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LINEAGE, LEGITIMACY, and LOYALTY in POST-SELJUK ARMENIA: a REASSESSMENT of the SOURCES of the FAILED ORBELEAN REVOLT AGAINST KING GIORGI III of GEORGIA* By

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LINEAGE, LEGITIMACY, and LOYALTY in POST-SELJUK ARMENIA: a REASSESSMENT of the SOURCES of the FAILED ORBELEAN REVOLT AGAINST KING GIORGI III of GEORGIA* By LINEAGE, LEGITIMACY, AND LOYALTY IN POST-SELJUK ARMENIA: A REASSESSMENT OF THE SOURCES OF THE FAILED ORBELEAN REVOLT AGAINST KING GIORGI III OF GEORGIA* by SERGIO LA PORTA The Hebrew University of Jerusalem California State University, Fresno In the final quarter of the twelfth century, the Orbelean family, led by Iwane Orbelean, conducted an unsuccessful revolt against king Giorgi III of Georgia (reg. 1156-84). The failure of the revolt resulted in the fall of the Orbelean family from power and a realignment of the leading noble * I would like to thank the Israel Science Foundation and the American Philosophical Society whose grants made the research for this study possible. I would also like to thank Prof. Robert Hewsen for his valuable comments and my student, Mr. Shai Shir, for his tremendous assistance. All translations of Armenian texts are my own, except for the translation of Vardan Arewelc{i’s Historical Compilation where I have followed the trans- lation of Robert Thomson. The following abbreviations have been employed for primary sources referred to con- sistently throughout this article: HEC = Histories and Eulogies of the Crowned [= KC II:1-114]. KC II = K ARTLIS CXOVREBA 1959. As Brosset’s edition and translation may be more read- ily available, I provide references to Brosset’s edition and translation as well, BROSSET, 1849-50. Reference is to the page numbers that Brosset includes in the outer margin of both the Georgian text and the French translation. SO = STEP{ANOS ORBELEAN 1861. French translation may be found in BROSSET 1864-6. In my citation of SO, I give reference to the Armenian text first, followed by reference to Brosset’s translation in closed brackets. VA = VARDAN AREWELC{I 1991; English translation, THOMSON 1989. In my citations of Vardan’s text, I first provide the reference to the Armenian text followed in brackets by the reference to Thomson’s translation. A further note on the rendering of Armenian and Georgian names: for members of the Orbelean family, I have followed the most commonly used Armenian version of the names; for members of the Georgian royal family, I have followed the Georgian form as KC II. Place names pose a particular challenge but I have tried to consistently provide the Georgian ren- dering of Georgian locations and the Armenian rendering of Armenian locations; in some instances I have found it appropriate to give both renderings. The exception to this rule occurs within citations of primary and secondary sources where I have followed the form found in the source. The system of transliteration used for Georgian is that of the Revue des études géorgiennes et caucasiennes; for Armenian, that of the Revue des études arméniennes. REArm 31 (2008-2009) 127-165. 22295-09_ReArm31_05.indd295-09_ReArm31_05.indd 112727 113-01-20103-01-2010 008:36:348:36:34 128 S. LA PORTA families of Armenia. Despite the significance of the event, it has received little detailed scholarly attention, particularly in recent years, and scholars have been content to repeat the course of events as present in Armenian and Georgian historical narratives1. In Armenian historiography, the revolt is first mentioned in Vardan Arewelc{i’s Historical Compilation2. It is also discussed in the later History of the House of Siwnik{ by Step{anos Orbe- lean (1260?-1304), and in the section entitled The Histories and Eulogies of the Crowned (early 13th c.) of the collection known as the Kartlis Cxovreba3. Two important colophons and inscriptions from the period, however, present a more detailed and accurate account of the revolt as well as reveal the political motives and maneuvers of both parties prior to and during the rebellion. These sources, although not unknown, have not been adequately considered in the scholarly analysis of the cause, pro- gression, and suppression of the revolt. The preparations for the rebellion and the way in which it was waged bring to light important dimensions of contemporary Caucasian political life. 1 YOVSEP{EAN 1969, 3, briefly discussed the revolt; MANANDYAN 1952, 118-9, also treated the rebellion primarily relying upon the account of SO and VA. HAKOBYAN 1952 provided an important study, particularly of the dating, of one of the main sources for the revolt discussed below; MARGARYAN 1975 placed the revolt within the context of his study on ‘inter-feudal’ rivalries during the reign of king Giorgi III and on the figure of Amir K{urd, the amira of Tiflis, during the revolt. His interpretation of events is often perceptive, but his study suffers from his application of concepts particular to European feudalism that are not apposite for the contemporary Armenian clan or naxarar social structure. BEDROSSIAN 1979 mentions the revolt in an appendix to his dissertation, Appen- dix A, 250, which summarizes the account in SO. MINORSKY 1951 cites the revolt in connection with his study of the Orbelean family in Iran. ALLEN 1932, 102-3, briefly treats the rebellion but follows the account in the HEC without any analysis; while MANVELICHVILI 1951, 178, harmonizes the versions of the revolt found in the HEC and SO. SALIA 1971,179, remarks that relations between the monarchy and the nobles were particularly tense during Giorgi’s reign and that the latter succeeded in quelling a revolt. 2 In his translation of VA, Thomson remarks, “the plot against Georg and his response are not described in Armenian sources before Vardan,” THOMSON 1989, 207-8, n. 2. 3 On the complicated composition of this corpus see TOUMANOFF 1943; and more recently and fully, the introduction to RAPP 1998 and RAPP 2003; on the Armenian ver- sion, THOMSON 1996, xix-li. It should be noted that our earliest witness to the Armenian version, whose purview extends to the death of king Davit II in 1125, predates our earliest Georgian witnesses to the text. 4 In the note to his translation of the first half of this passage concerning Ani, THOM- SON 1989 misidentifies Iwane with Iwane Zak{arian by referring the reader to the history of Kirakos Ganjakec{i in which the author describes the conquests of Iwane and his brother Zak{are in the 1190s for the Georgian queen T{amar. Iwane is properly identified by MINORSKY 1951, 874-5. 22295-09_ReArm31_05.indd295-09_ReArm31_05.indd 112828 113-01-20103-01-2010 008:36:348:36:34 ORBELEAN REVOLT AGAINST KING GIORGI III 129 In his Historical Compilation, Vardan Arewelc{i relates that in the Armenian year 623 [= 1174] a certain general (spasalar) Iwane Orbelean4 induced the Georgian king Giorgi to capture the city of Ani so that he might return its Christian population.5 According to Vardan, when Sultan Arslansah with the help of his atabeg, Eldigüz6, attempted to regain Ani7, this same Iwane had thought it best to surrender the city, but the 5 This was not the first time that Giorgi tried to capture the former Bagratuni capital; nor, according to some sources, was it the first time Iwane attempted to control the city. Step{anos Orbelean remarks that Ani had been given to Iwane after its capture in 1161, SO, 279 [217]. The “Albanian Chronicle” of Mxit{ar Gos also notes that Giorgi had given control of Ani to Iwane in 1161, but that the city eventually had to be surrendered to the Shaddadid Fa∂lun, DOWSETT 1958, 489 and n. 2; MINORSKY 1953, 92. The eyewitness, Burhan al-din Abu NaÒr Mas{ud of Ani, notes that he and his relatives were captured by Iwane (Y.van), MINORSKY 1953, 89. The HEC asserts that Ani was given to Iwane with Sargis Mqargr®eli/Zak{arian as his assistant, KC II:6; BROSSET 1849-50, 233. VA, 127 [206], asserts the city was first given to Sadun (Sa{dun) and then to Sargis Zak{arian, but not to Iwane Orbelean; cf. n. 41, below. 6 Sams al-Din Eldigüz (Ildeñiz); on the Eldigüzids or Ildeñizids, see EI2 III:1110-13. 7 According to Ibn al-Azraq al-Fariqi, Eldigüz launched two campaigns against the Georgians at this time. The first occurred in 1174, after the Georgians recaptured Ani; the second, in 1175, see MINORSKY 1953, 96-100. In 1174, the Georgians managed to defeat Eldigüz’s forces and secured much booty. Eldigüz, after having recuperated, subsequently led another excursion against the Georgians, possibly near Duin, but the forces did not engage. He thereafter regrouped and called for assistance from nearby amirs. According to MINORSKY 1953, 97, this campaign is to be identified with that mentioned in Vardan, who does not discuss the second campaign. Al-Fariqi notes that the second campaign was launched in Muharram 571 (= August 1175). During this campaign Eldigüz, Sultan Arslansah, the lord of Axlat{, and the son of Eldigüz, Pahlavan, approaching by the plains of Lori and Dmanisi, reached, according to Minorsky’s reading in his additional note, Aq-shahr, “which is the town of Akhal-kaghak (Axalk{a¥ak{/ Axalk{alak{i),” and Tarya- lith [= Trialeti], plundering the entire region. MINORSKY 1953, 98, comments that, contrary to the text, the town of Aq-shahr should be distinguished from that of Axalk{a¥ak{ and identified with the fortress of T}et}ri-tisxe which, like Axalk{a¥ak{, can mean ‘white fortress’ and lay on the road from Kars to Axalk{a¥ak{. Afterwards, the Sultan returned to Duin. In Armenian sources, the anonymous chronicle concerning “the last Bagratuni kings” (˘agauor≤ verΔin Bagratouni≤), unknown to Minorsky, testifies to this cam- paign and clearly indicates that Eldigüz attacked Axalk{a¥ak{ and plundered the region of Javaxeti, the region to the immediate west of Trialeti and where Axalk{a¥ak{ is properly located; on the location of Axalk{a¥ak{, see HEWSEN 2001, map 91 A4.
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