of schools - 342 Richards Bay - 226 Statistics - 220 Uitenhage - 228 Guerrilla attacks within SA - 77 (in SWA/N - see SWAIN) Guidance and Placement Act, 62/1981 - 132 H Health and health services - 393 etseq Community - 397 " Industrial - 395 Mental - 402 Services in African homelands - 405, 407

470 Herstigte Nasionale Party - 1, 6, 9 ff, 11 Hockey - 424 Hoexter Commission - 67 etseq Index Homelands, African: Agriculture - 323 etseq Area and boundaries - 287 Citizenship - see Citizenship Consolidation - 288 Detention of persons by homeland governments - 90, 194 Economic development - 310, 315 etseq Financing - 313 etseq, 328 Migrant labour - see Employment Mining - 312 Health services and hospitals - 405, 407 Housing - 291, 329 Population - 287 Regional co-operation - 312 Social pensions paid - 329 Trade unions: attitudes of homeland governments - 194 (Also see names of individual homelands) Hospitals - 404 Hotels, serving of liquor - 426 Housing: shortages - 271, 243 "1 statistics - 216, 240 Housing for Africans: Government policy - 243 Home ownership and title to land - 232, 233, 246 Homelands - 291, 329 Opposition views on housing policy - 246 Provision of in urban areas by private sector - 246 ...... public authorities - 242 Shortages - 243 Statistics - 240 (Also see Administration Boards) Housing for Whites, Coloured, Indians: Provision by private sector - 218 public authorities - 218 Ifafa - 226 Immorality - 55 Indian Congress - 18, 19, 89, 91 Indian education: Administration of - 342 Adult education - 362 Bursaries awarded - 390 Cost per pupil - 334 Financing - 334 Pupil/teacher ratio - 335 Pupils, enrolment of - 359 Schools - 359 Special education - 362 Teachers - 335, 360 Technical and vocational - 375 Universities - 379 Indian Industrial Development Corporation - 147 Local government - 22 Political parties - 17

Industrial conciliation machinery - 181 etseq, 194 471 council and conciliation board agreements- 189 council closed shop agreements - 206 Court - 205 (Trade unions - see under Trade) Index Influx control - see Pass Laws 'Information scandal' - 6 Inkatha movement - 14, 26 if, 194, 275, 304 International University Exchange Fund - 80 J Johannesburg group areas - 222 K Kappiekommando - 11 KaNgwane: Agriculture - 325 Area - 288 Citizenship - 307 Economic development - 319 Government and administration - 301 Migrant workers - 136 Mining - 321, 322 Population - 288 Proposal to incorporate into Swaziland - 307 (Also see Homelands) KwaNdebele: Agriculture - 325 Area - 288 Economic development - 319 Financing - 314 Government and administration - 307 Mining - 321, 322 Population - 288 Removals of Africans - 285 (Also see Homelands) KwaZulu: Agriculture - 325 Area - 288 Buthelezi Commission - 302 Consolidation - 303 Economic development - 317 Financing - 313, 314, 315, 329 Hospitals and health workers - 405, 406 Inkatha movement - 14, 26 if, 194, 275, 304 Migrant workers - 136 Mining - 312, 322 Population - 288 Relocation of Africans - 275, 277 (Also see Homelands) Labour Party - 4, 13, 14 ff, 27, 385 Ladysmith group areas - 226 Law courts - 67 etseq Laws on Co-operation and Development Amendment Act, 111/1981 - 247

472 Lebowa: Agriculture - 325 Area - 288 Index Consolidation - 305 Economic development - 318 Financing- 313, 314, 315, 329 Government and administration - 305 Hospitals and health workers - 405, 406 Migrant workers - 136 Mining- 321, 322 Population - 288 (Also see Homelands) Legal Resources Centre - 238 Lesotho Liberation Army - 58 Liquor Amendment Act, 11 7/1981 - 426 Control of sale of - 426 Law: effects on sport - 418, 426 Supply of in clubs - 426 Supply of in hotels and restaurants - 426 Local Affairs Committees - 19 Local governing bodies: employees and wages - 174 Local government in urban areas: Africans - see Community Councils, and Administration Boards Coloured and Indian - 22, 174 M Makgotla vigilante groups - 65 Malnutrition - 397, 399 Manpower - 123 etseq Manpower Training Act, 56/1981 - 130 Manufacturing - see Employment Marine Traffic Act, 2/1981 - 61 Marriages, mixed - 36, 38, 41, 44, 55 Mass media - see Publications Medical, Dental, and Supplementary Health Service Professions Amendment Act, 86/1981 - 393 Medical personnel - 406 " Schemes Amendment Act, 87/1981 - 394 Meetings, gatherings, and demonstrations: at schools and universities - 384 "1 control of - 92, 445 Mental health - 393, 402 Methodist Church of Southern Africa - 38 Migrant workers - see Employment Military service, compulsory - 40, 41, 59, 447 Mining - See Employment Mozambique: Attack on ANC headquarters by SA - 24, 25, 457 ff National Resistance Movement - 57 N Namibia - see South WestAfrica Natal Code of Customary Law - 304 Indian Congress - 18, 19, 89, 91 Relocation of Africans - 277 National Conservative Party - 1, 9, 10 ff Convention proposed - 27, 29 Federal (Progressive) Party - 20

National Institute for Crime Prevention and Rehabilitation of Offenders - 239 473 Party - 1,4 ff Union of SA Students - 80, 86, 91, 381, 387 Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk - 5, 6, 42 ff, 45 Netball - 419 Index New Republic Party - 1,8 ff Newspapers - see Publications Nurses - 408 Nursing Amendment Act, 85/1981 393 0 Orange Free State: relocation of Africans - 279 P Pageview - 20, 223 Pan-African Congress - 25 Pass laws- 231 etseq Administration of - 235 Arrests under - 234 Black Sash work - 234, 236, 239 Court cases - 236 Curfew regulations - 239 Influx control - 233,273,275 Recommendations for revision of- 233 Sport: effects of Black (Urban Areas) Consolidation Act - 419 Passports, withdrawal of - 93 Pensions Bill - 210, 414 Pensions, Social - 329, 413 Police Amendment Act, 47/1981 - 72 Police Force - 70 etseq, 172 " conduct of members of- 71,73 Informers - 80 Political parties: African - 24 " " Coloured - 13 Indian - 17 White - I Political Students' Organisation (POLSTU) - 8, 381 Population registration - 55 Size of - 52, 287, 288 Vital statistics - 54 Port Elizabeth group areas - 228 Relocation of Africans - 280 Students' Committee - 86, 384 Port Shepstone group areas - 226 Powers and Privileges of President's Council Act, 103/1981 2 Presbyterian Church of SA - 40, 45 . . ..1" : Proposed union with Congregational Church - 42 Preservation of Pension Interests Amendment Bill - 210, 414 President's Council - 2, 13, 19, 221, 223 Pretoria group areas - 222 Prisons and prisoners - 73 Progressive Federal Party - 1, 2, 7 if, 27 Progressive Party (Indian) - 18 Publications, control of - 95 etseq Mass Media, Commission of Inquiry - 98 Political committee for censorship - 96 Quoting from banned publications - 41 Suppression of certain newspapers - 98

474 Q Queenstown, relocation of Africans - 281 QwaQwa: Index Agriculture - 326 Area - 288 Economic development - 319 Financing - 313, 314, 315, 329 Government and administration - 307 Hospitals and health workers - 405, 407 Migrant workers - 136 Mining - 321, 322 Population - 288 (Also see Homelands) R Race classification - 55 Reform Party - 18, 20, 27 Refugees from SA - 26 Relocation of African population - 272 etseq Republic Festival - 15, 24, 30, 35, 48 Republic of SAConstitution Amendments Acts, 40/1981 and 101/1981 - 3, 386 Reservation of Separate Amenities Act (1953): effects on sport - 418 Resettlement - see Relocation Restaurants, supply of liquor - 426 Richards Bay - 226 Riding and horse racing - 424 Roman Catholic Church - 35 "1 "1 "1 Charterfor Migrant Labour - 137 Rugby - 418, 419,420, 421,423 ff S Sada - 282 StWendolins - 277 Security police - 79 situation within SA - 77 etseq (See SWA/Namibia for situation there) trials - 81 Shebeens - 249 Small Business Development Act, 112/1981 - 164 Soccer - 418, 420, 423 ff Social pensions - 329, 413 " in Homelands - 329 welfare -412 workers - 415 South African Allied Workers' Union - 396 Black Alliance - 14, 28, 304 Broadcasting Corporation - 98 Bureau of Racial Affairs - 48, 263, 276 Communist Party - 27 Council of Churches - 26, 27, 32 ff, 80, 258, 276, 284 Commission of Inquiry - 33 Council on Sport (SACOS) - 418, 420, 421 ff " Indian Congress - 18, 19, 89, 91 Indian Council - 17, 20 ff Institute of Race Relations - 47, 159, 273, 276, 345, 355, 390, 391 National and Olympic Games Association - 418, 421 ff Transport Services Act, 65/1981 - 72

South African Youth Revolutionary Council - 86 South West Africa/Namibia - 428 etseq Budget - 443 Caprivi Strip - 447 Commonwealth Conference deliberations - 432 Defence Force - 444 Democratic Turnhalle Alliance - 435, 440, 441, 442, 445 Detention of persons - 444 Education - 445 Geneva talks - 429 International negotiations relating to - 428, 431 etseq Meetings, control of - 445 Military service compulsory - 446 National Assembly - 442, 445 Owambo, political developments - 441 Pass laws - 446 Police Force - 444 Political parties - 440, 442 Population - 439 Prisoners of war - 453 Prisons and prisoners - 444 Public Services - 443 Refugees - 454 Settlement proposed by Western Powers - 432 Supreme Court - 443 SWA People's Organisation (SWAPO) - 429 etseq, 445 etseq Terrorism, combating of - 445 Trade unions - 446 United Nations General Assembly - 434, 437, 438 Institute for Namibia - 438 Personnel - 438 Security Council - 428, 435, 436 SA's contribution to Budget - 438 Warfare - 446 etseq Soweto Committee of Ten - 27, 28, 30 ff Crime - 64 Housing - 254 Local government - 259 Students' Representative Council - 86, 388 Sport - 418 etseq At schools - 419 At universities - 420 Effects of Black (Urban Areas) Act - 418, 419 Group Areas Act - 418, 419 Liquorlaws - 418, 426 Separate Amenities Act - 418 International action against SA - 37, 418, 420 (Also see under names of the various sports) Squatters in and around urban areas - 282, 302 " on farms - 274 Status of Ciskei Act, 110/1981 - 298 Steyn Commission - 98, 99 Sullivan Code - 213 T Taxation - 108 Technikons (Education and Training) Act, 30/1981 - 372 475 Index

476 Tennis - 424 Trade: SA's imports and exports - 110 Trade unions: African Food and Canning Workers' Union - 88, 186, 190, 196 Index Black Allied Workers' Union - 187 Commercial, Catering, and Allied Workers' Union - 89 Council of Unions of SA (CUSA) - 181, 183, 190 Detention of members - 86, 88, 195 General and Allied Workers' Union - 28, 89, 190, 196 General Workers' Union -88, 186, 187, 190, 193, 196 Groups and their affiliates - 181 Labour Relations Amendment Act, 57/1981 - 202 Media Workers' Association of SA - 90, 98, 186, 190, 193 Mixed unions - 188 Motor Assemblies and Component Workers' Union - 187- 190, 196, 211 Overseas unions, action by - 187 Registration of unions - 189, 198, 199 Strikes - 208 etseq SA Allied Workers' Union - 79, 90, 185, 190, 192, 196, 212,302 SA Confederation of Labour 181, 184 Trade Union Council of SA- 79, 181, 183 Unregistered African unions, recognition of - 190 Victimisation of members of unions - 197 Wiehahn Commission, recommendations on labour relations - 198 Training Centre for Coloured Cadets Repeal Act, 82/1981 375 Transkei: Agriculture - 324 Area - 288 Capital Radio - 293 Ciskei independence, attitude to - 300 Criminal Law Amendment Act - 292 Defence Force - 293 Economic development - 317 Elections - 291 Emergency, state of - 293 Finances - 315 Health services and hospitals - 405, 407 Population - 53, 288, 291 (Also see Homelands) Transvaal Anti-SAIC committee - 19 Travel documents: withdrawal of passports - 93 Tuberculosis - 395, 398 Tutu, Bishop Desmond - 32 et seq , 93 (Also see SA Council of Churches) U Uitenhage group areas - 228 Unemployment - 117, 120, 275 Unemployment Insurance Amendment Acts 1/1981 and 113/1981 - 122 United Congregational Church - 42 United Kingdom: investment in SA - 104, 106, 107 United Nations - see SWAiNamibia United States: investment in SA - 103, 104f 107 . . negotiations re SWA/Namibia - 431 Universities - 379

University of Bophuthatswana - 295, 379 Cape Town - 379,396,404,420 477 Durban-Westville - 379, 387 Fort Hare - 379, 386 Medical Training (Medical University of SA) 380 Index Natal - 379, 386, 400, 407 Orange Free State - 379 Port Elizabeth 379 Potchefstroom - 379, 382 Pretoria -379, 382 Rand Afrikaans - 379, 382, 420 Rhodes - 379, 381,400 South Africa - 379 Stellenbosch - 379, 382 The North - 379, 383 Transkei - 379 Western Cape - 379, 383, 386 Witwatersrand - 379, 385, 386, 388, 407, 420 Zululand - 379 University sport - 420 Unrest at schools and universities - 384 etseq Urban African affairs - 231 etseq Urban Foundation - 48 if, 50, 256, 266, 355 V Venda: Agriculture - 326 Area - 288 Economic development - 319 Finances - 313,314, 315,329 Government and administration - 296 Hospitals and health workers - 406 Population - 53, 288 (Also see Homelands) Vista University Act, 106/1981 - 380 Vital statistics - 403 W Wage Amendment Acts, 48/1981 and 58/1981 - 115 Warfare - see SWA/Namibia White persons' education: Administration of - 342 Financing - 333 Pupil/teacher ratio - 335 Pupils, enrolment - 363 Teachers - 335, 364 Technical and Vocational - 377 Universities - 379 White persons' politics - 1 "1 "1 : right-wing violence - 78 Wiehahn Commission: Part 5 of report - 198 Part 6 of report - 152 'Women for Peaceful Change' - 49, 284 Workmen's Compensation - 176, 395

479 SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF RACE RELATIONS Enrolment Form Please accept my cheque/postal order for R ...... in payment of: Donor/Ordinary/Student/Associate/Affiliated Membership. (Mark whichever is applicable.) S ig ned : ...... Name: (Block letters) ...... (Professor/Dr/The Rev/Mr/Mrs/Miss/Ms Address: (Block letters) ...... *......

480 SA INSTITUTE OF RACE RELATIONS Head Office Auden House, 68 De Korte St, (2001), or PO Box 97 (2000), Johannesburg. Regional Offices Cape Town: 5 Long St, Mowbray (7700). Durban: 8 Guildhall Arcade, Leslie St, (off Gardiner St) (4001) or PO Box 803 (4000). Pietermaritzburg: The Old Mill, Printing Office St, (3201). East London: 32 Argyle St, (5201), or PO Box 1162 (5200). Southern Transvaal: Auden House (as above). Branches and Local Committees or Representatives Grahamstown: Prof L Switzer, c/o Rhodes University (6140). Kokstad: Mrs Fay Rennie, PO Box 42 (4700). Queenstown: Mr Sandy Stretton, PO Box 53, Molteno (5500). Zimbabwe: Prof M W Murphree, University of Zimbabwe, PO Box MD 167, Salisbury. Membership The minimum subscriptions are: Associate members (South Africa only): R5,00 annually Student members: R5,00 annually Ordinary members: R1 0,00 annually Affiliated organisations: R50,00 annually Donor members (individuals): R35,00 annually Donor members (organisations): R50,00 annually Associate members receive Race Relations News monthly, and the Annual Report on request. They do no/have voting rights. All other members have voting rights. Ordinary and student members receive Race Relations News monthly, and the Annual Report on request. Each may buy one copy of the current Survey of Race Relations at 50 per cent discount. Donor members receive Race Relations News, the Annual Report, and the Survey of Race Relations (free), and certain other occasional publications. Affiliated membership entitles the organisation to two representatives on the Institute's Council and to one set of its publications. If you wish to become a member or enrol a friend, please complete the enrolment form on the preceding page and send it to one of the Institute's offices.

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