Canadian Neo-Conservative Discourse: a Critical Discourse Analyse

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Canadian Neo-Conservative Discourse: a Critical Discourse Analyse CANADIAN NEO-CONSERVATIVE DISCOURSE: A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSE DONNA L. LILLIAN A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies in partial fulfilrnent of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Programme in English York University Toronto, Ontario September 200 1 National Library Bibliothèque nationale du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Weflington Ottawa ON KIA ON4 OttawaON KlAW Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Libmy of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or seU reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/film, de reproduction sur papier ou sur fomat électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. .- Canadian Neo-Conservative Discourse: A Critical Discourse Analysis by DONNA L. LILLIAN a thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of York University in partial fuifiIlment of the requirernents for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Q 2001 Permission has been granted to the UBRARY OF YORK UNIVERSITY to tend or sel! copies of this thesis. to the NATf ONAL UBRARY OF CANADA to microfilmthis thesis and to lend or seIl copies of the Mm, and to UNIVERSITY MîCROflLMS to publish an abstrad of this thesis. The auGhor reserves other publication rights. and neither the thesis nor extensive extracts from it rnay be printed or otherwise reproduced without the auttior's written permission. The ideology reflected and reproduced in the popular writings of William D. Gairdner is that of neo-conservatism, which seeks to protect the interests of the dominant elites in Western countries inciuding Great Britain, the United States, and Canada. Those dominant elites are predominantly white, male, and heterosexual, and they maintain their dominance in part through discourse. Because public discourse -- education, politics, and media -- is controlled by these elites, their discourse is privileged and becornes naturalized within the societies in which they are dominant, and as consequence, the ideology behind the discourse seldom cornes under cnticism. This dissertation employs critical linguistics and critical discourse analysis to analyze three aspects of Gairdner's neo-conservative discourse, namely sexism, hornophobia, and racism. Gairdner's sexism and his homophobia are related, both ideologically and linguistically. Feminists are equated with lesbians, and both are denigrated along with gay men. However, while al1 three groups are denigrated through unnattering and inflammatory lexical choices, and metaphon of cancer and disease, gay men are represented differently from ferninists and lesbians in temof transitivity (sentence-level linguistic choices). Neo-conservatism racism is manifested in two ways in Gairdner's discourse, first through an Anjlo-centred, anti-French ethnicism, and second through an anti-immigrant bias, directed against people whose origins do not trace back to Europe, particularly to Western Europe. In Canadian politics, neo-conservatisrn is most closely associated with the provincial governments of Alberta and Ontario, led by Ralph Klein and Mike Harris, respectively, and with the federal Canadian Alliance Party (formerly the Reform Party of Canada). William Gairdner has been identifieci as one of the mentors of the Refom Party, and it is in part because his books have idiuenced the policy platfonns of the Reform and Alliance parties that his discourse merits critical discourse analysis in this dissertation. 1 would first iike to acknowledge the work and cornmitment of my supervisory cornmittee, Dr. Susan EhrIich, Dr. Sheila Embleton, and Dr. Ruth King. Without their help and guidance, this dissertation would never have been possible. In addition to my cornmittee, 1 would like to acknowledge the help and support of Dr. Terry Pratt and Dr. Thomas Spira, of the University of Prince Edward Island. Dr. Spira, in particular, offered immeasurable support and help, and commented helpfully on an early draft of the dissertation. Denise Marie Trembath and Ruth Rosen compensated for my own inadequate skiils by conducting intemet searches for materials relevant to my work. My father, David W. Atkinson, instilled in me an appreciation for the value of education and cntical thinking, and has aiways taken an interest in my scholarly pursuits. My mother and stepfather, Ruth and Allan Paterson, have provided constant moral support and many delicious rneals when rny work left me no time for the finer points of domesticity, such as cooking suppers. My farnily and friends have been greatly neglected over the course of years in which 1 have kenpursuing my doctoral studies, but their loyafty and patience has not gone unnoticed or unappreciated. 1 hesitate to begin narning them all, lest 1 inadvertently forget sorneone, but I know that they know who they are. Finaily, Maggie May Lillian, my loyal canine cornpanion, deserves a special recognition for endunng far too many hours of boredom as 1 tap-tapped away on the cornputer instead of taking her on outdoor adventures or holiday excursions. To al1 who have helped and supported me in my pursuit of this goal, 1 offer my sincerest thanks and appreciation. Table of Contents Abstract Acknowledgements Chapter 1: Introduction Background: William D. Gairdner Persuasion and Propaganda Discourse Defined Ideology Defined Discoune Analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis Theoreticai and Methodological Orientation of this Dissertation Chapter 2: Sexist Discourse Introduction Metaphor Dichotomous Thinking: Self versus Other Lexical Choices Transitivity Modaiity Sample Analysis Conclusion Chapter 3: Homophobic Discourse Introduction Lexical Choices Metaphor: Disease/Pathology Transitivity Sample Analysis Conclusion Chapter 4: Racist Discourse Introduction Anti-French Racism: French as 'Other' Sample Analysis: Racisrn I Anti-Immigrant Racism: Immigrant as 'ûther' Sample Anal ysis: Racism II Conclusion Chapter 5: Conclusion summary New RightMeo-Conservative Ideology The Rise of the New Right in Canada The Reform Party of Canada Wiliarn D. Gairdner and the Reform Party of Canada Conclusion Notes Bibliography Chapter 1: Introduction Background: W~lliamD. Gairdner William D. Gairdner, a conternporary Canadian writer of political and social comrnentary, holds a Master's degree in Structural Linguistics (1%7), a Master's degree in EnglishICreative Writing (1%9), and a doctorate in Enplish Literature ( L970), al1 from Stanford University.1 In addition to his one scholarly book, The Critical Wager ( 1982), he has written four 'popular' books, The Trouble With CaMda (1990, revised 1994), The War Agaimt the Farnily ( L992). Constitutional Crackup ( 1994), and On Higher Ground ( 19%), has edited one, After Liberalisrn ( 1998)' and has CO-editedanother, Cd's Founding Debnres (1999). Gairdner's political, economic, and social views, as the title of his 1992 book suggests, fa11 within the 'family values' spectrum of the New Right In the Introduction to The Trouble With Canada,Gairdner, refemng to the terrns 'conservative', 'liberal', and 'socialist', asserts that, "[olne of the airns of this book, therefore, is to provide a key to the real meaning of these terms" (1990: 4, italics added). Indeed, in that book, as in bis other writings, Gairdner does define not just those terms, but the world and everything in it, to suit his particular ideology. Gairdner gains part of his appeal through his use of a 'tell-it-like-it-is' style of wnting. He is, of course, telling it as he thinks it is and virtually everything he writes cm be challenged; nevertheless, his readers may be drawn to his books in part because of the non-academic style in which he writes. [I]t is not an academic study or research document -- there are too rnany of those available already on every subject in this book. For the most part, no attention is paid to them, or they preach to the converted, or they are countered by further research, equally ignored. So I'm not trying to add to the academic uproar by wnting a book in which the risk of offending is reduced to zero. That can result in a du11 book and endless equivocation. Rather, this is a book meant to change minds. (Gairdner 1990: 1) Although this description comes frorn his first popular book, Trouble, it aptly describes the style he employs in his subsequent books as well. This disparagement of academic prose is in marked contrat with the delight Gairdner expresses in the subtlety and complexity of academic discourse in neCritical Wager. My hope is that, for al1 those who love ideas for their own sake and who find the tension and excitement of the structures they pnerate attractive to contemplate, this book will be of some value. If the only result of reading it is to foster a renewed interest in the attractiveness, complexity, and viability of criticism as an end in itself, as an intriguing intellectual pursuit, and most of al1 as a means, as Merleau- Ponty suggested, to 'kelearn to see the world," then i: will have been justified. (Gairdner 1982: 195) Gairdner's anti-intellectualism, as expressed in his popular books, is typical of the New Right movement in Canada. The anti-intellectualism of so many of the New Right's membership and supporters has been amply demonstrated elsewhere, but bears repeating, since the implications for politics are so significant. When evea someone like Diane Ablonczy, a Reform MP with a university degree and professional training, says she relies more on the impressions of her constituents than on the scientific findings of experts or data from Statistics Canada, the policy-making process is in serious difficulty.
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