THE FIRST CAMPAIGNS in SPAIN. by Mary Elizabeth Kerr B.A., U N I V E R S I T Y of B R I T I S N Columbia, 1966. a Thesis Submitt
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LAS MONEDAS CON NOMBRES DE ÉTNICOS DEL S. II Ac EN
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Archivo Español de Arqueología (E-Journal) Archivo Español de Arqueología 2008, 81, págs. 49-73 ISSN: 0066 6742 LAS MONEDAS CON NOMBRES DE ÉTNICOS DEL S. II a.C. EN EL NORDESTE PENINSULAR. ¿REFLEJO DE POSIBLES CIRCUNSCRIPCIONES?, ¿CIVITATES CON DOBLE NOMBRE? POR ARTURO PÉREZ ALMOGUERA Universidad de Lleida RESUMEN a través de la numismática, tan prolífica en la zona en esta etapa y, en concreto, la que en sus leyendas En el s. II a.C. se emiten en el nordeste de Hispania mo- nedas con el nombre de étnicos conocidos por las fuentes podemos reconocer como nombres de populi atesti- escritas. Se plantea el problema de si responden a una orga- guados por fuentes anteriores o posteriores, hecho casi nización territorial en circunscripciones que, curiosamente, insólito en otras zonas peninsulares. No pretendo ni corresponden con las regiones y principales populi que cita Plinio. Por otro lado estas cecas podrían corresponder a lo- mucho menos realizar un estudio numismático, sino calidades que pudieran tener otro nombre. basarme en los datos de los especialistas en ese campo con el fin de intentar pergeñar a través de sus datos SUMMARY la posible huella de una primera organización pro- piciada por los conquistadores. In the 2nd century BC coins were being minted in the Se ha incidido en muchas ocasiones que, en la His- northeast of Hispania with ethnic names known by written sources. This raises the problem of whether they are depend- pania republicana, las monedas con caracteres indí- ent upon a territorial organisation in districts that, interestingly, genas son el único documento propio que nos han would be the regiones and major populi mentioned by Pliny dejado las ciudades, o, si queremos, las sociedades in the 1st Century. -
El Área Superficial De Los Oppida En La Hispania “Céltica”
Complutuin, 6, 1995: 209-233 EL ÁREA SUPERFICIAL DE LOS OPPIDA EN LA HISPANIA “CÉLTICA” Martin Almagro-Gorbea, Antonio E Dávila* RESUWEN.- El análisis del tamaño de unos ¡00 oppida de superficie conocida de la Hispania Céltica propor- ciona datos de indudable interés para conocer su estructura urbanística, socio-política y territoriaL El tama- ño medio es de unas 20 Ha aunque sólo 4 superan las 50 Ha; 14 ocupan de SO a 25 Ha; más deI SO%, entre 2Sy 10 Ha; 24, de lOa SHaymuypocos oppida ocupan menos deS Ha. El análisis de los tamaños permite señalar cuatro zonas, relacionadas con las distintas áreas elno- culturales: 19 el bordemeridional y oriental de la Ateseta, con poblaciones de tipo ibérico, Oretanos y Olca- des; 29 las llanuras sedimentadas ocupadas por Carpetanos y l’acceos cuyos grandes oppida alcanzan hasta 100 Ha; 39 la Hispania húmeda, de Galaicos, Astures, Cántabros, Vascones, etc. • con oppida tardíos y de es- caso tamaño; 49 las áreas marginales de zonas montañosas que no alcanzaron una estructura urbana en la Antigtaedad. ,Ansnucr-An ana¿vsis ofnearly 100 oppida w’iIlr known area in Celtic” Iberia has provided sorne verv in- leresting resulis about ¡ts urban setilemen; and socio-political structure. Tire aver-age area is about 20 Ha. but only 4 are biggerthan SOFIa; 14 are between 50 and 25 Ha; more tIzan 509/o, benveen 25and JO Ha; 24,from JO ro 5 Ifa and only afew are less tIran 5 Ha. This analysis allows to distingnish four cultural areas, related witlr different ethnics groups: 1, tIre sou- thern and eastern border of the Meseta occupied by “Iberian “peoples, as Oretaul and Olcades; 2, tIre Meseta plains where the oppida of tire Carpetaul mrd Vaccel were as large as 100 Ha; 3. -
Historical Background Italy, Due to the Threat There from Throw the Entire Balance Over in the Following the Defeat of Hasdrubal Barca Hannibal
• The numerical superiority they enjoyed with their new mercenaries; • The superior quality of their legions, probably the finest in the Roman army; and, • Overconfidence bred from seven years of campaigning without a serious defeat. Had the Scipios actually faced only 35,000 Carthaginians with over 50,000 legionnaires and mercenaries as they believed, their chances for success would have been good. But Hasdrubal Barca had two additional detachments: 3,000 Numidian cavalry under Masinissa and 7,500 warriors under Indibilis. And Hasdrubal Barca also were unable to obtain more troops from had a trick up his sleeve that was to Historical Background Italy, due to the threat there from throw the entire balance over in the Following the defeat of Hasdrubal Barca Hannibal. Instead, the Scipios hired on a favor of Carthage. at Dertosa (see issue Nr. 4 of C3i for large body of 20,000 Celt-Iberian Dertosa Battle Module) by the Scipio mercenaries. The Celt-Iberians were a While Hasdrubal Barca observed the brothers in 215 BC, Carthage responded mix of those two peoples, found mainly Romans from his position at Amtorgis, by sending reinforcements. Two armies in the wilds of central Spain. They had a he ordered the forces of Hasdrubal were dispatched, one under Hasdrubal's reputation for ferocity and fighting skill. Gisgo, Masinissa and Indibilis to younger brother Mago, and another Both sides confidently planned to take concentrate at Mago Barca's camp under a political rival of the Barca clan, the offensive in 211 BC. near Castulo. Once these forces were Hasdrubal Gisgo. For the next three united, it appears he intended to move years (214-212 BC), the three Publius and Gnaeus Scipio knew that north against the Romans with his Carthaginian armies battled the two Hasdrubal Barca was encamped north combined forces. -
A Glimpse Into the Roman Finances of the Second Punic War Through
Letter Geochemical Perspectives Letters the history of the western world. Carthage was a colony founded next to modern Tunis in the 8th century BC by Phoenician merchants. During the 3rd century BC its empire expanded westward into southern Spain and Sardinia, two major silver producers of the West Mediterranean. Meanwhile, Rome’s grip had tight- © 2016 European Association of Geochemistry ened over the central and southern Italian peninsula. The Punic Wars marked the beginning of Rome’s imperial expansion and ended the time of Carthage. A glimpse into the Roman finances The First Punic War (264 BC–241 BC), conducted by a network of alliances in Sicily, ended up with Rome prevailing over Carthage. A consequence of this of the Second Punic War conflict was the Mercenary War (240 BC–237 BC) between Carthage and its through silver isotopes unpaid mercenaries, which Rome helped to quell, again at great cost to Carthage. Hostilities between the two cities resumed in 219 BC when Hannibal seized the F. Albarède1,2*, J. Blichert-Toft1,2, M. Rivoal1, P. Telouk1 Spanish city of Saguntum, a Roman ally. At the outbreak of the Second Punic War, Hannibal crossed the Alps into the Po plain and inflicted devastating mili- tary defeats on the Roman legions in a quick sequence of major battles, the Trebia (December 218 BC), Lake Trasimene (June 217 BC), and Cannae (August 216 BC). As a measure of the extent of the disaster, it was claimed that more than 100,000 Abstract doi: 10.7185/geochemlet.1613 Roman soldiers and Italian allies lost their lives in these three battles, including The defeat of Hannibal’s armies at the culmination of the Second Punic War (218 BC–201 three consuls. -
De I'existencia Deis Iacetans
PYRENAE. núm. 35, vol. 2 (2004) ISSN: 0079-8215 (p. 7-29) REVISTA DE PREHISTÓRIA I ANTIGUITAT DE LA MEDITERRANIA OCCIDENTAL JOURNAL OF WESTERN MEDITERRANEAN PREHISTORY ANO ANTIQUITY De I'existencia deIs Iacetans ALFRED BROCH 1 GARCIA Departament d'Educació de la Generalitat de Catalunya el de Casp, 15, E-0801 OBarcelona [email protected] Les fonts grecollatines esmenten un poble anomenat lacetans. La manca absoluta de testimonis no literaris sobre ells ha generat un llarg i complex debat que, en lloc de contemplar la manca d'evidencia no escrita com una dada positiva, ha intentat generar reconstruccions de l'evidencia textual que puguin resoldre les diverses i greus contradiccions entre els textos. Pero si es dóna un tractament diferent a l'evidencia escrita (amb una analisi de recurrencia), se la vincula amb el conjunt d'evidencia coneguda sobre els antics pobles peninsulars i s'aplica una crítica estricta que posi en evidencia les mancances de les principals propostes de reconstrucció, cal concloure que la pretesa existencia real d'una etnia lacetana, no és sinó el resultat de la confusió (escrita) amb altres dues etnies que sí van existir i de les quals hi ha testimonis ferms: els laietans i els iace tans. PARAULES CLAU LAIETANS, LACETANS, IACETANS, PALETNOLOGIA, CULTURA IBERICA. The ancient sources about Iberia talk about the ancient people named Lacetanian. The absolute lack of any kind of non-literary evidence about them has incited a large and old polemic attemp ting to solve the various and deep contradictions contained in the literary corpus. A better way to study this case consists in changing this lack of evidence into a positive datum, making a dif ferent use of the literary evidence by developing a recurrence analysis inserted into a larger stock of evidence about the ancient Iberian peoples. -
The Impact of the Roman Army (200 BC – AD 476)
Impact of Empire 6 IMEM-6-deBlois_CS2.indd i 5-4-2007 8:35:52 Impact of Empire Editorial Board of the series Impact of Empire (= Management Team of the Network Impact of Empire) Lukas de Blois, Angelos Chaniotis Ségolène Demougin, Olivier Hekster, Gerda de Kleijn Luuk de Ligt, Elio Lo Cascio, Michael Peachin John Rich, and Christian Witschel Executive Secretariat of the Series and the Network Lukas de Blois, Olivier Hekster Gerda de Kleijn and John Rich Radboud University of Nijmegen, Erasmusplein 1, P.O. Box 9103, 6500 HD Nijmegen, The Netherlands E-mail addresses: [email protected] and [email protected] Academic Board of the International Network Impact of Empire geza alföldy – stéphane benoist – anthony birley christer bruun – john drinkwater – werner eck – peter funke andrea giardina – johannes hahn – fik meijer – onno van nijf marie-thérèse raepsaet-charlier – john richardson bert van der spek – richard talbert – willem zwalve VOLUME 6 IMEM-6-deBlois_CS2.indd ii 5-4-2007 8:35:52 The Impact of the Roman Army (200 BC – AD 476) Economic, Social, Political, Religious and Cultural Aspects Proceedings of the Sixth Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire (Roman Empire, 200 B.C. – A.D. 476) Capri, March 29 – April 2, 2005 Edited by Lukas de Blois & Elio Lo Cascio With the Aid of Olivier Hekster & Gerda de Kleijn LEIDEN • BOSTON 2007 This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the CC-BY-NC 4.0 License, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. -
Iltirta Y Auso, Dos «Capitales» Regionales En La Hispania Republicana
AnMurciu. 9- 10. 1993-94, págs. 193-208 ILTIRTA Y AUSO, DOS «CAPITALES» REGIONALES EN LA HISPANIA REPUBLICANA Arturo Pérez Almoguera Sección de Prehistoria, Arqueología e Historia Antigua Universitat de Lleida' RESUMEN Estudio sobre el papel desempeñado por las ciudades ibéricas de Iltirta y Auso en la primera organización territorial romana de Hispania, en especial durante el siglo 11 a. de C. Ambos fueron importantes centros de carácter regional; el análisis de los contextos greco- romanos, la numismática y los escasos restos arqueológicos conocidos así lo confirman. En realidad, el proceso fue la continuación de una realidad ya preexistente con anterioridad a la conquista romana. Palabras clave: Mundo ibérico. Baja época. Romanización. Urbanismo. SUMMARY We work on the role played by the Iberian towns of Iltirta and Auso in Hispania's first Roman territorial organization and the beginning of the 2nd century B.C. as well as in the last, towards the end of the century. Both were two real regional centres, as the analysis of the Greek-Roman texts, Numismatic and the scarce archaeological remains prove. In fact, it was the continuation of a reality already pre-existent before the conquest. Key words: Iberic culture. Romanisation. Urbanism. ción primeramente y a fines del s. 11 o inicios del 1 a.c. con posterioridad. La primera tuvo como base la anterior orga- La no muy abundante documentación con que conta- nización indígena; la segunda contó con características ya mos para la etapa republicana, -fuentes escritas, arqueo- romanas. Este -
Pdf Algunos Problemas Relativos a Las Invasiones Indoeuropeas En
[Publicado previamente en: Archivo Español de Arqueología 23, n.º 82, 1951, 487-496. Versión digital por cortesía del editor (Servicio de Publicaciones del Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas. Madrid) y de los herederos del autor, con la paginación original]. © Antonio García y Bellido © De la versión digital, Gabinete de Antigüedades de la Real Academia de la Historia Algunos problemas relativos a las invasiones indoeuropeas en España Antonio García y Bellido [-487→] SOBRE LOS "ORETANI QUI ET GERMANI COGNOMINANTUR" DE PLIN. NH. III 25 Y LA 'Ωρητον Γερµανων DE PTOL. II 6, 58. Vamos a llamar la atención sobre dos trabajos recientísimos relacionados con este tema de los germani de España. El primero ha aparecido poco ha en la revista Guimarães, LX, 1950, 339 ss., y es debido al eminente arqueólogo P. Bosch Gimpera (su título: "Infil- trações germánicas entre os celtas peninsulares"). El segundo se debe al sabio lingüista A. Tovar, quien, movido por el trabajo de Bosch Gimpera antes citado, ha escrito para la recién nacida revista salmantina Zephyrus (I, 1950, 33 ss.) un artículo titulado "Sobre la complejidad de las invasiones indoeuropeas en nuestra Península". Es cosa admitida de antiguo que estos germani debieron venir a la Península como acarreo de cualquiera de las oleadas célticas que desde el siglo IX-VIII van entrando en España unas veces abiertamente, en verdaderas invasiones, otras en lento goteo como in- migraciones esporádicas de gentes o tribus que se trasladan imperceptiblemente, pacífica- mente, hacia el Sur. (Sobre este último aspecto de las llamadas "invasiones" expondremos luego ciertos testimonios fehacientes.) El modo y la fecha en que estos germani llegasen a España es cosa aún en el misterio. -
La Iberia Prerromana
La Iberia prerromana Prof. Mag. Miguel Afonso Linhares Sumario ¿Iberia o Hispania? Las fuentes históricas Las agrupaciones etnolingüísticas La cronología de los pueblos prerromanos La geografía de los pueblos prerromanos El léxico castellano de origen prerromano El celtismo La lengua vasca El vasquismo ¿Iberia o Hispania? Toda la región de más allá del Ródano y del istmo configurado por los golfos galáticos fue denominada Iberia por los autores antiguos, y en cambio los contemporáneos le señalan como límite el Pirene y dicen que Iberia e Hispania son sinónimos; otros daban ese nombre de Hispania solo a la región de más acá del Íber. Y otros aún anteriores llamaron a estos mismos igletes, que no ocupaban un gran territorio, según dice Asclepíades de Mirlea. Los romanos por su parte, llamando indistintamente Iberia o Hispania a todo el territorio, dieron a una parte la denominación de Citerior y a la otra la de Ulterior; pero a veces se sirven de otra división, adaptando su política a las circunstancias. (Estrabón, Geografía, III, 4, 19) Las fuentes históricas Cuando los romanos empezaron la conquista de Iberia, al inicio del siglo III a. C., la península estaba habitada por varios pueblos: astures, ausetanos, autrigones, bastetanos, berones, cántabros, caristios, carpetanos, cartagineses, celtíberos, célticos, ceretanos, conios, contestanos, cosetanos, edetanos, galaicos, griegos, ilercavones, ilergetes, indigetes, jacetanos, lacetanos, layetanos, lusitanos, oretanos, turdetanos, túrdulos, turmódigos, vacceos, várdulos, vascones, vetones etc. El conocimiento que se tiene hoy sobre estos pueblos depende de tres tipos de fuentes: 1. Los testimonios materiales, de los que se encarga la arqueología; 2. los testimonios lingüísticos, de los que se encarga la lingüística; 3. -
AELAW Booklet / 3 Iberian Language / Writing / Epigraphy Noemí Moncunill Martí Javier Velaza Frías
This output received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No. 715626. AELAW Booklet / 3 Iberian Language / Writing / Epigraphy Noemí Moncunill Martí Javier Velaza Frías INTRODUCTION* The Iberian language is principally documented by more than 2000 inscriptions dated between the fifth century BCE and first century CE, drawn from a region of the Mediterranean belt that stretches from the Hérault river in French Languedoc to Almeria. It is currently an undeciphered language. We are able to read its texts fairly reliably and even analyse the briefest and most formulaic of them with some competence, but nonetheless are unable to understand its meaning. From a typological perspective, it is almost certainly an agglutinative language which may present ergative features. Its hypothetical relationships with other languages, ancient or modern, are, however, still unproven: although a relationship with Aquitanian or ancient Basque is not impossible, it is unclear whether this would be genetic or through contact. The study of the Iberian language, like that of the other Palaeohispanic languages, goes back to the works of the numismatists, from Antonio Agustín and Velázquez to Delgado and Zóbel de Zangróniz. They are responsible for identifying the script and deciphering the first signs. When Emil Hübner published the first corpus of pre-Roman Hispanian inscriptions at the end of the nineteenth century, however, the system of transcription was still very deficient and did not even serve to reveal that these inscriptions were in fact evidence of various languages that are very different to one another. -
ROMA SURRECTA: Portrait of a Counterinsurgent Power, 216 BC - AD 72
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons CUREJ - College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal College of Arts and Sciences 5-2011 ROMA SURRECTA: Portrait of a Counterinsurgent Power, 216 BC - AD 72 Emerson T. Brooking University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/curej Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, Comparative Politics Commons, Military History Commons, and the Other Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Brooking, Emerson T., "ROMA SURRECTA: Portrait of a Counterinsurgent Power, 216 BC - AD 72" 01 May 2011. CUREJ: College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal, University of Pennsylvania, https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/145. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/145 For more information, please contact [email protected]. ROMA SURRECTA: Portrait of a Counterinsurgent Power, 216 BC - AD 72 Abstract This study evaluates the military history and practice of the Roman Empire in the context of contemporary counterinsurgency theory. It purports that the majority of Rome’s security challenges fulfill the criteria of insurgency, and that Rome’s responses demonstrate counterinsurgency proficiency. These assertions are proven by means of an extensive investigation of the grand strategic, military, and cultural aspects of the Roman state. Fourteen instances of likely insurgency are identified and examined, permitting the application of broad theoretical precepts -
Carthaginian Mercenaries: Soldiers of Fortune, Allied Conscripts, and Multi-Ethnic Armies in Antiquity Kevin Patrick Emery Wofford College
Wofford College Digital Commons @ Wofford Student Scholarship 5-2016 Carthaginian Mercenaries: Soldiers of Fortune, Allied Conscripts, and Multi-Ethnic Armies in Antiquity Kevin Patrick Emery Wofford College Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wofford.edu/studentpubs Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, and the Military History Commons Recommended Citation Emery, Kevin Patrick, "Carthaginian Mercenaries: Soldiers of Fortune, Allied Conscripts, and Multi-Ethnic Armies in Antiquity" (2016). Student Scholarship. Paper 11. http://digitalcommons.wofford.edu/studentpubs/11 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ Wofford. It has been accepted for inclusion in Student Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Wofford. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Wofford College Carthaginian Mercenaries: Soldiers of Fortune, Allied Conscripts, and Multi-Ethnic Armies in Antiquity An Honors Thesis Submitted to The Faculty of the Department of History In Candidacy For An Honors Degree in History By Kevin Patrick Emery Spartanburg, South Carolina May 2016 1 Introduction The story of the mercenary armies of Carthage is one of incompetence and disaster, followed by clever innovation. It is a story not just of battles and betrayal, but also of the interactions between dissimilar peoples in a multiethnic army trying to coordinate, fight, and win, while commanded by a Punic officer corps which may or may not have been competent. Carthaginian mercenaries are one piece of a larger narrative about the struggle between Carthage and Rome for dominance in the Western Mediterranean, and their history illustrates the evolution of the mercenary system employed by the Carthaginian Empire to extend her power and ensure her survival.