Introducing Eastern Germany's Far-Right Intellectuals I EUROPP
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Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany
University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2018 Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany William Peter Fitz University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Fitz, William Peter, "Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany" (2018). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 275. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/275 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REACTIONARY POSTMODERNISM? NEOLIBERALISM, MULTICULTURALISM, THE INTERNET, AND THE IDEOLOGY OF THE NEW FAR RIGHT IN GERMANY A Thesis Presented by William Peter Fitz to The Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In European Studies with Honors December 2018 Defense Date: December 4th, 2018 Thesis Committee: Alan E. Steinweis, Ph.D., Advisor Susanna Schrafstetter, Ph.D., Chairperson Adriana Borra, M.A. Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One: Neoliberalism and Xenophobia 17 Chapter Two: Multiculturalism and Cultural Identity 52 Chapter Three: The Philosophy of the New Right 84 Chapter Four: The Internet and Meme Warfare 116 Conclusion 149 Bibliography 166 1 “Perhaps one will view the rise of the Alternative for Germany in the foreseeable future as inevitable, as a portent for major changes, one that is as necessary as it was predictable. -
Germany: Baffled Hegemon Constanze Stelzenmüller
POLICY BRIEF Germany: Baffled hegemon Constanze Stelzenmüller Since the fall of the Berlin Wall, Germany has transformed into a hegemonic power in Europe, but recent global upheaval will test the country’s leadership and the strength of its democracy. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY are challenging Europe’s cohesion aggressively, as does the Trump administration’s “America First” The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 turned reunified policy. The impact of this on Germany is stark. No Germany into Europe’s hegemon. But with signs of country in Europe is affected so dramatically by this a major global downturn on the horizon, Germany new systemic competition. Far from being a “shaper again finds itself at the fulcrum of great power nation,” Germany risks being shaped: by events, competition and ideological struggle in Europe. And competitors, challengers, and adversaries. German democracy is being challenged as never before, by internal and external adversaries. Germany’s options are limited. It needs to preserve Europe’s vulnerable ecosystem in its own The greatest political challenge to liberal democracy enlightened self-interest. It will have to compromise within Germany today is the Alternative für on some issues (defense expenditures, trade Deutschland (Alternative for Germany, or AfD), the surpluses, energy policy). But it will also have to first far-right party in the country’s postwar history push back against Russian or Chinese interference, to be represented in all states and in the federal and make common cause with fellow liberal legislature. While it polls nationally at 12 percent, its democracies. With regard to Trump’s America, disruptive impact has been real. -
Drucksache 19/1294
Deutscher Bundestag Drucksache 19/1294 19. Wahlperiode 20.03.2018 Antrag der Abgeordneten Michael Theurer, Reinhard Houben, Thomas Kemmerich, Dr. Martin Neumann, Manfred Todtenhausen, Sandra Weeser, Grigorios Aggelidis, Renata Alt, Christine Aschenberg-Dugnus, Jens Beeck, Nicola Beer, Dr. Jens Brandenburg (Rhein-Neckar), Mario Brandenburg, Dr. Marco Buschmann, Carl-Julius Cronenberg, Britta Katharina Dassler, Bijan Djir-Sarai, Hartmut Ebbing, Dr. Marcus Faber, Otto Fricke, Thomas Hacker, Katrin Helling- Plahr, Katja Hessel, Dr. Christoph Hoffmann, Ulla Ihnen, Olaf in der Beek, Karsten Klein, Katharina Kloke, Daniela Kluckert, Pascal Kober, Carina Konrad, Wolfgang Kubicki, Konstantin Kuhle, Ulrich Lechte, Michael Georg Link, Oliver Luksic, Christoph Meyer, Bernd Reuther, Christian Sauter, Frank Schäffler, Matthias Seestern-Pauly, Judith Skudelny, Bettina Stark-Watzinger, Benjamin Strasser, Katja Suding, Stephan Thomae, Gerald Ullrich und der Fraktion der FDP Bürokratieabbau umsetzen ‒ Zeitumstellung abschaffen Der Bundestag wolle beschließen: I. Der Deutsche Bundestag stellt fest: Durch das Zeitgesetz vom 25. Juli 1978 wurde im Jahr 1980 die mitteleuropäische Sommerzeit in Deutschland eingeführt. Zur schrittweisen Angleichung der unter- schiedlichen Sommerzeitregelungen in der Europäischen Union wurde in der Folge mit verschiedenen Richtlinien des Europäischen Parlaments und des Rates der Euro- päischen Union ein gemeinschaftlicher Rechtsrahmen geschaffen. Mit der EU-Richt- linie 2000/84/EG wurde ab 2002 die Sommerzeit auf unbestimmte Zeit für alle EU- Mitgliedstaaten verbindlich eingeführt und wurden die Termine für Beginn und Ende der Sommerzeit in allen Mitgliedstaaten der Europäischen Union einheitlich jeweils auf den letzten Sonntag im März und den letzten Sonntag im Oktober festgelegt. Vor dem Hintergrund der Ölkrise von 1973 und ihrer wirtschaftlichen und finanziellen Folgen sollte mit der Zeitumstellung durch eine bessere Ausnutzung der Tageshellig- keit Energie eingespart werden. -
Thüringer Landtag 7. Wahlperiode 32. Sitzung Montag, Den 21.12
1 Thüringer Landtag 7. Wahlperiode 32. Sitzung Montag, den 21.12.2020 Erfurt, Plenarsaal a) Gesetz zur Änderung des Thü- 5, ringer Haushaltsgesetzes 2020 (Thüringer Nachtragshaushaltsge- setz 2020 – ThürNHhG 2020 –) Gesetzentwurf der Landesregierung - Drucksache 7/1499 - dazu: Beschlussempfehlung des Haushalts- und Finanzaus- schusses - Drucksache 7/2325 - ZWEITE BERATUNG b) Thüringer Gesetz über die Fest- 5, stellung des Landeshaushalts- plans für das Haushaltsjahr 2021 (Thüringer Haushaltsgesetz 2021 – ThürHhG 2021 –) Gesetzentwurf der Landesregierung - Drucksache 7/1498 - dazu: Beschlussempfehlung des Haushalts- und Finanzaus- schusses - Drucksache 7/2326 - ZWEITE BERATUNG c) Zweites Gesetz zur Änderung 5, des Thüringer Finanzausgleichs- gesetzes Gesetzentwurf der Landesregierung - Drucksache 7/1501 - Neufassung - 2 Thüringer Landtag - 7. Wahlperiode - 32. Sitzung - 21.12.2020 dazu: Beschlussempfehlung des Haushalts- und Finanzaus- schusses - Drucksache 7/2327 - ZWEITE BERATUNG d) Mittelfristiger Finanzplan für die 6, Jahre 2020 bis 2024 für den Frei- staat Thüringen Unterrichtung durch die Landeregie- rung - Drucksache 7/1822 - dazu: Beschlussempfehlung des Haushalts- und Finanzaus- schusses - Drucksache 7/2328 - Emde, CDU 6, Höcke, AfD 17, 20, 24, 56, Kemmerich, FDP 34, 102, 129, Hennig-Wellsow, DIE LINKE 39, Prof. Dr. Voigt, CDU 42, Rothe-Beinlich, BÜNDNIS 90/DIE GRÜNEN 49, 53, 84, 88, Hey, SPD 57, Montag, FDP 57, 67, 107, 108, 141, 144, 144, Ramelow, Ministerpräsident 58, Taubert, Finanzministerin 62, 130, Mitteldorf, DIE LINKE 64, Kniese, AfD 65, 98, Henfling, BÜNDNIS 90/DIE GRÜNEN 66, 71, 126, 127, Marx, SPD 68, 76, 91, Kellner, CDU 69, 70, 70, 71, Walk, CDU 72, Dittes, DIE LINKE 74, 75, Bergner, FDP 76, 124, 132, Mühlmann, AfD 78, Tischner, CDU 79, 80, Möller, SPD 80, 89, 105, 106, 111, Jankowski, AfD 81, Wolf, DIE LINKE 82, Baum, FDP 83, 84, 92, Schaft, DIE LINKE 85, Beier, DIE LINKE 86, 87, Schard, CDU 87, Thüringer Landtag - 7. -
Representation and Global Power in A
Fordham University Masthead Logo DigitalResearch@Fordham Senior Theses International Studies Spring 5-19-2018 Representation and Global Power in a Multicultural Germany: A Discourse Analysis of the German Response(s) to the Presence of Syrian Refugees Kyle William Zarif Fordham University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://fordham.bepress.com/international_senior Part of the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Zarif, Kyle William, "Representation and Global Power in a Multicultural Germany: A Discourse Analysis of the German Response(s) to the Presence of Syrian Refugees" (2018). Senior Theses. 7. https://fordham.bepress.com/international_senior/7 This is brought to you for free and open access by the International Studies at DigitalResearch@Fordham. It has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of DigitalResearch@Fordham. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ! ! Representation and Global Power in a Multicultural Germany A Discourse Analysis of the German Response(s) to the Presence of Syrian Refugees ! ! ! ! ! ! Kyle Zarif Fordham University International Studies Program Global Affairs Track Thesis Seminar Professor: Dr. Hill Krishnan Primary Advisor: Dr. Hugo Benavides Email: [email protected] ! ! ! ! Zarif !1 ! Table of Contents! 1. Introduction I. Thesis Statement and Research Questions ......2 II. [Muslim] Refugees: A Great Challenge [for Germany and Europe] ......3 III. The EU and Syria: Framing the German Approach to Refugees ......5 IV. Cultural Politics and the Stigmatization of European Muslims ......8 V. Implications for Syrian Refugees ......10 !VI. Relevant Theory: Discourse(s), Knowledge and Global Power ......11 3. Syrian Refugees in the Mainstream German Media I. -
LSE Review of Books: Book Review: 'We Are the People': the Rise of The
LSE Review of Books: Book Review: ‘We are the People’: The Rise of the AfD in Germany by Penny Bochum Page 1 of 3 Book Review: ‘We are the People’: The Rise of the AfD in Germany by Penny Bochum In ‘We are the People’: The Rise of the AfD in Germany, Penny Bochum examines the origins and radicalisation of the German political party, Alternative for Germany (AfD). With populist parties across Europe experiencing a surge in popularity, the AfD was established in 2013, but came to dominate German politics in 2017 when it won over 90 seats in the Bundestag. The AfD is the third largest party in the German parliament and positions itself as the voice of ‘the people’ against a ‘corrupt elite’. Given its various successes, Bochum argues, it has now become impossible to write the AfD off as merely a blip on the political landscape. This short but accessible volume will prove useful to readers unfamiliar with the party and its core issues, writes Katherine Williams. ‘We are the People’: The Rise of the AfD in Germany. Penny Bochum. Haus Publishing. 2020. Despite comprising less than 100 pages, ‘We are the People’ by Penny Bochum, a political researcher and writer based in Berlin and London, offers readers an insightful and timely English-language analysis of the rise and radicalisation of the German political party, Alternative for Germany (AfD). Published as part of the Haus Curiosities series, this short volume has nine principal chapters that chart the AfD’s eurosceptic beginnings, its populist evolution and its increasing association with right-wing extremism. -
Afd) a New Actor in the German Party System
INTERNATIONAL POLICY ANALYSIS Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) A New Actor in the German Party System MARCEL LEWANDOWSKY March 2014 The Alternative für Deutschland (AfD – Alternative for Germany) is a new party in the conservative/economic liberal spectrum of the German party system. At present it is a broad church encompassing various political currents, including classic ordo-liberals, as well as euro-sceptics, conservatives and right-wingers of different stripes. The AfD has not yet defined its political platform, which is still shaped by periodic flare-ups of different groups positioning themselves within the party or by individual members. The AfD’s positions are mainly critical of Europe and the European Union. It advo- cates winding up the euro area, restoration of national currencies or small currency unions and renationalisation of decision-making processes in the EU. When it comes to values it represents conservative positions. As things stand at the moment, given its rudimentary political programme, the AfD is not a straightforward right-wing populist party in the traditional sense. The populist tag stems largely from the party’s campaigning, in which it poses as the mouthpiece of »the people« and of the »silent majority«. With regard to its main topics, the AfD functions as a centre-right protest party. At the last Bundestag election in 2013 it won voters from various political camps. First studies show that although its sympathisers regard themselves as occupying the political centre, they represent very conservative positions on social and integra- tion-policy issues. Marcel Lewandowsky | ALternativE füR DEutschland (AfD) Content 1. Origins and Development. -
The Afd's Second Place in Mecklenburg-West Pomerania Illustrates the Challenge Facing Merkel in 2017
The AfD’s second place in Mecklenburg-West Pomerania illustrates the challenge facing Merkel in 2017 blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2016/09/05/afd-mecklenburg-west-pomerania-merkel/ 05/09/2016 Angela Merkel’s CDU came third behind the Alternative for Germany (AfD) and the German Social Democrats (SPD) in elections in Mecklenburg-West Pomerania on 4 September. Kai Arzheimer writes that while the result was not unexpected and the CDU still has a lead in national polling, the election underlines the challenge facing Merkel as she seeks reelection in the next German federal elections in 2017. The result of the regional election in the north-eastern state of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania could hardly be more embarrassing for Germany’s Chancellor, Angela Merkel. Her Christian Democrats (CDU) finished third with just 19 per cent of the vote, behind the new-ish ‘Alternative for Germany’ (AfD) party that won 20.8 per cent. The AfD takes its very name from Merkel’s frequent claim that there was ‘no alternative’ to her policies, and the slogan ‘Merkel muss weg‘ (Merkel must go) has become something like a mantra for her detractors on the right. With one year to go until the next German federal election, the result does not bode well for Merkel and the CDU. However, sensitivities and the symbolism of coming second or third aside, the result was no huge surprise, and its short-term impact will be limited. Support for the AfD is generally higher in the eastern states than it is in the West, and Mecklenburg-West Pomerania in particular has a long history of right-wing mobilisation both inside and outside parliament (although the state’s immigrant population is tiny). -
View / Open Final Thesis-Hauth Q
HOW MIGRATION HAS CONTRIBUTED THE RISE OF THE FAR-RIGHT IN GERMANY by QUINNE HAUTH A THESIS Presented to the Department of International Studies and the Robert D. Clark Honors College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts June 2019 An Abstract of the Thesis of Quinne Hauth for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in the Department of International Studies to be taken June 2019 Title: How Migration Has Contributed to the Rise of the Far-Right in Germany Approved: _______________________________________ Angela Joya Increased migration into Europe in the summer of 2015 signified a shift in how the European Union responds to migration, and now more so than in Germany, which has opened its doors to about 1.5 million migrants as of 2018. While Chancellor Angela Merkel’s welcome helped alleviate the burden placed on countries that bordered the east as well as the Mediterranean, it has been the subject of a lot of controversy over the last three years within Germany itself. Drawing on this controversy, this study explores how migration has affected Germany’s migration policies, and the extent to which it has affected a shift towards the right within the government. I conclude that Germany’s relationship with migration has been complicated since its genesis, and that ultimately Merkel’s welcome was the exception to decades of policy, not the rule. Thus, as tensions increase between migrants and citizens, and policy fails to adapt to benefit both parties, Germany’s politicians will advocate to close the state from migrants more and more. -
Pressemitteilung Als
Dr. Nina Scheer Mitglied des Deutschen Bundestages Pressemitteilung 06. Februar 2020 FDP muss sich zwischen Kooperation mit Nazis und Rechtsstaatlichkeit entscheiden Zur Wahl des FDP-Landtagsabgeordneten Thomas Kemmerich zum Ministerpräsidenten von Thüringen erklärt die SPD-Bundestagsabgeordnete und Vorsitzende der SPD im Kreis Herzogtum Lauenburg Dr. Nina Scheer: „Es war offenkundig keine Überraschung für Thomas Kemmerich, im dritten Wahlgang – seinem ersten – mit den insofern maßgeblichen Stimmen der AfD zum Ministerpräsidenten gewählt worden zu sein. Und es war offenkundig nicht so, wie von Thomas Kemmerich behauptet: er trat nicht gegen einen rechten und gegen einen linken Kandidaten an, denn der rechte Kandidat überließ ihm im dritten Wahlgang das Feld. Somit war es eine mit der CDU und der AfD gemeinsam errechnete Kandidatur des Sieges gegen den amtierenden Ministerpräsidenten Bodo Ramelow von der Partei Die Linke. Alles andere kann nur als dreiste Lüge interpretiert werden. Dieses Verhalten reiht sich ein in eine sich aktuell erschreckend ausbreitende Täuschungs- und Leugnungsmanier: Wahrheit ist, was man braucht – unabhängig von Tatsachen. Wer um alles in der Welt soll also glauben, Thomas Kemmerich setze nun, nachdem er die Wahl zum Ministerpräsident durch die AfD gerade erst angenommen hat, auf alle Stimmen außer solcher der AfD? In diesem Sinne muss bereits die Wahl von Thomas Kemmerich von demokratischen Parteien in die Kritik – mahnende Worte für die Zeit nach dieser Wahl reichen nicht. Wenn neben FDP- und CDU-Landespolitikern nun aber auch der FDP-Bundesvorsitzende Christian Lindner auf ein (rechnerisch nicht denkbares) Regieren ohne AfD verweist, macht er sich den offenkundigen Deal mit der AfD – mit Nazis – zu eigen. Dr. -
The Green Party of Germany: Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen [PDF]
THE GREEN PARTY OF GERMANY BÜNDNIS 90 / DIE GRÜNEN 1. Historical Context and democratic structure of Germany The political structures that existed before a united German state emerged were dominated by relatively small political entities, which enjoyed varying degrees of political autonomy. The Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Federal Republic of Germany) is formally only 70 years old. Unsurprisingly, this history of federalism is represented in the Bundesrepublik as well. Today we have 16 federal states. This decentralization is one of the most important parts of our democracy. Berlin, as the capital, was and is the best symbol of Germany’s colourful past. West Berlin’s location deep within the territory of Eastern Germany made it an island of the Bundesrepublik (Western Germany). West Berlin has had a very special phase after WWII that was deeply intertwined with the Cold War. With the end of the Cold War, the two German states the German Democratic Republic or GDR (East Germany) and Bundesrepublik finally became a united state again. Today, Berlin with its 3.6 million inhabitants, is Germany’s biggest city, its capital and the place to be for culture, arts, lifestyle, politics and science. Germany’s democratic system is a federal parliamentary republic with two chambers: the Bundestag (Germany’s parliament) and the Bundesrat (the representative body of the federal states). Germany’s political system is essentially a multi-party system, which includes a 5% threshold (parties representing recognised national minorities, for example Danes, Frisians, Sorbs and Romani people are exempt from the 5% threshold, but normally only run in state elections). -
Geschäftsbericht 2019 – 2021 (PDF)
2019BIS 2021 GESCHÄFTSBERICHT Wir sind Freie Demokraten. Wir glauben, dass Deutschland jetzt einen Neustart braucht. Wir glauben, dass es moderner, digitaler und freier werden muss. Wir glauben an das große DER Potenzial unseres Landes. Wir sind bereit, Verantwortung dafür zu übernehmen. FREIEN DEMOKRATEN Liebe Parteifreundinnen und Parteifreunde, liebe Freunde und Verbündete der Freien Demokraten, die besonderen Zeiten, die den Zeitraum dieses Geschäftsberichts prägen, manifestieren sich nicht zuletzt im anstehenden Bundes- parteitag: Zum ersten Mal in der Geschichte der FDP findet er digital statt. Bereits der Bundesparteitag im Jahr 2020 wurde von der Michael Zimmermann Corona-Pandemie beeinflusst: Gemeinsam haben wir – ebenfalls erstmalig – erfolgreich einen hybriden Bundesparteitag durchgeführt. Dennoch freue ich 2019 mich schon jetzt sehr darauf, bald wieder einen Parteitag in Präsenz veranstalten zu können. Auch politisch war der Berichtszeitraum von besonderen Herausforderungen geprägt. Die größte Stärke der Freien Demokraten war dabei eine stabilisierende Konstante: Hoch motivierte und engagierte Mitglieder, die sich ehrenamtlich in Gremien wie Bundesfachausschüssen eingebracht, die sich in großer Zahl an der Weiterentwicklung unseres Leitbildes Anfang 2020 beteiligt und die durch ihre Mitarbeit an unserem Entwurf für das Bundestagswahlprogramm die programmatische Aufstellung der FDP geprägt haben. Herzlichen Dank dafür! Mit der zügigen Einrichtung von digitalen Ortsverbänden, Fachausschüssen und einer Wahl-Software für Untergliederungen, mit neuen Mitmach-Formaten wie „Neu@FDP“ für Neumitglieder und „Wir@FDP“ als Schulungsangebot sowie mit weiteren Investitionen in die Digitalisierung konnten wir zur Modernisierung der Parteiarbeit beitragen – auch und gerade in Pandemie-Zeiten. Unsere Position als Digitalpartei Nr. 1, wie sie uns in einer Analyse der Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung bescheinigt wurde, wollen wir in Zukunft nicht nur halten, sondern noch weiter ausbauen.