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Bagratid Kingdom. However, after the enthronement of Abaqa as

the Il-Khan, Sadun received the titles of atabegi (or regent) and amir-spasarali (or commander in chief), and gained administrative E power over the Batratid Kingdom. He was entrusted by the

with the power to control the royal domains of T'elavi, Belakani

and . In addition, he purchased the district of Dmanisi from Dimitri II. Together, Sadun's estates made up the fourth

political unit in Georgian Armenia in addition to the three units

belonging to the branch families of the Zak'areans. we can assume

that he was able to acquire wealth because he was a･ t'arkhan, ･his After Sadtm's death in 1282, one bf two titles, the amir-

spasarali was given to his son Khutlu-Bugha, but the other, the atabegi was given to his rival Tarsayichi of the house of Orbelean.

In 1289, Khutlu-Bugha recommended that rl-Khan Arghun kill King

Dimitri (who had been arrested for being implicated in the plot

of Bugha) and put･Vakhtangi, the son of King Daviti IV on the

throne. His plan succeeded. Under Vakhtangi, Khutlu-Bugha be- came both the atabegi and the amir-sPasarali and secured political ' power over the Georgian Kingdom.

In 1292, however, both Arghun and Vakhtangi died. As soori as Daviti, the son of Dimitri, ascended to the throne, Khutlu-

Bugha was put to death by the order of the new khan Geikhatu. With his death, the power of the Artsrunis was eradicated froni

the entire Bagratid territory.

The rise of Sadun Artsruni is a good example illustrating the pattern of socio-political control the Il-Khans had over the native . The il-Khans' system of appointments as kings, vassals

or arriere-vassals, of those who were faithful and useful to them,

had worked effectively. They ruled over the Bagratid territory mp=Re- through the kingship, which was never handed outside the royal

family of Bagratid and through the offices of the atabegi and the

amir-spasarali. These latter were not confined to any one family,

but were easily given to those, like Sadun, who were useful to

the Il-Khans.

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r

hated politically by Rome, and on the other, a great many peoples (slaves) who were robbed of their own communities by .Rome. Accordingly, I suggest, the Mediterranean world may be said to have begun to break down when the citizen-communities Were

thought to have stopped developing,･while there began to break

out more and more violent slave uprisings and native revolts both

of which qre .to be understood as the rnovements to reqover their

own communities or to reestablish them.

From these theoret'ical standpoints, I sought to reinterpret the de-

velopment of the Mediterranean world in antiquity.

The Rise of the Artsrunis and the rl-Kha-nid Rule over

by Sei-ichi' Kitagnwa

This is a study of the role Sadun of the house of Artsruni and

his son Khutlu-Bugha played in the expansion of the Il-Khanid･

rule over the Georgian Kingdom in the 13th century. Sadun was

a great grandson of Amir K'urd (Abulasan), the governor of during Queen Tamar's reign in Georgia. In 1258 (or 1259), he won a wrestling match in the presence of Hulegu Khan and receivdd the honorable status of t'arfehan. He joined Hulegu's

J Syrian campaign, which began in'the autumn of 1259 and was

placed in the vanguard. He distinguished himseif during the conquest

of Sasun and the seizure of the citadel of Allepo. For these services,

Sadun was awarded with an oMcial commendation from Hulegu and Ea9e' was granted the district of Sasun. Sadun-was originally a vassal of Avag Zak'arean, a Georgian King's prince (eristavi, or ishlelaan in Armenian), and a seignior of Haghbat and Mahkanaberd. Around the time of the above promo-

tions, he Was an at'abale of Avag's heiress Khoshak but later, he

became her chamberlain or khej'ub to guard and assist her. Under Hulegu, Sadun was never given any oMcial titles of the

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Mediterranean World and the Roman Empire : ' . -by 7brtz Yzage

(This paper is based on the lecture whichIgave at the annual general meeting of SHIGAKU-KAI, The Historical Soc'iety of Japan, { held on the 5th November 1977 at the University of Tokyo.')

"Mediterranean In what sense can one speak of the World" "world" in antiquity? What does mean, when one speaks of the

"Mediterranean World"? There must be a common principle, by which one can regard the vast and various areas qround the Medi- " terranean Sea as a world."

There is no question that the dornination of the Roman Empire " ". only realized the Mediterranean world as a world The question 'it is on what her domination was based. Was based on the mere " " imperialistic .policy that was hardly related to this principle ?

These are the which I in the lecture; I t / questions posed and as follows. It was because existence 'answered ' of the of a kind of law peculiar to the Mediterranean areas, under the influence of

which communities there developed, that one can understand the

Mediterrandan regions in antiquity, in spite of wide varieties within '"world." them, as a united I call the communities, which devel-'

oped under the force of .the law peculiar to the Mediterranean' "citizen-communities". areas, And the domination of･ the Roman

Empire also, I think, was brought about by the policy which Rome

as a citizen-community adopted against the tendency of her com-

munity to dissolve itself, the tendency resulted from .its deveiop- t the force this law ment under of peculiar to those areas. t'cRc From such an understanding of the Mediterranean world and the Roman Empire, I proceed to explain the structure of the social

classes as follows. Rome, the most developed citizen-community,

is to be regarded as the governing class of the, Mediterranean

w,orld, but as governed classes one must see on the one hand a great many other communities (civitates peregrinae) which were domi- ' '

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