Introduction: 1960 – a Year of Destiny

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Introduction: 1960 – a Year of Destiny The South African liberation movements in exile, c. 1945-1970. Arianna Lissoni This thesis is submitted in part fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Ph.D at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, January 2008. ABSTRACT This thesis focuses on the reorganisation in exile of the African National Congress (ANC) and Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) of South Africa during the 1960s. The 1960s are generally regarded as a period of quiescence in the historiography of the South African liberation struggle. This study partially challenges such a view. It argues that although the 1960s witnessed the progressive silencing of all forms of opposition by the apartheid government in South Africa, this was also a difficult time of experimentation and change, during which the exiled liberation movements had to adjust to the dramatically altered conditions of struggle emerging in the post-Sharpeville context. The thesis traces the roots and early history of the international networks of solidarity between South Africa and Britain from the time of the 1945 Pan African Congress to the founding of the British Anti-Apartheid Movement in 1960. It proceeds to examine the first attempts by the South African liberation movements to set up an external presence through the South African United Front, the causes of its demise and its legacy in terms of future unity. The establishment of the external mission of the ANC, its activities, and its relationship with host African countries vis-à-vis that of the PAC are analysed in detail. The research then focuses on problems of representation emerging from the gradual take-over of the ANC external mission as the sole representative of the whole of the Congress Alliance as a result of the Rivonia raid and trial. It is suggested that the internal debate between the ANC and its allies, most notably the South African Communist Party, signal a transition from the multi-racial approach of the 1950s to the creation of a unitary, non-racial liberation front. Issues of strategy and tactics arising from the decision to embark on a path of armed struggle in the early part of the decade are also analysed, including the state of affairs within the ANC’s armed wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe, and the complex relationship between military and political structures. Finally, the parallel development of the PAC in exile is reviewed, and some of its distinctive features are compared and contrasted to those of the ANC. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 6 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 8 INTRODUCTION 1960: A year of destiny? 10 Periodisation and outline ............................................................................................................................. 22 Methodology and sources ............................................................................................................................. 29 CHAPTER ONE External support for the South African liberation struggle, c. 1945-1960 32 The ANC, Britain and the United Nations .................................................................................................... 34 The 1945 Manchester Pan-African Congress ............................................................................................... 40 Early campaigning against apartheid in the UK .......................................................................................... 44 Early South African political exile ............................................................................................................... 49 International links through the SACP .......................................................................................................... 53 SASA, SAFA and the CAO ............................................................................................................................ 58 The ANC’s call for a boycott ........................................................................................................................ 62 “Boycott Slave-drivers Goods” .................................................................................................................... 65 The Boycott Movement ................................................................................................................................. 69 British support for the Boycott Month .......................................................................................................... 73 The Boycott Month ....................................................................................................................................... 78 Sharpeville and future implications .............................................................................................................. 79 South African exiles and the AAM in the 1960s ........................................................................................... 83 Conclusion .................................................................................................................................................... 86 CHAPTER TWO The South African United Front, June 1960-March 1962 89 The Making of the SAUF, April-June 1960 .................................................................................................. 93 SAUF membership, organisation and structure ......................................................................................... 100 The SAUF in London .................................................................................................................................. 105 Relations with British organisations .......................................................................................................... 108 The South African Republic and the Commonwealth ................................................................................. 109 The United Nations and economic sanctions.............................................................................................. 113 From the December 1960 Consultative Convention to the May 1961 stay-at-home .................................. 117 3 Dissolution ................................................................................................................................................. 121 Multi-racialism versus African nationalism ............................................................................................... 124 Future unity ................................................................................................................................................ 131 ANC-PAC relations on Robben Island ....................................................................................................... 134 Conclusion .................................................................................................................................................. 136 CHAPTER THREE The ANC and the PAC in exile, c. 1962-1965 139 The politics of multi-racialism in the 1950s ............................................................................................... 141 Setting up the ANC external mission: the “African image” ....................................................................... 146 Rivonia and implications ............................................................................................................................ 152 Relations with Ghana ................................................................................................................................. 157 Relations with Tanzania ............................................................................................................................. 165 Relations with Zambia ................................................................................................................................ 168 The PAC/Poqo underground and moves to crush unity, c. 1960-1962....................................................... 173 The PAC in Basutoland .............................................................................................................................. 180 The Presidential Council of the PAC and plans for a general uprising ..................................................... 184 Final curtailment of PAC activities in Basutoland ..................................................................................... 198 Conclusion .................................................................................................................................................. 211 CHAPTER FOUR Internal debates, c. 1965-1967 213 Criticism of the “African image” ............................................................................................................... 214 Barney Desai’s clash with the ANC external mission ................................................................................ 215 The PAC, c. 1965-1967 .............................................................................................................................. 234 The Moshi Conference ................................................................................................................................ 237 The ‘London Debates’ ................................................................................................................................ 246 The SACP in exile ....................................................................................................................................... 253 The first meeting of the Congress Alliance partners in exile .....................................................................
Recommended publications
  • (I. SHARP) ISAAC SHARP, Under Former Oath, EXAMINATION by MR
    10156. (I. SHARP) ISAAC SHARP, under former oath, EXAMINATION BY MR. TRJINGOVJI CONTINUED s The next meeting is a meetingof the 11th March, 1956. I hand to you a document marked G-. 528. Is that in your handwriting? Yes. Mv Lord. Does it refer to a meeting that you attended? Yes. On what date? On the 11-th March, 1956. What kind of meeting was that? Federation of South African Women. Where was it held? At the Trades Hall* Johannesburg? Yes. Were you present there? I was present there Did you make a note of the people you saw attending this meeting? I did. Is that the note you have "before you? Yes. That was made at the meeting? Yes. Now the second name on your list, what is that? Lilian Ngoyi. No. 4? • Helen Joseph. No. 6? • Ida Mtwana. No. 13? Mary Rantha. No. 16? Bertha Mashaba. No. 24? Ronald Edwin Press No. 27? T. Minusi. No. 29? B. Seitchiro. No. 30? A. E. Patel. No. 33? Simon Tyiki. No. 36? Phineas Nene. No. 50? Fish Keitsing. No. 52? Joe Matlou. No. 53? R. Resha. 10157. (I. SHARP) No. 54? Sbrahim Moolla. No. 60? Peter Nthithe. No, 63? 31ias Moretsele. No. 64? Lionel Morrison. No. 66? Patrick Molaoa. No. 67? Henry Gordon Makgothi. No. 69? Stanley Lollan. No. 70? Dr. H.M. Moosa. C c M No. - Yetta Barenblatt. No. 73? John Nkadimeng. Thisi parson that you referred to as Joe Matlou, do you know if he is known by any other name? Itis the only nans by which I know him, Jonas Matlou.
    [Show full text]
  • Human Rights Day: Remembering Robert Sobukwe’S Role in the Fight for Freedom and Equality – Izwelethu
    HUMAN RIGHTS DAY: REMEMBERING ROBERT SOBUKWE’S ROLE IN THE FIGHT FOR FREEDOM AND EQUALITY – IZWELETHU Robert Sobukwe and Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) supporters march to Orlando police station in the Anti-pass protest. Photo courtesy of UWC-RIM-Mayibuye Archives Collection. On 21 March 1960, the founding member of the Pan Africanist Congress, Robert Managaliso Sobukwe, together with the community of Sharpeville township orchestrated a peaceful protest against the Pass laws instituted by the ruling Nationalist Party at the time. In what would become known as the Sharpeville Massacre, the police opened fire at the crowd killing 69 people and wounding 180.1 This day is now known as Human Rights Day where all South Africans pay tribute to our heroic struggle icons on 21 March each year. Human Rights Day was declared an official public holiday in 1994 and is commemorated annually to reinforce the Bill of Rights included in the South African Constitution, these rights include: equality, human dignity, freedom of movement and Robben Island Museum, PO Box 51806, V&A Waterfront 8002 • Tel +27 (0) 21 413 4200 • Fax +27 (0) 21 419 1057 • website: www.robben-island.org.za residence, language and culture, and life.3 This day will forever signify the fight for freedom and equality by those who were bold enough to rise against a broken and inhumane government regime. “Robben Island is a symbol of triumph of the human spirit over adversity, and one individual who had to overcome such adversity is Sobukwe,” says Morongoa Ramaboa, Robben Island Museum’s Spokesperson. Born 05 December 1924, Sobukwe was a leader, a father, a teacher and a hero to many.
    [Show full text]
  • Trekking Outward
    TREKKING OUTWARD A CHRONOLOGY OF MEETINGS BETWEEN SOUTH AFRICANS AND THE ANC IN EXILE 1983–2000 Michael Savage University of Cape Town May 2014 PREFACE In the decade preceding the dramatic February 1990 unbanning of South Africa’s black liberatory movements, many hundreds of concerned South Africans undertook to make contact with exile leaders of these organisations, travelling long distances to hold meetings in Europe or in independent African countries. Some of these “treks”, as they came to be called, were secret while others were highly publicised. The great majority of treks brought together South Africans from within South Africa and exile leaders of the African National Congress, and its close ally the South African Communist Party. Other treks involved meetings with the Pan Africanist Congress, the black consciousness movement, and the remnants of the Non-European Unity Movement in exile. This account focuses solely on the meetings involving the ANC alliance, which after February 1990 played a central role in negotiating with the white government of F.W. de Klerk and his National Party regime to bring about a new democratic order. Without the foundation of understanding established by the treks and thousands of hours of discussion and debate that they entailed, it seems unlikely that South Africa’s transition to democracy could have been as successfully negotiated as it was between 1990 and the first democratic election of April 1994. The following chronology focuses only on the meetings of internally based South Africans with the African National Congress (ANC) when in exile over the period 1983–1990. Well over 1 200 diverse South Africans drawn from a wide range of different groups in the non- governmental sector and cross-cutting political parties, language, educational, religious and community groups went on an outward mission to enter dialogue with the ANC in exile in a search to overcome the escalating conflict inside South Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • (C) Crown Copyright Catalogue Reference:CAB/128/33 Image
    (c) crown copyright Catalogue Reference:CAB/128/33 Image Reference:0037 SECRET THIS DOCUMENT IS THE PROPERTY OF HER BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S (GOVERNMENT Printed for the Cabinet. June 1959 C.C. (59) Copy No. 37th Conclusions ST CONCLUSIONS of a Meeting of the Cabinet held at 10 Downing Street, S.W. 1, on Tuesday, 23rd June, 1959, at 11 a.m. Present: The Right Hon. HAROLD MACMILLAN, M.P., Prime Minister. The Right Hon. R. A. BUTLER, M.P., The Right Hon. VISCOUNT KILMUIR, Secretary of State for the Home Lord Chancellor. Department and Lord Privy Seal. The Right Hon. SELWYN LLOYD, Q.C., The Right Hon. D . HEATHCOAT AMORY, M.P., Secretary of State for Foreign M.P., Chancellor of the Exchequer. Affairs. The Right Hon. THE EARL OF HOME, The Right Hon. ALAN LENNOX-BOYD, Secretary of State for Commonwealth M.P., Secretary of State for the Relations. Colonies. The Right Hon. JOHN MACLAY, M.P., The Right Hon. VISCOUNT HAILSHAM, Secretary of State for Scotland. Q.C., Lord President of the Council. The Right Hon. DUNCAN SANDYS, M.P., The Right Hon. Sir DAVID ECCLES, M.P., Minister of Defence. President of the Board of Trade. The Right Hon. IAIN MACLEOD, M.P., The Right Hon. HENRY BROOKE, M.P., Minister of Labour and National Minister of Housing and Local Service. Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs. The Right Hon. LORD MILLS, Minister The Right Hon. HAROLD WATKINSON, of Power. M.P., Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation. The Right Hon. GEOFFREY LLOYD, M.P., The Right Hon.
    [Show full text]
  • A Comparative Study of Zimbabwe and South Africa
    FACEBOOK, YOUTH AND POLITICAL ACTION: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ZIMBABWE AND SOUTH AFRICA A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY of SCHOOL OF JOURNALISM AND MEDIA STUDIES, RHODES UNIVERSITY by Admire Mare September 2015 ABSTRACT This comparative multi-sited study examines how, why and when politically engaged youths in distinctive national and social movement contexts use Facebook to facilitate political activism. As part of the research objectives, this study is concerned with investigating how and why youth activists in Zimbabwe and South Africa use the popular corporate social network site for political purposes. The study explores the discursive interactions and micro- politics of participation which plays out on selected Facebook groups and pages. It also examines the extent to which the selected Facebook pages and groups can be considered as alternative spaces for political activism. It also documents and analyses the various kinds of political discourses (described here as digital hidden transcripts) which are circulated by Zimbabwean and South African youth activists on Facebook fan pages and groups. Methodologically, this study adopts a predominantly qualitative research design although it also draws on quantitative data in terms of levels of interaction on Facebook groups and pages. Consequently, this study engages in data triangulation which allows me to make sense of how and why politically engaged youths from a range of six social movements in Zimbabwe and South Africa use Facebook for political action. In terms of data collection techniques, the study deploys social media ethnography (online participant observation), qualitative content analysis and in-depth interviews.
    [Show full text]
  • A Word of Welcome from the Conference Organizer
    A word of welcome from the conference organizer Dear conference delegates, Welcome to the Nordic Africa Days 2014 in Uppsala! The Nordic Africa Days (NAD) is the biennial conference which for the past six years has been organized rotatively in each of the Nordic countries. Already since 1969 the Nordic Africa Institute has organised this regular gathering of Nordic scholars studying African issues, and the event has for the past 15 years been formalized under the name of the Nordic Africa Days. The theme of this year’s conference is Misbehaving States and Behaving Citizens? Questions of Governance in African States. We are proud to host two distinguished keynote speakers, Dr Mo Ibrahim and Associate Professor Morten Jerven, addressing the theme from different angles in their speeches entitled “Why Governance Matters” and “Africa by Numbers: Knowledge & Governance”. The conference is funded by long-standing and committed support from the Swedish, Finnish, Norwegian and Icelandic governments. This year, we are also particularly pleased to be able to facilitate participation of about 25 researchers based on the African continent through a generous contribution from Sida (The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency). Providing a platform for Nordic and African researchers to meet and cooperate at NAD is becoming ever more important, in addition to creating a prime meeting place for researchers on Africa within the Nordic region. The main conference venue is Blåsenhus, one of the newest campuses within Uppsala University, situated opposite the Uppsala Castle and surrounded by the Uppsala Botanical Gardens. This particular area of Uppsala has a historical past that goes back 350 years in time and offers many interesting places to visit.
    [Show full text]
  • The Gordian Knot: Apartheid & the Unmaking of the Liberal World Order, 1960-1970
    THE GORDIAN KNOT: APARTHEID & THE UNMAKING OF THE LIBERAL WORLD ORDER, 1960-1970 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Ryan Irwin, B.A., M.A. History ***** The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Professor Peter Hahn Professor Robert McMahon Professor Kevin Boyle Professor Martha van Wyk © 2010 by Ryan Irwin All rights reserved. ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the apartheid debate from an international perspective. Positioned at the methodological intersection of intellectual and diplomatic history, it examines how, where, and why African nationalists, Afrikaner nationalists, and American liberals contested South Africa’s place in the global community in the 1960s. It uses this fight to explore the contradictions of international politics in the decade after second-wave decolonization. The apartheid debate was never at the center of global affairs in this period, but it rallied international opinions in ways that attached particular meanings to concepts of development, order, justice, and freedom. As such, the debate about South Africa provides a microcosm of the larger postcolonial moment, exposing the deep-seated differences between politicians and policymakers in the First and Third Worlds, as well as the paradoxical nature of change in the late twentieth century. This dissertation tells three interlocking stories. First, it charts the rise and fall of African nationalism. For a brief yet important moment in the early and mid-1960s, African nationalists felt genuinely that they could remake global norms in Africa’s image and abolish the ideology of white supremacy through U.N.
    [Show full text]
  • Written Evidence Submitted by East Turkistan Government in Exile (XIN0078)
    Written evidence submitted by East Turkistan Government in Exile (XIN0078) The East Turkistan Problem and How the UK Should Address it East Turkistan Government in Exile The East Turkistan Government in Exile (ETGE) is the democratically elected official body representing East Turkistan and its people. On September 14, 2004, the government in exile was established in Washington, DC by a coalition of Uyghur and other East Turkistani organizations. The East Turkistan Government in Exile is a democratic body with a representative Parliament. The primary leaders — President, Vice President, Prime Minister, Speaker (Chair) of Parliament, and Deputy Speaker (Chair) of Parliament — are democratically elected by the Parliament members from all over the East Turkistani diaspora in the General Assembly which takes place every four years. The East Turkistan Government in Exile is submitting this evidence and recommendation to the UK Parliament and the UK Government as it is the leading body representing the interests of not only Uyghurs but all peoples of East Turkistan including Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, Uzbeks, and Tatars. More importantly, the ETGE has submitted the first ever legal complaint to the International Criminal Court against China and its officials for genocide and other crimes against humanity. We would like the UK Government to assist our community using all available means to seek justice and end to decades of prolonged colonization, genocide, and occupation in East Turkistan. Brief History of East Turkistan and the Uyghurs With a history of over 6000 years, according to Uyghur historians like Turghun Almas, the Uyghurs are the natives of East Turkistan. Throughout the millennia, the Uyghurs and other Turkic peoples have established and maintained numerous independent kingdoms, states, and even empires.
    [Show full text]
  • Constructing the Secular: the Changing Relationship Between Religion and Politics in the Tibetan Exile Community
    HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies Volume 36 Number 1 Article 12 May 2016 Constructing the Secular: The Changing Relationship Between Religion and Politics in the Tibetan Exile Community Emmi Okada University of Tokyo, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya Recommended Citation Okada, Emmi. 2016. Constructing the Secular: The Changing Relationship Between Religion and Politics in the Tibetan Exile Community. HIMALAYA 36(1). Available at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya/vol36/iss1/12 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License. This Research Article is brought to you for free and open access by the DigitalCommons@Macalester College at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Constructing the Secular: The Changing Relationship Between Religion and Politics in the Tibetan Exile Community Acknowledgements The author would like to thank the innumerable Tibetans in Dharamsala, India, without whose assistance the present research could not have been completed. She also wishes to acknowledge Professor David Gellner who supervised her MPhil thesis which formed the basis of this article, and the Tibetan Studies staff at the Oriental Institute at the University of Oxford,
    [Show full text]
  • Corruption in Autocracies∗
    Corruption in Autocracies∗ James R. Hollyery Yale University Leonard Wantchekon Princeton University September 2011 Abstract Corruption is typically depicted as a result of one of two factors: a lack of polit- ical accountability or insufficient state capacity. Nonetheless, substantial variation in corruption levels exists even within the set of politically unaccountable high-capacity regimes. In this paper, we examine a third determinant of corruption – the ideological appeal of the government – and demonstrate that this variable can explain variation in the types and levels of corruption experienced in politically unaccountable regimes. Using a model of both moral hazard and adverse selection, we predict that (1) regimes that inspire the intense ideological loyalty of the populace are likely to enjoy low lev- els of petty corruption and that (2) autocratic regimes that enjoy such intense support from only a narrow segment of the populace will erect credible anti-corruption insti- tutions. Political corruption, by contrast, need not covary with levels of ideological support. We illustrate the mechanisms of our model through a series of case studies that demonstrate the importance of ideology in driving levels of corruption – with a particular focus on low levels of corruption in ‘developmentalist’ regimes. Finally, we discuss the relevance of our findings to other – democratic – political settings. ∗We would like to thank José Antonio Cheibub, Sunkyoung Park, Peter Rosendorff, Kongjoo Shin, Alberto Simpser and participants in the 2011 APSA Panel on Audits and Government Accountability in the Devel- oping World and participants in the 2011 EPSA Conference Panel on the Political Economy of Authoritarian Regimes for comments and suggestions.
    [Show full text]
  • Ben Turok Biography
    Ben Turok biography Ben Turok (26 June 1927 - 9 December 2019) was an anti-apartheid activist, Economics Professor and former South African Member of Parliament as a member of the African National Congress. He was instrumental in helping draw up the Freedom Charter and also served time in jail under apartheid He was born in Latvia in 1927 and came with his family to South Africa in 1934. After graduating from the University of Cape Town in 1950, he worked as a surveyor and a lecturer at a London Polytechnic Institute. Returning to South Africa in 1953, he joined the South African Congress of Democrats and in 1955 became its secretary for the Cape western region, acting as a full-time organiser for the Congress of the People. He was arrested for treason in 1956 and stood trial until charges against him were withdrawn in 1958. Although served with a banning order in 1955, he remained active as a trade union organiser and was elected unopposed to represent Africans of the Western Cape on the Cape Provincial Council in 1957. He became national secretary of the COD in 1958, and served for a period as secretary of the consultative committee of the congress alliance. His wife, the former Mary Butcher, was also prominent member of the COD and later served a six months' sentence for aiding the illegal ANC. During the 1960 emergency, Ben Turok evaded arrest and went underground to help re-establish Congress organisation. In 1962 he was convicted under the Explosives Act and sentenced to three years in prison.
    [Show full text]
  • English Letter Dated 29 July 1969 from the Permanent
    GENERAL s/g363 23 July 1969 ORIGINAL: ENGLISH LETTER DATED 29 JULY 1969 FROM THE PERMANENTREPRESENTATIVE OF 2AMBIA ADDR%SSEDTO THE PRESIDENT OF THE SECURITY COUNCIL In accordance with the request I made in my speech of' 24 July 1969, I now request that the Lusaka Manifesto be circulated as an official dxument 3T the Security Council. (Signed) V.J, MWAANGA AmbassA%?%&aordinary and Plellipotentiary Perrllanent Representative of the Republic of Zambia t3 the United Nations .IP 69-165oEl / 6 /9363 English Page 2 FIFTH SUMMIT CONFERENCEOF EAST AND CENTRAL AFRICAN STATES 14-16 April, 1969 LUSAKA JYIANIFESTO ON SOUTHERNAFRICA 1, When the purpose and the basis of States' international policies are misunderstood, there is introduced into the world a new and unnecessary disharmony, disagreements, conflicts of interest, or different assessments of human priorities, which ,provoke an excess of tension in the world, and disastrously divide mankind, at a time when united action is necessary to control modern technology and put it to the service of man. It is for this reason that, discovering widespread misap,prehension of our attitudes and purposes in relation to southern Africa, we the leaders of East and Central African States meeting in Lusaka, 16 April 1969, have agreed to issue this Manifesto. 2. By this Manifesto we wish to make clear, beyond all shadow of doubt, our acceptance of the belief that all men are equal, and have equal rights to human dignity and respect, regardless of colour, race, religion or sex. We believe that all men have the right and the duty to participate, as equal members of the society, in their own government.
    [Show full text]