Just over a year after his dramatic entrance The months following the election pre- into federal politics, Canadian Alliance sented Day with one headache after another. leader Stockwell Day was facing an uncer- An embarrassing character-defamation tain political future in the summer of 2001. lawsuit brought against him by an Alberta The former Alberta provincial Cabinet lawyer, questions about the responsibility for minister had been the focus of great hopes the province’s taxpayers for paying his legal and expectations among many on Canada’s bills arising from it, allegations that the party political right as the dynamic new leader who had hired a spy to investigate the Liberals, might be able to wrest power from Jean and intemperate attacks on the actions of a Chrétien’s governing Liberals. Day had Quebec judge all focused considerable easily won the Alliance leadership race over negative attention on Day and cast further former Reform Party chief Preston Manning doubts on his leadership. But all of these in July 2000 and took his seat in the House of problems paled in comparison to the full- Commons following a by-election win in scale party revolt that erupted in April 2001, British Columbia two months later. But when some of his most senior MPs an- within weeks of his arrival in Ottawa, nounced that they had lost confidence in his Chrétien had called a federal election, and ability to lead the Alliance. The dissidents Day was quickly immersed in his first na- broke from the party caucus and established tional campaign as head of his new right- themselves as a new group in Parliament— wing party. the Democratic Representative Caucus The Alliance’s lack of preparedness for the (DRC)—led by former Alliance House election, coupled with Day’s own evident leader Chuck Strahl. Even Deborah Grey, inexperience and strategic blunders, gave the deputy party leader and the first Reform Liberals ample scope to mount a fierce Party MP ever elected to the House of Com- political attack against their main rival. mons, and a significant force within the Despite predictions that the new party would party, publicly advised Day to quit and also finally succeed in drawing enough right-wing joined the dissidents. votes to upset Chrétien’s government, the As pressure on him mounted, Day an- results on November 27, election night, were nounced in July 2001 that he was prepared to profoundly disappointing for Day and his step down in advance of an Alliance leader- followers. True, the Alliance had bested the ship contest that he suggested should be Reform Party’s two previous electoral show- called for early 2002. He did not rule out his ings by a few seats, retained its position as own participation in that race, but also did Official Opposition, and made a small break- not publicly declare his candidacy for it. through in Ontario. But 66 seats out of a total Meanwhile, dissident DRC MPs initiated of 301 in Parliament was hardly the result discussions with members of Joe Clark’s Alliance supporters had hoped for. Day’s Progressive Conservatives, culminating in a unsteady performance as leader during the meeting of the two groups in Mont- campaign quickly came under close and Tremblant, Quebec, in August 2001. This sometimes hostile scrutiny from party insid- gathering, which gained the blessing of ers, and questions were quietly raised about Preston Manning, was intended to begin yet his qualifications to continue in that role. another stage in the long and complex pro-

News in Review — 5 — September 2001 cess of uniting the Canadian political right. appeared to be losing its way, and was in Day was quick to denounce the Mont- danger of fading into political irrelevance. At Tremblant meeting, stating that the only way the same time, Clark’s Conservatives were the two parties could truly unite would be if presenting themselves with increased confi- Joe Clark agreed to follow his example and dence as the logical alternative to the Liber- place his position on the line in a merged als. For their part, Jean Chrétien and his Alliance-Tory leadership race. As for any supporters could barely contain their glee as potential challengers to Day’s own leader- they witnessed their main opponent’s politi- ship, by late August 2001 none had declared cal meltdown, while seeing their own ap- themselves, although Stephen Harper, a proval ratings soar. In an opinion poll the former Reform MP and head of the National CBC conducted in late August 2001, the Citizens’ Coalition, a right-wing lobby Liberals enjoyed the support of over 50 per group, gave the indication that he was con- cent of Canadians, while the Alliance had sidering entering the race. fallen to less than 10 per cent, barely ahead The internecine warfare within the Cana- of the struggling NDP. By early fall 2001, dian Alliance was causing the party to lose the future of Canada’s political right looked considerable public support, even in its home very uncertain, as did Stockwell Day’s base of Alberta. Barely over a year after its political career as a national leader. founding, Canada’s newest right-wing party

Recommended Web Sites and News in Review Resources The following sources are particularly recommended for additional research on this story. • The official Web site of the Canadian Alliance can be found at www.canadianalliance.ca.

• A CBC Web site containing an updated chronology of issues related to Stockwell Day’s leadership of the Canadian Alliance is found at cbc.ca/news/indepth/ background/day_timeline.html.

• The Web site of The National Post (www/nationalpost.com) contains a number of background stories on Stockwell Day and the Canadian Alliance.

• Two News in Review stories are especially relevant to this one. They are: “Stockwell Day’s New Alliance,” September 2000, and “Election 2000: Chrétien’s Third Majority,” December 2000.

September 2001 — 6 — News in Review STOCKWELL DAY’S MISALLIANCE An Image Problem

Since Stockwell Day became the first leader of the newly formed Canadian Alliance in July 2000, he and his party have faced serious political challenges. This report deals with a very troubled year in the life of Day and the Alliance, especially the internal divisions within the party and Day’s difficulties in portraying himself as a competent and effective politician.

In the “media age,” in which citizens have access to far more information about politicians than ever before, public image is crucial. With your classmates, form small groups to view the video. Assign the following tasks: (a) make a list of the images of Stockwell Day over the past year depicted in the video; (b) listen closely and note the various comments political figures and observers make about his leadership; (c) record answers to the factual questions below.

A Balancing Act After viewing, discuss your perceptions of Stockwell Day. What do the comments about him you have heard in the video say about his leadership? How should the average television viewer assess the validity and credibility of the comments? How does the factual information add to your understanding of this news story?

Factual Information 1. Members of what two political parties formed the Canadian Alliance in 2000? 2. What three positive images of Stockwell Day did the Canadian Alliance try to present to Canadians following his election as party leader? 3. How did the Alliance want voters to contrast Day with Prime Minister Jean Chrétien? 4. List five major mistakes Day and the Alliance made during the fall 2000 federal election campaign. 5. How many seats did the Alliance and Reform Party win in the federal elections of (a) 2000 and (b) 1997? 6. How many seats did the Liberals win in the federal elections of (a) 2000 and (b) 1997? 7. What percentage of the vote did the Alliance and Reform Party win in the federal elections of (a) 2000 and (b) 1997? 8. What percentage of the vote did the Liberals win in the federal elections of (a) 2000 and (b) 1997? 9. Why were the results of the 2000 federal election disappointing to the Alliance? 10. List six major problems Stockwell Day has faced as leader of the Canadian Alli- ance since the November 2000 federal election. 11. What offer did Day make to his party in early July 2000 and how did the rebel Alliance MPs react to it? 12. What new political group was formed on July 19, 2000, and who is its leader? 13. What federal political leader has seen his popularity increase since the 2000 election?

News in Review — 7 — September 2001 STOCKWELL DAY’S MISALLIANCE The Best Laid Plans

Since the end of the 1980s, Canada’s national political scene has been dramatically trans- formed. For almost three decades prior to that time, three federal parties—the Liberals, Pro- gressive Conservatives, and NDP—had been the main forces within the House of Commons in Ottawa. But the emergence of the Reform Party in 1987 and the Bloc Québécois in 1990 significantly altered the political equation, a fact that was brought home to all Canadians following the stunning results of the 1993 federal election. During the years since then, the right wing, or conservative side, of the Canadian political spectrum has been the focus of considerable attention as it seeks to regroup and unite to provide a serious alternative to the Liberals. First the Reform Party and then the Canadian Alliance have tried to present themselves as the logical choice for voters who once backed the Conservatives and have persis- tently argued that only by “uniting the right” could the Liberals’ stranglehold over federal power ever be broken. But efforts to merge or restructure the two parties have so far failed to achieve this goal.

Examine the summary below of the main events in the recent history of Canada’s political right, from the formation of the Reform Party in 1987 to the crisis facing the Canadian Alli- ance and its leader, Stockwell Day, in mid-2001. As you do so, make point-form notes in two lists: (a) moments at which the cause of the right was advanced and (b) moments at which the right lost its impetus. Compare your list with those of other students.

1987 At a preliminary meeting in Vancouver, a group of right-wing, Western political figures from the Western Assembly on Canada’s Economic and Political Future, lays the groundwork for the creation of a new political party to represent the interests of Western Canadians who believe that the federal government of Conservative Prime Minister Brian Mulroney is ignor- ing their interests. This movement officially establishes itself as the Reform Party of Canada at its founding convention in Winnipeg and chooses Preston Manning, son of the former Social Credit premier of Alberta, Ernest Manning, as its first national leader.

1988 In its first federal election campaign, the Reform Party fails to win a single seat of the 72 it contests in Western Canada. Preston Manning runs against former Conservative prime minister Joe Clark in his Alberta riding of Yellowhead, but loses. The Conservatives, under Brian Mulroney, win re-election after a campaign dominated by the issue of free trade with the United States, although the opposition Liberals and NDP both gain seats in Parliament, the latter reaching its historic high point in ridings won.

1989 The Reform Party makes its first electoral breakthrough when Deborah Grey wins the Alberta riding of Beaver Creek. Later that year, Stan Waters becomes Canada’s first, and to date only, Reform Party senator, after winning an unofficial election for that post in Alberta. This underscores the party’s call that the upper house of Parliament be reformed so that it can be “Triple E” (equal, elected, and effective.) Party leader Manning begins to make reform in Canada’s federal political structures and institutions a major part of the platform.

September 2001 — 8 — News in Review 1991 Under Manning’s direction, the Reform Party abandons its position as a political movement dedicated to the protection of Western interests, and begins a serious attempt to broaden its base of support in Central and Eastern Canada prior to its next federal campaign. In doing so, the party needs to overcome significant resistance from Western supporters who fear that Reform’s image and policies will have to be altered if they are going to attract support in other regions of the country.

1992 Manning’s vocal opposition to the proposed Charlottetown Constitutional Accord, supported by all the other major political parties, wins Reform significant public recognition and backing from Canadians opposed to the deal, which is rejected in a national referendum. Manning’s position on this issue helps consolidate his support in Western Canada, at the expense of both the governing Conservatives and the NDP.

1993 Manning leads the Reform Party to its first big electoral win as the party elects 52 MPs, almost all from Western Canada. Reform capitalizes on the virtual political meltdown of both the Conservatives and the NDP, who see their support in the West drop dramatically. Conser- vative Prime Minister Kim Campbell, who succeeded Mulroney a few months before, loses her own seat as her former governing party is reduced to only two MPs. Jean Chrétien’s Liberals win a big majority, and Reform is only able to pick up one seat in Ontario. It also fails to secure the second-place spot that would have given it the Official Opposition. Instead, the newly formed sovereignist Bloc Québécois, under Lucien Bouchard, wins that title with 54 seats.

1994-96 Now a significant federal party, Reform seeks to redefine itself as the dominant right-wing political force in Canada. Manning tries to unite social conservatives, who have right-wing views on moral issues like abortion and homosexuality, with fiscal conservatives opposed to government spending and involvement in the economy. He also attempts to broaden the party’s support base among francophone and visible-minority voters, despite the widespread perception that Reform is unsympathetic to non-whites and non-English-speaking Canadians. He strongly urges former Conservative voters to give his party a chance in the next federal election campaign against Chrétien’s Liberal government, arguing that their party is all but dead.

1997 In its second electoral contest, Reform wins 60 seats and becomes the Official Opposi- tion. But all of its support is concentrated in Western Canada, and it even loses the one seat it previously held in Ontario. The Liberals are re-elected and the Conservatives and NDP both win more seats. Manning recognizes that unless Canada’s political right makes a serious effort to unite, it is doomed to a prolonged period of Liberal domination at the federal level.

1998 to mid-2000 Manning and other senior Reform officials begin a series of initiatives to promote unity talks with the Conservatives. But new Conservative leader Joe Clark, a former prime minister and Mulroney cabinet member, spurns these advances. In Clark’s view, Reform’s extreme right-wing positions, particularly on national unity and social issues, make a merger with his party very unappealing. Nonetheless, some Conservatives, particularly in Alberta and Ontario, support unity talks, which culminate in the United Alternative Conven- tion in Ottawa in 1999. After a second meeting in 2000, Reform Party members vote to merge

News in Review — 9 — September 2001 with pro-unity Conservatives into a new national right-wing party. This entity comes into being in March 2000, and takes the official name “Canadian Reform Conservative Alliance Party,” or Canadian Alliance for short. In July, the new party chooses its first leader after a contest that pits Manning against former Alberta provincial cabinet minister Stockwell Day and Ontario Conservative strategist Tom Long. With strong support from social conservatives and Alberta party members, Day sweeps to victory, upsetting Manning, the founder of the Reform Party.

Late 2000 In September, Day wins a federal by-election in the British Columbia riding of Okanagan-Coquahilla, and enters Parliament on the same day as new Conservative leader Joe Clark. Shortly after, Chrétien calls an early election, seeking to catch the Alliance and its new leader off-guard before they have had time to establish themselves in the minds of the voters. During the ensuing campaign, Day appeals to right-wing Canadians for their support, but stumbles badly on a number of issues, including his alleged backing of a “two-tier” health- care system. He leads the Alliance to victory in 66 federal ridings on November 27, 2000, a few more than its predecessor had won in 1993 and 1997, and picks up two seats in Ontario. But this advance is more than offset by the party’s failure to make a sizeable dent in the massive Liberal bloc of seats in that province. Some senior party strategists, concerned about Day’s leadership performance during the campaign, begin a postmortem of the Alliance’s situation, and quietly recommend that Day consider stepping down.

2001 The new year begins badly for Day, who is embarrassed by revelations that a lawsuit an Alberta lawyer brought against him for character defamation cost the province’s taxpayers $800000 in legal fees. Despite his apologies to the plaintiff and his offer to mortgage his house to defray the costs of the case, Day’s image is tarnished. His efforts to deflect attention from his own problems to those of Prime Minister Chrétien over allegations of scandal result- ing from the “Grand-Mère affair” (Chrétien’s financial interest in a golf club and hotel in his riding) do not resonate significantly with the public. Meanwhile, Day is forced to admit that he met with a private investigator with whom party officials had discussed spying on the Liberals. His questioning of the actions of a Quebec Superior Court judge over the Grand- Mère affair does nothing to distract media coverage of his own political problems. These become far more serious in April, when House Leader Chuck Strahl and deputy leader Deborah Grey resign from their posts, declaring that they are no longer able to serve under Day’s leadership. In May, eight Alliance MPs officially break from the party caucus and call for Day to resign, and are soon joined by four more. This new group, called the Democratic Representative Caucus (DRC), under Strahl’s leadership, begins overtures with the Conserva- tives to explore the possibility of forming a united front in Parliament against the Liberals. In July, Day offers to take a leave of absence as Alliance leader, but quickly withdraws the proposal when party dissidents reject it. He then announces that he will indeed step down in advance of a party leadership convention, which he urges the Alliance’s directors to call for early 2002. He leaves open the possibility that he will run for re-election as party leader, but does not state his intention either way. By late August 2000, no other candidate for the Alli- ance leadership had declared his/her candidacy. The DRC and Conservatives meet at Mont- Tremblant, Quebec, to explore joint initiatives in Parliament, but stop short of calling for the formation of a new party at this time.

September 2001 — 10 — News in Review Discussion and Activities 1. After reading the information on the previous pages, identify and explain the following: Reform Party of Canada, Preston Manning, Brian Mulroney, Deborah Grey, “Triple E” Senate, Charlottetown Accord, Kim Campbell, Jean Chrétien, Lucien Bouchard, social and fiscal conservatives, United Alternative Convention, Canadian Alliance, Stockwell Day, Tom Long, DRC, Mont-Tremblant meeting.

2. What were the most significant results of the federal elections of 1988, 1993, 1997, and 2000, especially as they affected the Reform Party and the Canadian Alliance?

3. In small groups, prepare a list of the achievements and failures of the Reform Party/Canadian Alliance from 1987-2001. Which list is longer, the achievements or the failures? What conclusions can you draw about the future of the Canadian Alliance from your lists?

4. In your opinion which of the following have had the greatest impact on the rising and falling fortunes of Stockwell Day: (a) decision-making abilities, (b) political strategies, (c) unity/disunity factors, (d) social and economic trends and political climate, (e) fortunate/unfortunate political timing, (f) positive/negative public perceptions, (g) an unbalanced political spectrum, (h) all of the above, (i) other factors?

News in Review — 11 — September 2001 STOCKWELL DAY’S MISALLIANCE Four Points of View

The current debates within the Canadian Alliance and the Progressive Conservatives about their possible future together as one, united right-wing party have raised a number of important issues regarding leadership, image, strategy, policy, and political ideology. Prominent figures within both parties, along with some interested outsiders, have added their voices to the ongoing discussion. Here is a summary of four different viewpoints regarding the future of both parties, either together or separately. Express in your own words the perceptions of each individual. What core issues or political factors does each identify? What commonality or divergence is evident in these four views?

Stockwell Day, Federal Leader of the Canadian Alliance Day has announced his intention to step down three months prior to the calling of a leadership race for the party, expected in 2002, in which he may or may not participate. Day strongly endorses the principle that only a united right can ever hope to dislodge the Liberals from power in Ottawa. However, he totally rules out the idea that such unity has to come as a result of the dissolution of the party he heads. For this reason, he is critical of the initiatives taken by the Democratic Representative Caucus (DRC), the group of 12 former Alliance MPs that has begun preliminary unity talks with the federal Conservatives. Day believes that such behind- the-scenes negotiations are undemocratic and exclusionary because they do not allow for a full discussion of the issues and policies that could unite Canadian conservatives. In his view, such a debate must take place, first and foremost, at the grassroots level and involve as many members of both parties as possible prior to any major decisions being made.

What are the principles on which right-of-centre Canadians could unite? According to Day, the main ones are fiscally sound economic policies, the creation of more democratic political institutions and structures, social policies that will promote family values and public safety, and a renewed, decentralized Canadian federation that will treat all provinces equally. Day wants to revive the process that led to the creation of the Canadian Alliance in 2000, following a series of open discussions and public meetings that involved Reform Party and Conser- vative members who came together to create the United Alternative. He regards the talks between the DRC and Conservative MPs that were held at Mont-Tremblant, Quebec, in August 2001 as a totally inadequate and inappropriate way of bringing the two right-wing parties together. Nevertheless, he challenges the two groups to commit themselves to the following principles, in order to facilitate the unity process: (a) placing any proposals to form a single caucus in Parliament or a new political party to the memberships of both parties for a grassroots vote, (b) developing a detailed policy statement that would address important social, economic, and constitutional issues in order to help Canadians determine where the new party stands in relation to the governing Liberals, and (c) calling a joint leadership race that would require Conservative leader Joe Clark to resign his post, along with Day, so that the new party can choose a new leader as a result of a single contest.

Day thinks that if this kind of preliminary agreement on policy and procedure could be reached, then the way would be open for a new, democratic, and powerful conservative

September 2001 — 12 — News in Review political force to emerge on the federal scene in Canada. Whether he, Clark, or some other figure will head it is of secondary concern at this time. What is needed, Day strongly believes, is a new vehicle for right-wing Canadians to demonstrate their opposition to what he views as an arrogant, out-of-touch federal Liberal government, and present as a viable alternative to it.

Preston Manning, Former Reform Party Leader Manning has announced his intention to resign his seat in Parliament at the end of 2001 so that he can continue to pursue his political principles on a less partisan basis. He is also fight- ing prostate cancer. Like his successor Stockwell Day, Preston Manning endorses the general principle of right-wing unity on the federal political scene in Canada. But unlike Day, Man- ning believes that the negotiations between dissident Alliance MPs and the Conservatives, held at Mont-Tremblant, Quebec, in the summer of 2001, are a positive first step in achieving this goal. Manning acknowledges that this behind-the-scenes process, which involves only elected MPs and top officials from both parties, fails to engage the grassroots membership and is quite different from the unity initiatives he sponsored in 1999 that led to the convening of the United Alternative Convention as a forerunner of the Canadian Alliance. However, in his view, the political situation facing the Canadian right in 2001 is not one for “grand schemes” such as this, and instead calls for modest initiatives that might help restore the standing of conservative groups in the eyes of Canadian voters.

For this reason, Manning endorses the Mont-Tremblant meeting as a means of reaching a “principled co-operation” between the DRC and the Conservatives in Parliament, in order to present the governing Liberals with a significant and effective opposition. This is sorely needed, in Manning’s view, because he fears that the majority of Canadians are becoming disillusioned with all the federal political parties, and are increasingly viewing Parliament itself as meaningless and irrelevant to their concerns. He argues that most Canadians are thoroughly disenchanted with the backroom political machinations of Alliance and Conserva- tive members and instead want to know what kind of co-operation the two parties might have in mind that could further the broader national interest.

In order to restore much-needed political credibility on the right in Canada, Manning proposes that the two groups take the following steps to gain greater public support and respect: (a) issue a joint declaration of purpose, stating their intention to co-operate in Parliament on issues such as reducing taxes and debt, and making government institutions more effective, (b) issue a joint statement of principles that would specify the framework for co-operation between them, looking to the future and not dwelling on past disagreements, and (c) form a joint action plan for the new session of Parliament that would establish strategies for question period, caucus meetings, sharing of parliamentary resources, and collaboration in committees. In Manning’s view, such steps would help lay the groundwork, in microcosm, for a co- operative parliamentary approach that the two parties might later be able to extend to full- blown unity discussions. At this future stage, Manning believes, the grassroots memberships of both parties could then become directly involved. But any headlong rush to unity at this point, he thinks, would be unwise, and likely result in a repetition of the failure of the Reform Party and the Canadian Alliance to achieve the promise he once held out for them.

News in Review — 13 — September 2001 Chuck Strahl, Leader of the Democratic Representative Caucus (DRC) Strahl, former Canadian Alliance House leader, left the party caucus in May 2001 to express his lack of confidence in Stockwell Day’s leadership, and was a major force behind the Mont- Tremblant talks between his group and the Conservatives. He believes that the meeting he helped organize between members of his own DRC and the Progressive Conservative caucus at Mont-Tremblant, Quebec, in the summer of 2001 is an important first step in uniting the Canadian right into a single political force. He thinks that a serious discussion of policy is key to any future collaboration between the two parties, and is convinced that the alleged differences between them are less than generally assumed. On matters like paying down the national debt, rebuilding the armed forces, loosening the gun-control laws, granting increased rights to the provinces, and promoting greater free trade with the United States he is convinced that a majority of Conservatives and former Alliance members will find themselves in substantial agreement. He also argues that given their shared opposition to the governing Liberals and their arrogant and high-handed approach to running the country’s affairs the two parties will realize the necessity of coalescing in advance of the next federal election.

Strahl argues that a frank and open debate about the issues that may still divide the two parties is necessary if they are going to overcome their historic differences and the mutual distrust that has prevailed since the era of Brian Mulroney. But he is equally insistent that these old political wounds should not be re-opened for the sake of scoring points or indulging in long- held grudges. The two groups must commit to putting the past behind them and moving forward if progress toward real right-wing unity is to be achieved. Strahl’s own close personal working relationship with Conservative House Leader Peter MacKay, who collaborated with him in organizing the Mont-Tremblant meeting, is widely regarded as symptomatic of this new bipartisan effort to reach conciliation and shared respect.

Strahl rejects his former leader Stockwell Day’s call for a referendum of members of the two parties to determine their views about a proposed union, and also dismisses Day’s demand that Joe Clark resign his position and agree to a joint leadership race. In Strahl’s view, such ideas are dangerous oversimplifications, designed with the ulterior motive of maintaining Day’s control over the unity process. Instead, he shares Preston Manning’s position that the DRC and the Conservatives, along with those Alliance members who want to join them, should move very slowly and carefully in the direction of an eventual party merger. If significant progress is made on the smaller matters up for discussion at Mont-Tremblant, such as co- operation between the two groups in Parliament, then an atmosphere of mutual trust will be fostered. This can then eventually lead to a full-fledged union of the political right, probably in time for the next federal election, expected for 2004. But for the time being, Strahl advises a cautious, tentative approach, taking advantage of the evident willingness of members of both his own DRC and Joe Clark’s Conservative caucus to explore their areas of shared agreement on policy, tactics, and the long-term objectives of their respective parties.

Donald Oliver, Conservative Senator from Nova Scotia Oliver, a Conservative activist for over 40 years, warns party leader Joe Clark and his fellow MPs against any move to unite with the Canadian Alliance. In his view, talk of uniting the Canadian right misses what he believes to be the essential point; that most Canadians are not

September 2001 — 14 — News in Review to be found on the extreme conservative end of the political spectrum. Citing Edmund Burke, the great English conservative thinker of the late 18th century, Oliver argues that the goal of a major political party should be to broaden its base of potential supporters to include as large a cross-section of the Canadian public as possible. He believes that previous Conservative leaders like fellow Nova Scotian Robert Stanfield, who headed the party from 1967 to 1976, understood this, and were always careful not to move the party too far to the right. In Oliver’s view, it is important for Conservatives, and especially party leader Joe Clark, to remember that their party is progressive as well as conservative.

What does Oliver mean by this? In the first place, he believes that traditionally, conservatives have always stood for maintaining order in society. This involves a commitment to a decent, civilized community whose weakest members are protected from the excesses of private enterprise and greed. Oliver sees an important role for government in this process, stating that it is the role of the state to intervene occasionally when important social or national objectives are at stake. Conservatives have historically placed the rights of the community ahead of those of the individual, and for this reason have traditionally supported policies like medicare that ensure the health and well-being of Canadians as a whole, irrespective of their socio-economic status.

Oliver believes that the Conservatives do not need to embrace what he considers to be the extreme right-wing positions of the Canadian Alliance in order to gain greater support and become a serious rival to the Liberals for power. Instead, he advocates policies like increased government spending on health care, education, and social programs, a greater role for members of Canada’s visible minority population in party affairs, and the championing of human rights and more equitable trade agreements around the world as measures the Conservatives should endorse. He thinks such positions are not only morally right and in keeping with traditional conservative values, but would also resonate with a large number of Canadian voters who are looking for an alternative to the Liberals but are suspicious of the Alliance.

To Oliver, uniting the right is a recipe for continuing political marginalization for the Conser- vatives. He thinks that if his party hews to the middle of the road in politics, and makes greater efforts to inspire Canadians with a different vision of politics, both domestic and global, then it will attract far more supporters than if it embraces what he views as the extreme positions of the Canadian Alliance. Most voters have rejected these policies in three consecu- tive federal elections, and Oliver sees little if any indication that the political mood in Canada is shifting to the hard right at this time.

Follow-up Discussion In your opinion, how do these four views reflect or sum up the current political climate or state of affairs in Canada? If you were Stockwell Day, how would try to incorporate these views into your political strategies?

News in Review — 15 — September 2001 STOCKWELL DAY’S MISALLIANCE Discussion, Research, and Essay Questions

1. Working in small groups and using newspaper and/or magazine articles and photographs, or Internet sources, prepare an informational wall chart that displays the current political situation in Canada. Use the Stockwell Day leadership issue as a focal point in order to highlight the facts, factors, and political relationships affecting the current political environment in Canada. Compare your overview with those of other students. 2. Read one of the following books dealing with the Canadian political right and its leaders, and prepare and present a report on it. Some of these books are not recent publications but represent a historical perspective useful in understanding this current story. Stockwell Day: His Life and Politics, by Claire Hoy; Like Father, Like Son: Ernest Manning and Preston Manning, by Lloyd Mackey; Of Passion- ate Intensity: Right-Wing Populism and the Reform Party of Canada, by Trevor Harrison; Waiting for the Wave: The Reform Party and Preston Manning, by Tom Flanagan; Preston Manning and the Reform Party, by Murray Dobbin; Storming Babylon: Preston Manning and the Rise of the Reform Party, by Sydney Sharpe and Don Braid; The New Canada, by Preston Manning, On the Brink: Preston Manning’s Bid for Power, by Jim Cunningham; Preston Manning: The Roots of Reform, by Frank Dabbs. 3. Access one of the Web sites listed in the Introduction on page 6 in order to find out more about the state of the Canadian Alliance, its leadership, and plans to unite the right involving that party and the Progressive Conservatives. Prepare a summary report of your findings 4. Research the origins of conservatism as a political ideology, beginning in Europe in the early 19th century, and spreading to North America shortly after. How has conservatism changed since that time, in terms of its basic philosophy, principles, and practice? In what ways do current versions of conservatism (for example fiscal conservatism, social conservatism, neo-conservatism) differ from traditional conservative values, principles, and policies? 5. Prepare a biographical sketch of one of the following Canadian conservative political leaders in which you discuss his or her impact on the provincial and/or national scene, and evaluate his or her achievements and policies: Preston Man- ning, Stockwell Day, Mike Harris, Ralph Klein, Joe Clark, Brian Mulroney, Kim Campbell. 6. Form groups with your classmates to discuss the current state of the political right in Canada. Make a list of the main policies that you associate with social conservatives, fiscal conservatives, or any other version of conservatives you know of. How attractive do you think these policies are likely to be with Canadian voters in the next federal election? What advice would you give to the leaders of Canada’s political right in order to make their message more appealing and electorally successful at that time?

September 2001 — 16 — News in Review