Table of Contents
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
CRITICAL THEORY and AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism
CDSMS EDITED BY JEREMIAH MORELOCK CRITICAL THEORY AND AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism edited by Jeremiah Morelock Critical, Digital and Social Media Studies Series Editor: Christian Fuchs The peer-reviewed book series edited by Christian Fuchs publishes books that critically study the role of the internet and digital and social media in society. Titles analyse how power structures, digital capitalism, ideology and social struggles shape and are shaped by digital and social media. They use and develop critical theory discussing the political relevance and implications of studied topics. The series is a theoretical forum for in- ternet and social media research for books using methods and theories that challenge digital positivism; it also seeks to explore digital media ethics grounded in critical social theories and philosophy. Editorial Board Thomas Allmer, Mark Andrejevic, Miriyam Aouragh, Charles Brown, Eran Fisher, Peter Goodwin, Jonathan Hardy, Kylie Jarrett, Anastasia Kavada, Maria Michalis, Stefania Milan, Vincent Mosco, Jack Qiu, Jernej Amon Prodnik, Marisol Sandoval, Se- bastian Sevignani, Pieter Verdegem Published Critical Theory of Communication: New Readings of Lukács, Adorno, Marcuse, Honneth and Habermas in the Age of the Internet Christian Fuchs https://doi.org/10.16997/book1 Knowledge in the Age of Digital Capitalism: An Introduction to Cognitive Materialism Mariano Zukerfeld https://doi.org/10.16997/book3 Politicizing Digital Space: Theory, the Internet, and Renewing Democracy Trevor Garrison Smith https://doi.org/10.16997/book5 Capital, State, Empire: The New American Way of Digital Warfare Scott Timcke https://doi.org/10.16997/book6 The Spectacle 2.0: Reading Debord in the Context of Digital Capitalism Edited by Marco Briziarelli and Emiliana Armano https://doi.org/10.16997/book11 The Big Data Agenda: Data Ethics and Critical Data Studies Annika Richterich https://doi.org/10.16997/book14 Social Capital Online: Alienation and Accumulation Kane X. -
Wednesday, March 23, 1994
VOLUME 133 NUMBER 043 1st SESSION 35th PARLIAMENT OFFICIAL REPORT (HANSARD) Wednesday, March 23, 1994 Speaker: The Honourable Gilbert Parent HOUSE OF COMMONS Wednesday, March 23, 1994 The House met at 2 p.m. anglophone and francophone families in Quebec has narrowed from 8.2 per cent to 1.9 per cent. _______________ The income gap can be closed, Mr. Speaker, but one has to Prayers conclude that federal policies are not a contributing factor. _______________ * * * [English] STATEMENTS BY MEMBERS CREDIT RATING [English] Mr. Jim Gouk (Kootenay West—Revelstoke): Mr. Speaker, BIODIVERSITY yesterday after the announcement of the downgrading of Cana- da’s rating for foreign currency debt, the Minister of Finance Hon. Charles Caccia (Davenport): Mr. Speaker, biodivers- stated it only affected a small portion of our total debt so it was ity means a richness of life as it surrounds us in nature. We must no big deal. preserve biodiversity because it is nature’s protection against catastrophes. The loss of biodiversity has serious implications Now the Bank of Canada has increased its key lending rate for life on earth. which undoubtedly will result in increased borrowing costs for Canadian consumers and businesses. It is also having an impact We have been told that since the beginning of the century 75 on the cost of government borrowing. per cent of crop diversity has been lost. This leaves us vulner- able. For example uniformity in corn crops could have resulted The budget did not address the deficit or debt. Now all in disaster when a severe blight threatened corn crops in the Canadians are starting to pay for this short–sightedness. -
Chretien Consensus
End of the CHRÉTIEN CONSENSUS? Jason Clemens Milagros Palacios Matthew Lau Niels Veldhuis Copyright ©2017 by the Fraser Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews. The authors of this publication have worked independently and opinions expressed by them are, therefore, their own, and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the Fraser Institute or its supporters, Directors, or staff. This publication in no way implies that the Fraser Institute, its Directors, or staff are in favour of, or oppose the passage of, any bill; or that they support or oppose any particular political party or candidate. Date of issue: March 2017 Printed and bound in Canada Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Data End of the Chrétien Consensus? / Jason Clemens, Matthew Lau, Milagros Palacios, and Niels Veldhuis Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-0-88975-437-9 Contents Introduction 1 Saskatchewan’s ‘Socialist’ NDP Begins the Journey to the Chrétien Consensus 3 Alberta Extends and Deepens the Chrétien Consensus 21 Prime Minister Chrétien Introduces the Chrétien Consensus to Ottawa 32 Myths of the Chrétien Consensus 45 Ontario and Alberta Move Away from the Chrétien Consensus 54 A New Liberal Government in Ottawa Rejects the Chrétien Consensus 66 Conclusions and Recommendations 77 Endnotes 79 www.fraserinstitute.org d Fraser Institute d i ii d Fraser Institute d www.fraserinstitute.org Executive Summary TheChrétien Consensus was an implicit agreement that transcended political party and geography regarding the soundness of balanced budgets, declining government debt, smaller and smarter government spending, and competi- tive taxes that emerged in the early 1990s and lasted through to roughly the mid-2000s. -
Understanding Stephen Harper
HARPER Edited by Teresa Healy www.policyalternatives.ca Photo: Hanson/THE Tom CANADIAN PRESS Understanding Stephen Harper The long view Steve Patten CANAdIANs Need to understand the political and ideological tem- perament of politicians like Stephen Harper — men and women who aspire to political leadership. While we can gain important insights by reviewing the Harper gov- ernment’s policies and record since the 2006 election, it is also essential that we step back and take a longer view, considering Stephen Harper’s two decades of political involvement prior to winning the country’s highest political office. What does Harper’s long record of engagement in conservative politics tell us about his political character? This chapter is organized around a series of questions about Stephen Harper’s political and ideological character. Is he really, as his support- ers claim, “the smartest guy in the room”? To what extent is he a con- servative ideologue versus being a political pragmatist? What type of conservatism does he embrace? What does the company he keeps tell us about his political character? I will argue that Stephen Harper is an economic conservative whose early political motivations were deeply ideological. While his keen sense of strategic pragmatism has allowed him to make peace with both conservative populism and the tradition- alism of social conservatism, he continues to marginalize red toryism within the Canadian conservative family. He surrounds himself with Governance 25 like-minded conservatives and retains a long-held desire to transform Canada in his conservative image. The smartest guy in the room, or the most strategic? When Stephen Harper first came to the attention of political observers, it was as one of the leading “thinkers” behind the fledgling Reform Party of Canada. -
The Political Culture of Canada
CHAPTER 2 The Political Culture of Canada LEARNING OBJECTIVES By the end of this chapter you should be able to • Define the terms political culture, ideology, and cleavages. • Describe the main principles of each of the major ideologies in Canada. • Describe the ideological orientation of the main political parties in Canada. • Describe the major cleavages in Canadian politics. Introduction Canadian politics, like politics in other societies, is a public conflict over different conceptions of the good life. Canadians agree on some important matters (e.g., Canadians are overwhelmingly committed to the rule of law, democracy, equality, individual rights, and respect for minorities) and disagree on others. That Canadians share certain values represents a substantial consensus about how the political system should work. While Canadians generally agree on the rules of the game, they dis- agree—sometimes very strongly—on what laws and policies the government should adopt. Should governments spend more or less? Should taxes be lower or higher? Should governments build more prisons or more hospitals? Should we build more pipelines or fight climate change? Fortunately for students of politics, different conceptions of the good life are not random. The different views on what laws and policies are appropriate to realize the ideologies Specific bundles of good life coalesce into a few distinct groupings of ideas known as ideologies. These ideas about politics and the good ideologies have names that are familiar to you, such as liberalism, conservatism, and life, such as liberalism, conserva- (democratic) socialism, which are the principal ideologies in Canadian politics. More tism, and socialism. Ideologies radical ideologies, such as Marxism, communism, and fascism, are at best only mar- help people explain political ginally present in Canada. -
Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy
The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy Dr. Valerie Scatamburlo-D'Annibale University of Windsor, Windsor, Ontario, Canada Abstract This article explores how Donald Trump capitalized on the right's decades-long, carefully choreographed and well-financed campaign against political correctness in relation to the broader strategy of 'cultural conservatism.' It provides an historical overview of various iterations of this campaign, discusses the mainstream media's complicity in promulgating conservative talking points about higher education at the height of the 1990s 'culture wars,' examines the reconfigured anti- PC/pro-free speech crusade of recent years, its contemporary currency in the Trump era and the implications for academia and educational policy. Keywords: political correctness, culture wars, free speech, cultural conservatism, critical pedagogy Introduction More than two years after Donald Trump's ascendancy to the White House, post-mortems of the 2016 American election continue to explore the factors that propelled him to office. Some have pointed to the spread of right-wing populism in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis that culminated in Brexit in Europe and Trump's victory (Kagarlitsky, 2017; Tufts & Thomas, 2017) while Fuchs (2018) lays bare the deleterious role of social media in facilitating the rise of authoritarianism in the U.S. and elsewhere. Other 69 | P a g e The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy explanations refer to deep-rooted misogyny that worked against Hillary Clinton (Wilz, 2016), a backlash against Barack Obama, sedimented racism and the demonization of diversity as a public good (Major, Blodorn and Blascovich, 2016; Shafer, 2017). -
Rebalanced and Revitalized: a Canada Strong
Rebalanced and Revitalized A Canada Strong and Free Mike Harris & Preston Manning THE FRASER INSTITUTE 2006 Copyright ©2006 by The Fraser Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews. The authors have worked independently and opinions expressed by them are, therefore, their own, and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the supporters or the trustees of The Fraser Institute. The opinions expressed in this document do not necessary represent those of the Montreal Economic Institute or the members of its board of directors. This publication in no way implies that the Montreal Economic Institute or the members of its board of directors are in favour of, or oppose the passage of, any bill. Series editor: Fred McMahon Director of Publication Production: Kristin McCahon Coordination of French publication: Martin Masse Design and typesetting: Lindsey Thomas Martin Cover design by Brian Creswick @ GoggleBox Editorial assistance provided by White Dog Creative Inc. Date of issue: June 2006 Printed and bound in Canada Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Data Harris, Mike, 945- Rebalanced and revitalized : a Canada strong and free / Mike Harris & Preston Manning Co-published by Institut économique de Montréal. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0–88975–232–X . Canada--Politics and government--2006-. 2. Government information-- Canada. 3. Political participation--Canada. 4. Federal-provincial relations-- Canada. 5. Federal government--Canada. I. Manning, Preston, 942- II. Fraser Institute (Vancouver, B.C.) III. Institut économique de Montréal IV. -
Thursday, February 1, 2001
CANADA VOLUME 137 S NUMBER 004 S 1st SESSION S 37th PARLIAMENT OFFICIAL REPORT (HANSARD) Thursday, February 1, 2001 Speaker: The Honourable Peter Milliken CONTENTS (Table of Contents appears at back of this issue.) All parliamentary publications are available on the ``Parliamentary Internet Parlementaire'' at the following address: http://www.parl.gc.ca 67 HOUSE OF COMMONS Thursday, February 1, 2001 The House met at 10 a.m. protection of employees in the public service who make allega- tions in good faith respecting wrongdoing in the public service. _______________ He said: Mr. Speaker, the purpose of the bill is to protect the Prayers members of the Public Service of Canada who blow the whistle in _______________ good faith for wrongdoing in the public service, such as reports of waste, fraud, corruption, abuse of authority, violation of law or D (1005 ) threats to public health or safety. The public interest is served when employees are free to make such reports without fear of retaliation [English] and discrimination. MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE Therefore, I am very pleased to introduce my private member’s The Speaker: I have the honour to inform the House that a bill, entitled an act respecting the protection of employees in the message has been received from the Senate informing this House public service who make allegations in good faith respecting that the Senate has passed certain bills, to which the concurrence of wrongdoing in the public service. this House is desired. (Motions deemed adopted, bill read the first time and printed) _____________________________________________ * * * ROUTINE PROCEEDINGS STATUTORY INSTRUMENTS ACT [Translation] Mr. -
END of an ERA Roger Gibbins Retires After 14 Years at the Helm of the Canada West Foundation
WINDOW ON THE 2012 MAY WEST www.cwf.ca western canadian policy matters END OF AN ERA Roger Gibbins retires after 14 years at the helm of the Canada West Foundation > Unlocking Manitoba’s Transportation Gateway > Reflections on a Dynamic and Prosperous West > Natural Gas as a Transportation Fuel A Strong West in a Strong Canada The Canada West Foundation is the only think tank dedicated to being the objective voice for public policy issues of vital concern to western Canadians. Sometimes these issues are unique to the West, but more often they resonate right across Canada. We are resolutely nonpartisan. We let the research do the talking rather than rely on predetermined positions. Our goals are straightforward: better government policy; a prosperous West in a prosperous Canada; fair treatment of all regions in the federation; and a strong democracy based on open debate and meaningful citizen engagement. Over the past 40 years, our research and recommendations have advanced all four of these goals. We are a source of ideas and information. We are a facilitator of discussion and civic participation. We give the people of British Columbia, Alberta, Saskatchewan and Manitoba a voice. A voice for their aspirations, interests and concerns. As westerners, we understand the people and the places of the West. We know our history and how it influences our future. Whether it is the economy, energy, environment, education, healthcare, taxes, social services, urban issues, intergovernmental relations or any other policy area of importance to the West, we have researched it, commented on it, stimulated debate about it and recommended practical options for improving the policy response—all from a uniquely western point of view. -
The Requisites of Leadership in the Modern House of Commons 1
Number 4 November 2001 CANADIAN STUDY OF PARLIAMENT GROUP HE EQUISITES OF EADERSHIP THE REQUISITES OF LEADERSHIP IN THE MODERN HOUSE OF COMMONS Paper by: Cristine de Clercy Department of Political Studies University of Saskatchewan Canadian Members of the Study of Parliament Executive Committee Group 2000-2001 The Canadian Study of President Parliament Group (CSPG) was created Leo Doyle with the object of bringing together all those with an interest in parliamentary Vice-President institutions and the legislative F. Leslie Seidle process, to promote understanding and to contribute to their reform and Past President improvement. Judy Cedar-Wilson The constitution of the Canadian Treasurer Study of Parliament Group makes Antonine Campbell provision for various activities, including the organization of conferences and Secretary seminars in Ottawa and elsewhere in James R. Robertson Canada, the preparation of articles and various publications, the Counsellors establishment of workshops, the Dianne Brydon promotion and organization of public William Cross discussions on parliamentary affairs, David Docherty participation in public affairs programs Jeff Heynen on radio and television, and the Tranquillo Marrocco sponsorship of other educational Louis Massicotte activities. Charles Robert Jennifer Smith Membership is open to all those interested in Canadian legislative institutions. Applications for membership and additional information concerning the Group should be addressed to the Secretariat, Canadian Study of Parliament Group, Box 660, West Block, Ottawa, Ontario, K1A 0A6. Tel: (613) 943-1228, Fax: (613) 995- 5357. INTRODUCTION This is the fourth paper in the Canadian Study of Parliament Groups Parliamentary Perspectives. First launched in 1998, the perspective series is intended as a vehicle for distributing both studies prepared by academics and the reflections of others who have a particular interest in these themes. -
Absent Mandate? the Role of Positional Issues in Canadian Elections
Absent Mandate? The Role of Positional Issues in Canadian Elections by Yannick Dufresne A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto c Copyright 2015 by Yannick Dufresne Abstract Absent Mandate? The Role of Positional Issues in Canadian Elections Yannick Dufresne Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto 2015 Positional issues are political issues that generate disagreement among citizens and divide the electorate. Voting theories conventionally assume that positional issues have little effect on how individuals vote and that parties have little incentive to develop issue-based electoral strategies. Such a characterization of electoral dynamics is particularly prevalent in Canada. An enduring view holds that Canadian parties engage in \brokerage politics" wherein they avoid taking clear policy stances in order to avoid alienating segments of a fragmented electorate. This thesis challenges the conventional characterization of Canadian electoral dynamics by revisiting the role and impact of positional issues on electoral strategy. First, the results show that once measure- ment accuracy is improved and the heterogeneity of issue effects is taken into consideration, positional issues have non-negligible effects on individual vote choice. Second, the thesis demonstrates that the behaviour of Canadian political parties does not fully correspond to the brokerage party model. Parties can and do engage in behaviour prescribed by political marketing theory, to which positional issues are central. Positional issues are at the core of an exchange between citizens who care about a small set of issues and political parties who target these citizens using micro-campaigns. -
The Emergence of Parties in the Canadian House of Commons (1867-1908)
The Emergence of Parties in the Canadian House of Commons (1867-1908). Jean-Fran¸coisGodbouty and Bjørn Høylandz y D´epartement de science polititque, Universit´ede Montr´eal zDepartment of Political Science, University of Oslo Conference on the Westminster Model of Democracy in Crisis? Comparative Perspectives on Origins, Development and Responses, May 13-14, 2013. Abstract This study analyzes legislative voting in the first ten Canadian Parliaments (1867-1908). The results demonstrate that party voting unity in the House of Commons dramati- cally increases over time. From the comparative literature on legislative organization, we identify three factors to explain this trend: partisan sorting; electoral incentives; and negative agenda control. Several different empirical analyses confirm that intra-party conflict is generally explained by the opposition between Anglo-Celtic/Protestants and French/Catholic Members of Parliament. Once members begin to sort into parties according to their religious affiliation, we observe a sharp increase in voting cohesion within the Liberal and Conservative parties. Ultimately, these finding highlight the importance of territorial and socio-cultural conflicts, as well as agenda control, in ex- plaining the emergence of parties as cohesive voting groups in the Canadian Parliament. This study explains the development of party unity in the Canadian House of Commons. We take advantage of the historical evolution of this legislature to analyze a complete set of recorded votes covering the first ten parliaments (1867-1908). This early period is of interest because it was during these years that the first national party system was established, the electoral franchise was limited, and the rules and procedures of the House were kept to a minimum.