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The Munda Languages
Gregory D.S. Anderson
Mundari
Publication details https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.4324/9781315822433.chThree Toshiki Osada Published online on: 19 Mar 2008
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The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The publisher shall not be liable for an loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree ered as a dialect of Mundari from a linguistic point of view. Mundarifrom alinguisticpointof ered asadialectof cally belongtotheOraon tribe. According toPinnow (1959:2),Hoshould beconsid- is mainly spoken Ranchi by cityandtheadjacentarea, theinhabitants who ethni- of in thePanchpargana area (Bundu,Tamar, Silli,Baranda andRahe). Further, Kera Naguri speakers are situated onthewestern side. TheTamaria dialectisdistributed Ranchi–ChaibasaHasada speakers Road are located ontheeasternsideof while heard Tamaria. heremeans ‘low’) becauseIhave Idonotadoptthisterm insteadof never another dialect).Munda(1980:kha)hasproposed thenameLatar dialect( Tamar (placename)’,andKeraof from kera in Mundari,Naguri from naguri(placename),Tamaria from tama-ia‘language has four dialects;that is, Hasadafrom hasa-da‘(literally) landwater (placename)’ Munda people. of Mundari, ontheotherhand,refers toanindividual language, namely thelanguage view,a linguisticpointof thedesignation Mundaisusedfor thelanguage family. Mundariislikely tobemore thespeakers thanonemillion.From of number of the Mundalanguage andtheMundarilanguage linguistically. Thus, thetotal criteria for namingthelanguages inIndia.There isactually nodifference between and Mundariseemtoconfuse. Itislikely that thecensus officer didnothave perfect Mundaas413,894.Thenames speakers of Census reports thenumber of Mundariis861,378.Thesame speakers of India1991,thenumber of Census of theNorthMundabranch. According tothe belongs totheKherwarian group of name ishoojagar ‘humanlanguage’ ormu the language namemu Orissa andWest Bengalin India.Muameans‘village-headman’ inMundari.But Indiaon15Novemberthe Government 2000,andintheadjoiningstates of of Jharkhand,Mundari ismainly which spoken was recently inthestate setupby of 1 INTRODUCTION Toshiki Osada MUNDARI* CHAPTER THREE Sinha (1975) (his descriptions contain a lot of self-contradiction andsomedata are not Sinha (1975)(hisdescriptions contain alotof Hoffmann (1903),Cook(1965)(hisdata are collectednotby himbut by Hoffmann), described intheseworks. Linguistically oriented grammars have beenwritten by nor reliable view. from alinguistic pointof For example, theglottalstopswere not (1871), Whitley (1873),Nottrott (1882). Theseworks are neither comprehensive, (see thechapter onHoandtheotherKherwarian languages inthisbook). itsspeakers theethnicidentityof Ho language asaseparate language onthebasisof The Hasadadialectisconsidered asthestandard variety amongMundapeoples. As Hoffmann reported intheEncyclopaedia Mundarica,Vol.1, page (6),Mundari thisbook,Mundari As Gregory Andersonshows usintheIntroduction of The study of Mundaristartedinthenineteenthcentury;for example,The study of Haldar latar jagar inMundari. a ri isgiven by theneighbouringpeoples, theindigenous 99 a jagar ‘Mundalanguage’. (perfect ending, instead of keda in (perfectending,insteadof 1 We, however, regard the latar Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree (i /C (ii) (i)/(C)VV(C)/for example, /cee‘bird’ [ t for example, /ru‘tobeat adrum’ [ru]. As regards vowel length, an openandmonosyllabic astwo /CV/isrealized morae; are notphonemic.Itis, however, very importanttomake thedistinction phonetically. Mundari hasafive-vowel systemasshown inTable 3.1.Vowel lengthand nasalization 2.1 Phonemic inventory 2 PHONOLOGY EM andMunda(1971,1980). Munda asanative speaker hasgiven us reliable data. thedata ThusIutilize from EM are more comprehensive andreliable thanthoseinMG. Inaddition toEM, dialect. MGismainly basedonNaguri while EMmainly onHasada.Thedata in and workMundu (1995).Themostinfluential isHoffmann’s theglottalstops),and (1973, 1976)(inthesedictionariesshemissedadescriptionof Mundari hasbeencompiledby Hoffmann (1930–1978),Bhaduri(1931),Prasad on aspectbut incomplete);morpho-syntaxby Osada(1999,2007).Adictionaryof but unsuccessfully asIshow insection3.2),Munda(1971)(thispaper isfocussed on theNaguri dialect;heapplied Mundaridata tothestandard theoryby Chomsky as Sinha1975);verbal morphology by Langendoen(1966,1967)(hisdata are based by GumperzwithBiligiri(1957)andSinha(1974)(thedata are notreliable; thesame comprehensive), andOsada(1992)(thesectiononsyntaxisvery poor);phonology reliable), Munda(1980)(thisiswritteninHindiandcontainsreliable data but isnot 100 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES (iii) /jV/ (optionally) (iv) /oe/,oaua(optionally) for example, /koe water’ andsoe We notethefollowing boiling minimalpairintheexpressives soe‘soundof expressives are considered, nasalizationIf becomes(very marginally) contrastive. Vowel nasalizations are found inthefollowing circumstances: [ ae for example, /mu [ koasi for example, /ji‘smell’ [ di], /ja‘any’ [ a d Encyclopaedia Mundarica(=EM).ThedescriptionsinMGandEMdiffer in N V/ (C ], etc. ], /cua‘toextract aliquidby fire’ [ tua N meansanasalconsonant) ‘to sitinaslovenly fashion’. / ‘nose’ [ mu:], /nu‘todrink’ [ nu: i e i Low Mid High MUNDARI VOWELSTABLE 3.1: Vowel inventory rn eta Back Central Front 2 a / ‘beggar’ [ k ] or[ da ], /ae‘topouroutliquid’ ] or[ tua o u ] Mundari Grammar (=MG) ], but /jo‘fruit’ [ d ]. ] /koasi/ ‘fog’ ]. Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree position, thedistinctionbetween voiced stops the two glottals two one sibilant:s position. Two nasalsm and ple, appears inallpositionsbut occursinwor kagoj ‘paper’ from in word-final positioninrecent loanwords; for example, Hindi loan words from adjoiningIndo-Aryan languages; for example, haa in recent loanwords. Theretroflex stops aschecked andrealized neutralized consonants nants, among thedialectsisthat in Hasadacorresponds (Table 3.3)toinothers. and Kera dialectshave them.Thesamegoesfor intervocalic h.Anotherdifference description isbased,andTamaria dialectshave noaspirated stopswhile theNaguri phoneme. y Thetwo glidesw, añisvery high,soIrecognize /ñ/ asadistinct fix -a,aña‘my’. Thefrequency of as[ai]orwhenis realized usedindependently but as[a]before genitive suf- The palatal nasalñ Mundari has23consonants(Table 3.2)including10stops:p, b, t,d, As farasthedifferences amongdialectsare concerned,theHasada,onwhich my bes ‘good’ from bez inPersian (through adjacentIndo-Aryan). Thetwo liquidsr glottals: l canoccurinallpositionswhile anotherliquid semivowel lateral flap nasal fricative stop voiced stop voiceless MUNDARI CONSONANTS TABLE 3.2: ha occursonly ininter-vocalic positionand c, j Thetwo stopsc, h, r, ; three liquids:r, TABLE 3.3:MUNDARI DIALECTCOMPARISON ls aaaNgr aai Kera Tamaria Naguri Hasada ‘river’ ‘pole’ ‘flower’ gloss Differences amongdialects h, given intheconsonantinventory chart.Allstopconsonantsexcept ka appears only inoneword; that is, añ‘I(1stpersonsinglar)’. appear inword-initial andword-medial position.Inword-final ga
wy mn bd aildna erlxpltlvlrglottal velar palatal retrolex dental pt labial Consonant inventory z andn /ka goz
a aababaha baa baha ga kua baa are phonetically asaffricates realized [ never occurininitialposition. aga inPersian through adjoiningIndo-Aryan. Thesibilants canappear inallpositions. Butamongnasalconso- l r sh , l;five nasals:m,n, d-final positiononly for loanwords; for exam- khua aga , inword-final positiononly occurin p, t,k occursonl b, d b, khua kua canoccuronly inword-medial ñ jg c andvoiceless stops aga andaglottalstop , ñ, a c y inword-final position. ‘flame’ from Hindia w, y ; two glides:w, k a t MUNDARI 101 ,d] andoccur ‘market’ from , , c, j,k,g; b, d,g except ; and is c
, Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree remaining forms which may becountedashaving two morae. Inmost CVy insections2.1.and2.2.Hencewe discusshere only the monosyllabic words of monosyllabic CV, wordsseen theexamples intheform of of CVb, CVd,CV a phonological word inMundarihasatendencytokeep two morae. We have already consonant, and(c)between two consonantswhich form aconsonantcluster. that is, (a) between two successive vowels, (b)between avowel andafollowing consonantclusters. syllable There are boundary, only simplicityof three typesof A phonological word inMundaricanbesyllabified by asimpleruleduetothe Syllablestructure andphonotactics 2.3 final /g/,Idescribeyasiore. thefirstwordI phonemicize asnegandthesecondonene.Inaddition tothis minimal paircanbefound: change isvery clear: /dub-a(/a/: voiced stops/banddasHoffmann did.Thefollowingof morphophonological the voiceless stops/pandt/.ButItreat thesechecked consonantsasallophones Gumperz (1957)considerschecked stopsinword-final positionasallophones of in monosyllabic ones. For example, themorpheme. There isnonasalreleasestructure inpolysyllabic of words but only observation, whether by nasalrelease thesyllable occursornotisdetermined is released, which isoptionally followed by nasalrelease and stops. thecorresponding normal Thentheglottalclosure position isthesameasthat of closed andthetongueorlipssimultaneously form anoral closure. Thetongueorlip position. The stopphonemes/banddare aschecked realized consonantsinmorpheme-final consonantsistheso-calledchecked consonantseries.The mostpeculiarfeature of 2.2 Checked consonants 102 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES morpheme but never inpolysyllabic morphemes. For instance, / /gand y/. Glottalstopsare followedof by echo-vowel release inmonosyllabic stand up’ [birida]not[birita]. C consonants which occurasC loanwords, for example, bes[b havewe sim [si%m]‘chicken’, dul[du%l]‘topour’.We have exceptions inthefollowing but /racag/ ‘topull’ [raca 2 The middle vowels intrisyllabic words canoptionally bedeleted. Itseemstomethat Recent loanwords inMundariallow morpheme-finalg. It ismentionedthat nasalrelease aftertheglottalrelease isoptional.Inmy The phonetic description of thesechecked consonantsisasfollows:The phoneticdescriptionof first,the glottis is Glottal stopsare alsoregarded aschecked consonantsbecausetheseare allophones b, d itisnot/b, is eitheraliquidornasalif /rid ‘togrind’ [ri [n] ‘here take it’ (interjection) [ng] ‘religious feast’ /ub ‘hair’ [u b m ] but /udub‘totell’ [udu d n ] but /birid‘tostandup’ [biri ]; /poy/ ‘torinse’ [p 2 inallthesecases constitute onemora. %s] ‘good’,soj[s IND ) ‘willsit’ [duba]notdupaand/birid-a‘will / or b ], but /tukuy‘tosaw’ [tukui ]; %d /. Denotingamora boundaryby %, ] ‘straight’. We consider that the d ]. voicing. Thus, [ Thusthefollowing rag / ‘tocall’ [ra C 1 VC b m ]. 2 ], [ words, words, , and d n a], ]. Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree phonological word, asseeninTable 3.4. We a CandVinthesyllable now listallthepossible structure combination of of CVC.CVC.CV CVC.CV.CVC CVC.CV.CV VC.CVC.CV VC.CV.CVC VC.CV.VC VC.CV.CV VC.CV.V CV.CVC.CVC CV.CVC.CV CV.CV.CVC CV.CV.VC CV.CV.CV CV.CV.V CV.V.CVC CV.V.CV V.CVC.CVC V.CVC.CV V.CV.CVC V.CV.VC V.CV.CV V.CV.V V.V.CVC V.V.CV Trisyllabic CVC.CVC CVC.CV VC.CVC VC.CV CV.CVC CV.VC CV.CV CV.V V.CVC V.CV V.V Disyllabic CVC CV VC Monosyllabic MUNDARI WORD CVSTRUCTURE TABLE 3.4: pampalad ‘butterfly’ nimne ‘enough(for food)’ kumbu ‘thief’ enb ‘rather’ (EM) ega-te ‘his/hermother’ inku-a ‘their’ ok ‘humansacrifice’ ega-o ‘motheralso’ hsr ‘live coal’ sli ‘tall’ tutukun ‘cold’ rasika ‘r ble ‘difficulty’ sitn ‘evil’ bil ‘deaf’ o ndi ‘marriage’ eper ‘quarrel’ ale-a ‘our’ (plural andexclusive) asadi ‘feelennui’ apia ‘three’ aosan ‘bringabout an improvement’ (EM) auri seel ‘fire’ o ‘fool’ umbul e ‘mother’ bulu ‘salt’ tain ‘live’ bulu ‘thigh’ bai udub ‘tell’ uku ‘hide’ au ‘bring’ jo jo ‘fruit’ ub ‘hair’ k o o ‘make’ ‘to sweep’ ‘not yet’ ‘shade’ ‘lifttheheadwhilst lying down’ (EM) ejoice’ balae-n ‘worry’ MUNDARI 103 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree sentence intonation. Asfor level-pitches there are three; high pitches, falling/,rising mainly contour. discusstheterminal social background, etc.However we donotdiscussthesefeatures indetailhere. We paralinguistic features, that is, information about thespeaker’s emotion,attitude, sentenceboundaries. Moreover,structure suchasthemarking of intonation conveys grammatical pitch.Furthermore, intonation patterns functionsasasignalof of of contrast between several sentencetypeswhich may bemarked by thedistinctive use intonation istoprovideAs farassentenceintonation isconcerned, themajorrole of (i) In an (i Theaccentpatterns are asfollows: (ii) (i) Langendoen 1963:14–15,N.K. Sinha1975:39). stress but pitchaccent.Previous studieshave mentionedonly stress (Cook1965:100, Santali, andHo),hasatonalcontrast (Zide1960,1966). Munda language group alongwithKherwarian languages (includingMundari, Austroasiatic.branch of AmongMundalanguages, Korku, which forms theNorth Mundari isnotatonelanguage, unlike someMon-Khmerlanguages intheother 2.4 Intonation/stress 104 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES Word accentalsokeeps itshighlevel pitchat thesentencelevel. Besideshigh-level Word accentinMundaricanbedescribedthefollowing manner: (e) (e) A quadrisyllabic word isdivided intotwo bisyllabic phonological words. eat- ‘They ate something.’ (a) A (a) A jom (d) (c) (b) Accent isnormally assignedtothesecondsyllable indisyllabic words; for final syllable. Word accentisnotphonemicbecauseitpredictable. Ineachphonological pitch. word anaccentisassignedtoonly onesyllable which ismarked by ahigh 1 COMPL feel astonished’. Accent isallocated toeachphonological word; for example, ‘lord’ but dondo syllable but tothesecondsyllable; for example, s nasal andhomorganic stopsequences, theaccent isassignednottothefirst falls onthefirstsyllable. When asyllable boundaryislocated between the in adisyllabic word isheavier thanthesecondsyllable, theaccentnormally syllableExceptions weight. tothisruleare When theresult of thefirst kumb( deleted; for suffix. Anunaccentedvowel inthesecondsyllable canoptionally be word thefirstsyllable isthe heaviest.even if Thesecondsyllable ina trisyllabic Further, inatrisyllabic word, accentisnever assignedtothefirst syllable example, -ke / ba/ ‘flower’ [baa
affirmative (declarative) sentenceafallingintonation isallocated tothe monosyllabic phonological word isalways accentuated; 3 -d-a - cannot beaccentuated unlesstheelementinlastsyllable isa u TR ) 2 - -ko u bulu IND ‘thief’.
example, -3 ‘thigh’,bulu PL ‘tolift’,campa
] or[ba / andfalling-risingcontoursplay amajorrole in pampala a
], salt’,sege da d ‘a kind of flower’. ‘akindof ‘butterfly’, a ‘water’ [da l ‘fire’.
a r ] or[da and ī ‘marriage’, 3 Mundaridoesnothave īrma ‘sky, year’, go 1 , middle a
]. 4 2 for example, aka andlow apī-a ‘three’, danda syllable 3 mke
‘to . Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree i) (iv) Negative anddeclarative sentenceshave thesamepitchpatterns as(i).Further, with 1and2.Thisrulecanbeextended beyond amorphemeboundarywithin a The subsets1and2cannotco-occurwithinamorpheme while 3canco-occur morpheme. Thisphenomenoniswell-known asvowel harmony. distinct subsets, that is, highvowels andmid-vowels which donot co-occur withina phonological restriction, which divides vowelsMundari hasakindof intotwo 2.5 Morphophonology ii When sentenceparticlesoccurinsentence-finalposition,the intonations (iii) i) (ii) In aninterrogative sentenceafalling–risingintonation isassignedtothefinal These distinctsubsetscanbedescribedby theirdistinctive features (Table 3.5). syllable of thesentence.syllable of ka (c) A sentencewiththenegation marker by kaischaracterized afalling ‘Didn’t theyeat something?’ ka ‘They didn’t eat something.’ (b) eat- a Insentenceswiththequestionmarker ci, (a) ‘Did theyeat something?’ jom negative andinterrogative sentenceshave thesamepitchpatterns as(ii). are different (ii). from thepattern of 1 1 =ko =ko 1 COMPL ‘Did theyeat something?’ jom ‘I wonder whether they ate somethingornot.’ ‘Did theyeat something?’ COMPL jom jom contour. but In sentenceswithquestionmarker ci+negation marker ka,ciisnotmarked, -ke 1 1 1 1 1 3 jom jom ka hasamarked risingintonation. -ke -ke -ke -d-a - - TR TR 3 3 3 -d-a -d-a -d-a 2 1 1 - - -ko -ke -ke IND IND 2 2 2 3 3 -ko -ko -ko -3 -3 -d-a -d-a PL PL 2 3 3 ka ci ci
3. [+low] 2. [-high, - 1. [+high] low] FEATURE SETS MUNDARI HARMONY TABLE 3.5: 2 2 Q 2 ka 1 ci is always highlevel pitch. MUNDARI 105 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree 106 THE 106 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES (5) (4) (3) can only beverbalizedby attaching verbal endings. For example, without any morphological change, while aprototypical nounlike buru‘mountain’ This meansthat aprototypical lexical verb like jom‘eat’ canbeusedasanoun Hoffmann (1903:xxi)declared thefollowing: speechsince thepartsof thetraditional definitionsof words of intoclassesinterms For thedifficulties Mundarithere incategorizing hasbeenalengthy discussionof 3.1 Word class 3 MORPHOLOGY (2) (6) (1) the sametimecompletionaspectmarker ke transitive marker d personalpronominal suffixes.of assimilation hasoccurred, whereas progressive assimilation hasoccurred inthecase adopted inanewly borrowed word. Thussuri
to the / -ra ,
Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree word classes. These three have asimilarword process. The demonstratives have arichderivational system.Iillustrate theminTable 3.11. Remote xmarked: unmarked) asfollows (Table 3.10): Demonstratives inMundarimake a3×2contrast set (Proximate: Intermediate: 3.2.4 Demonstratives ‘our country’ inpoetry, but abu-adisum‘ourcountry’ incolloquialspeech. Mundari stillretains thissystem. For instance, we have disum-tabu( construction, pronoun poetryin +genitive suffix -a,thoughthelanguage of performed by thereduced pronominal suffixes which follow thegenitive marker 110 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES follows (Table 3.8): Thus, thepossessive pronoun andindependentpronoun canbedescribedas Apart from thedemonstratives, we have interrogative andindefinitepronouns as The variants ne-/ni-,e-/i-,andhe-/hi-are definedby thevowel harmony rule. In colloquialMundari,thissystemhasbeenalmostcompletely replaced by the Furthermore, we possessive have pronouns (Table anoldsystemof 3.9). Thisis 3 2 1 (exclusive) 1 (inclusive) Singular TABLE 3.8:MUNDARI POSSESSIVEPRONOUNS –I Marked Unmarked Demonstrative bases Proximate TABLE 3.10:MUNDARI DEMONSTRATIVES –I ecuie 3 2 1 (exclusive) 1 (inclusive) Singular Possessive TABLE 3.9:MUNDARI POSSESSIVEPRONOUNS –II ossiepoon Independentpronoun ay-a am-a añ-a Possessive pronoun
ta-e ta-m ta-ben ta-pe ta-ñ ta-la ako-a akin-a aben-a ali-a ala-a Dual Plural Singular a - ha- hi-/he- na- a- ne-/ni- i-/e- pronouns ape-a ale-a abu-a Intermediate ta-kin ta-ko ta-li Dual Plural ay-ag-a am-ag-a añ-ag-a Remote ta-le ta-bu disum ‘country’) -ta. Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree Marked Unmarked place Adverbs of Demonstrative adverbials ‘that much’ ‘that much’ Marked Unmarked Emphatic (more thanone’s expectation) ‘thismuch’ Marked ‘thismuch’ Unmarked Nominals Marked Unmarked Adjectivals Definite demonstratives Marked Unmarked Demonstrative pronouns (inanimate) Marked Unmarked Plural Marked Unmarked Dual Marked Unmarked Singular Demonstrative pronouns (animate) Marked Unmarked Demonstrative adjectives Intermediate Proximate TABLE 3.11:MUNDARI DEMONSTRATIVES –II Remote hr,hte,fo ee ‘there, thither, ‘here, hither, from here’ nare, nate, naate ‘here, there, from here’ nere, nete, neate (more thanone’s expectation) ‘this somuch’ nmpir/nmpin mpi/mpin nmpuru/nmpiu/ mpuu/mpiu ‘this somuch’ nimpir/nimpin impi/impin nimpuru/nimpiu/ impuu/impi minu/munu (more thanone’s expectation) ‘this much’ nminu/nmunu nmin/nmun/ min/mun/ ‘this much’ niminu/nimunu iminu/imunu nimin/nimun/ imin/imun/ amin/amun namin/namun imin/imun nimin/nimun naya ana nea ena nako ako niku inku hana hena nakin akin nikin inkin hanko nai hinku nii hankin hinkin na- an- ne-/ni- in-/en- han- hin-/hen-
rmtee ‘yonder, toyonder, from yonder’ from there’ ‘yonder,enre, toyonder, ente, enate from there’ henre, hente, henate ‘there, thither, enre, ente, enate ‘that somuch’ ‘that somuch’ ‘that much’ ‘that much’ ani ini
al .1 continued) (Table 3.11 from yonder’ hanre, hante, hanate hani hini Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree There are four interrogative bases(Table 3.12): interrogative be usedindependently while caandcicanactonly asaderivational base. The are identicaltothedemonstrative ones. Theinterrogative basesoko andcilikacan and leka ‘like’. Theinterrogatives caandcimay berelated tothedemonstrative basesa 112 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES (12) cannot. For instance, The indefiniteoko canbefollowed by thetopicmarker dobut theinterrogative oko on thecontext. They, however, have at leastonedistinguishingsyntacticcriterion. The distinctionbetween interrogative oko andindefinite oko issomewhat dependent Marked Unmarked manner Adverbs of Marked Unmarked time Adverbs of Intermediate Proximate Remote TABLE 3.11:CONTINUED
Mundari hasthree indefinite bases(Table 3.13): The interrogative ci-likacanbederived from theotherinterrogative baseciplus i. Thesefour interrogatives are derivational bases. Thesederivational formations ‘Who hascome?’ INTER oko-e hiju-aka-n-a. -3 oko manner. functionsasamodifierwhereascilika asanadverb of SG come- ‘like this’ naka anka (against one’s‘like this’ expectation) neka enka hanka (against one’s expectation) henka ‘this time’ nmt/nmtu mt/mtu ‘this time’ nimt/nimtu imt/imtu aantoes xetto) (against one’s expectation) ci-lika ca andci oko TABLE 3.12:MUNDARI INTERROGATIVES
jeta ja oko MUNDARI INDEFINITES TABLE 3.13: CONT - ITR - IND ‘like that’ ‘like that’ ‘that time’ ‘that time’ ‘any’ ‘any’ ‘some’ ‘how’ ‘what’ ‘which’ ‘like yonder’ ‘like yonder’ Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree tion process. We ithere inthefollowing summarize way: feature ‘negative’ may berelated to‘lessthanone’s expectation’. one’s expectation) andi/e(lessthanone’s expectation) here. Ithinkthat thesemantic negative. We shouldpay attention tothesemanticdistinctionbetween a(more than function but the indefinitejeteimplying emphatic ismore frequently usedwiththe The indefinitesjaandjeta,which are nearly synonyms, have thesamesyntactic (i) Emphatic definites (vii) (13) (x) Adverbs of manner Adverbs of (x) (ix)Adverbs of place time Adverbs of (viii) (ii)Pronoun (Animate) (v Possessive pronoun (Animate) (iv) Inanimate (iii) (i) Adjectivals (i Definites (vi) Possessive pronoun (Inanimate) (v) Demonstrative, Interrogative andIndefinitepronouns have asimilarword forma- DB, INTB, INDB+-(i)--leka/ka.For example, ja-leka‘any ways’. which side’. DB, INTB, INDB+-(n)-(sa,ta ) +re, te, ate.For example,oko-sa -te ‘to DB, INTB, INDB+-(i)--mta/mtu.For example, ci-mta‘when.’ plural) +a DB, INTB, INDB+(-n-)-e/-i things’. DB, INTB, INDB+-(n)--a.For example, ca-n-a ‘which things’, plural). For example, oko-kin ‘who (dual)’,ja-n-ku‘any persons’. DB, INTB, INDB+(-n-)-e/-i bases) +-n.For example, ja-n‘any kindof’. ca-n‘what akindof’, DB(=Demonstrative bases),INTB(=Interrogative bases),INDB(=Indefinite DB, INTB, INDB+-(i)- much’. DB, INTB,- +-(a INDB+-(i)--min/mun rea DB, INTB, INDB+(-n-)-a-rea/-ra (Genitive). For example, oko-a- any persons’. ‘of For example, ci-mpuru‘how much exactly’. ‘Someone hascome(but notall).’ INDEF oko-e do hiju-aka-n-a. ‘of which thing’,ja-n-a-ra ‘of -3 SG
(Genitive). For example, ca-n-kin-a‘whose (dual)’,jeta-n-ku-a TOP come- CONT - mpuru/mpirumpira/mpina ITR ‘of any things.’ ‘of (for singular),-kin(for dual),-ko/-ku (for (for singular),-kin(for dual),-ko/-ku (for - IND /u). For example, ci-min-a ‘how /mpinu MUNDARI 113 ja-n-a ‘any mpunu. Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree a inpost-vocalic positiontotheshortforms, asisshown below. -ia/eainpostconsonantalpositionor theaddition of The countingforms consistof systems “comefrom Munda” –ashasbeenclaimedisquestionable’. both MundaandmodernIndo-Aryan usethem.Whether theIndo-Aryan vigesimal Aryan andDravidian (oldandmodern)lacked vigesimalcountingsystems, but Zide(1978:1),‘presumablyto Norman Proto-Austroasiatic aswell asoldIndo- Table 3.14presents Cardinal numerals. 3.2.5 Numerals (d) Semantic features INDB=Indefinitebases (c) INTB=Interrogative bases (b) DB=Demonstrative bases (a) 114 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES The following aheadnoun: shortforms are usedfor the modifierof As we have seenbelow, Mundarihasavigesimalcountingsystem.According a more thanexpected i/e unmarked orlessthanexpected ‘any’ jeta- ja- ‘any’ oko- ‘some’ oko- ‘which’ ca-/ci- ‘what’ marked unmarked iral ‘eight’,are ‘nine’,gel mid/mod ‘one’,bar‘two’, api ‘three’, upun‘four’, moe‘five’, turui‘six’,ee‘seven’, Proximate Intermediate Remote aa ha na a eiei he/i ne/i e/i moe hisiormod/midsau api hisi bar hisi mod/mid hisimiad/moyod mod/mid hisi gel miad/moyod gel-ea are-a iral-ia ee-a turui-a/turi-a moe-a upun-ia api-a bar-ia miad/moyod MUNDARI NUMERALS TABLE 3.14: ‘ten’. ‘5×20=100 or1x100=100’ ‘3×20=60’ ‘2×20=40’ ‘1×20+1=21’ ‘1×20=20’ ‘10+1=11’ ‘ten’ ‘nine’ ‘eight’ ‘seven’ ‘six’ ‘five’ ‘four’ ‘three’ ‘two’ ‘one’ Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree (i) and (ii). Compound postpositions can be formed be can postpositions Compound (ii). and (i) following the in order: ko postposition The (iii) (iii) (i) (i) (ii) (ii) with the verb. the with phrasewhich may relationship functional a in standing complement a as used be Postpositionsform can and position postnominal a in placed be can postpositional a Postpositions 3.2.6 always jan/jon Indo-Aryan with co-occurs numerals. For example, The word The jan/jon Thus, arealfeature. ‘person’, o ho uses Mundari a o numeral out, pointed has 115) (1956/1980: Emeneau As are classifiers Indian an (i (ii) ‘one’ mi/mo (i) ‘once’ mi-sa/mo-sa in (c.f. bar-sa following The variant forms are notable: Ordinalnumeral forms are follows: as of Santali numerals. Santali of numeralforms ‘seven’, distributive the with coincide These ‘nine’. and ‘eight’, form formsfor ‘one’ ‘six’ to ‘ten’, and while reduplication complete required is for the Distributivecardinal forms forms for are reduplication partial a numeral the of The main postpositions can be divided be can postpositions main The following the in way: Distributivenumerals are cardinal the expressed numerals. by reduplication of (ii) + (iii) + (i) + (iii) + (ii) ‘threechildren’ threeNumeral child- Classifier tin threechild- person hon-ko o ho api ‘three children’ ko ‘on the side’ the ‘on sa ‘fourdays’, etc.) mu re ‘in’ ‘approximate’ a e ‘first’ sida ‘five e-a mo-mo each’ ‘four up-upun-ia each’ ‘three ap-api-a each’ ba-bar-ia‘two each’ mi-miyadeach’ ‘one ‘one’ mu-si in ‘second’ jan/jon (fromIndo-Aryan) currently also is However, Mundari. in used does not appear not does independently but following and (ii) or (i) with ‘one day’ ‘one (c.f. bar-si ‘to, te by’ ‘vicinity’ ta PL
hon-ko ge-gel-eaeach’ ‘ten are-aare-a each’ ‘nine iral-iairal-ia each’ ‘eight ‘seven ee-a ee-a each’ ‘six each’ ‘six tu-turi-a ‘with’ lo ‘from’ ate/ete PL
‘twodays’, ‘three api-ma days’, upun-ma ‘head’ boo ‘house’, classifiers. as ‘twice’, ‘twice’, ‘three api-sa etc.) times’, MUNDARI 115
Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree process, namely, infixation: thefactthat anouncanbe derived from averbbecause of by amorphological between nounsandverbs insection 3.0.Thisdistinctionshouldbemaintained We have already discussedthelexical semanticambiguityinvolving the 3.2.7 Derivation (16) Moreover, itmay refer toquantityasfollows: (15) It may alsorefer totimeasinthefollowing instance: The process isdetailedasfollows: 116 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES (14) This may refer tolocation asinthefollowing example: (ii) thispostpositionare benefactive andpurpose.The semanticfunctionsof (i) Other postpositionswillbeillustrated below. jaked, habi/hami‘until,upto’. nagen
re te te ko-re ‘nearin’ ate ‘from’ ko-te ‘nearto’ sa-ko-te ‘in’ ‘to’ ‘by’ tagoe ‘tochew’ tukui ‘tosew’ teba ‘toarrive’ e ‘tobegin’ ol ‘towrite’ rakab ‘torise’ dub ‘tosit’ (C)VC(VC) ‘This buffalo willcostupto60rupees.’ this buffalo three-twenty-up to=3 ‘They willstay at Ranchi untilMonday.’ Monday-until Ranchi- ‘They went uptoRanchi.’ Ranchi-up to=3 ne kea api-hisi-jaked(habi/hami)=e gono-o -a. tai-n-a. sombar-jaked (habi/hami)Ranci-re=ko Ranci-jaked (habi/hami)=ko sen-ke-n-a. ‘for’. sa ‘ontheside’ re sa-re sa-te ‘totheside’ sa-te ‘by theside’ sag-ate ‘from theside’ na otesd’ na otesd’ ‘shortly after’ ‘shortly before’ ‘neartotheside’ ‘neartheplace’ ‘near totheside’ ‘near theside’ sa-ko-re SG (C)V unu hu inu ma unu ji NEG > > person- ‘very long’ LOC > remain- =1 ‘very short’ ‘very big,great’ -also SG : SUBJ PL see- NEG COMPL NEG =1 =1 CONT SG - ITR : SG SUBJ - : - SUBJ TR IND like- -3 PL etc. ‘thismuch : OBJ IND - IND Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree transitive suffixes, -nandd,respectively. intransitive labile and sitive verbs isdistinguishedby ortransitive meansof useof belong, intransitive, like theEnglish‘break’). Intransitive verbs are few innumber (here stem. Verbal stemsmay beeithertransitive, orintransitive, orlabile (i.e. transitive- or complex; complex bases are theverbal formed by reduplication orserializingof order elementformula asgiven inTable 3.15. an description.Thebasicverbal structure inMundarimay of bedescribedinterms standard theory. Heconfessedthefollowing inastraightforward manner. Langendoen (1967)triedtodescribeMundariverb conjugation basedonChomsky’s 3.3 Verbal morphology rasika-te ‘joyfully’, mani-te‘slowly’, eskar-te ‘alone’. Several localsemanticfunctionsare expressed mainly by postpositionalphrases. example, Monday’, postpositional phrase. For instance, seta-re ‘inthemorning’,sombar-ate ‘from In addition totheadverbs given above, timecanbeexpressed by a adverbs of generative-transformational statement given here (inadequate asitisat A verbal baseisformed by affixing toaverbal stem.Verbal basescanbesimple I aimtopresent inthischapter notatheory-orientedbut adata-oriented many languages. (Langendoen1967:57) theMundariverbal form isnotnearly ascomplexthe morphology asthat of of found intheMundariverb conjugation. Andreally itmust beadmittedthat points) for displaying theintricate interconnections amongthe various am reasonably convinced that nosuch formulation willbeamatch for the to formulate suchachartfor theMundaridata presented inthispaper. I acomplex morphological systemare advised displaying toattempt thefactsof morphemeorder chartsfor theefficacyThe reader of who isconvinced of manner;The postpositionte(instrumental)canbeusedfor for adverbs of example, location must alwaysAdverbs of beexpressed by apostpositionalphrase. For ‘two years later’ satom kalom ‘next year’ nimir ‘nowaday’ inu ‘toplay’, a Ranci-re ‘inRanchi’, oa-te ‘tothehouse’,hatu-ate‘from the village’. etwar-jaked ‘untilSunday’. c c the suffix -a(indicative marker) isusedtoindicate themain b the transitive marker andtheintransitive marker only appear a Notes +(n) + Verb base+(Aspectmarker) TABLE 3.15:MUNDARI VERBTEMPLATE (d/) (+Obj) verb of the clause verb of excepting certainimperative forms. n: intransitive marker, d:transitive marker, withvariant . when anaspectmarker ispresent. ‘to dawn’, o‘tobefoolish’, andthelike). Theintran- a (=Subj) MUNDARI 119 patterns various Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree 120 THE 120 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES suffixes which are usedfor subject–objectagreement: and objectNPare classifiedasanimate nouns. Table 3.16listspersonalpronominal The subjectandobjectagreement elementcanbemarked only when thesubjectNP 3.3.1 Subject (30) passive construction: tion -te,inatypeof bisi-ja-d-ko-a . *maihon-ko (29) not grammatical becausethetransitive subjectisinanimate. transitive subjectNPsare basically animate nouns. Thus, thefollowing sentenceis when thesubjectNPsare classifiedasanimate nouns. Inaddition tothisprinciple, theverb.agreement elementat theendof Munda peoplebelongingtotheyounger generation tendtoplacethesubject (28) (27) locomotion, canoccupy thetransitive subject slot.Inthat case, thesubjectagreement Some inanimate nounsdenotingnatural objects, which automatic are capable of (26) non-subject. For example, verb orasaclitictothepreverbal NP, which may benotonly thesubjectbut alsoa different slots. the Thesubjectagreement elementisattached eithertotheendof Instead, itisplacedininstrumentalfunctionby adding theinstrumentalpostposi- As Ihave pointedoutearlier, thesubjectagreement elementcanbemarked only The sameforms are usedfor subject,objectandindirect object,but occupy food-by child- ‘The food haspoisonedthechildren.’ food child- ‘They willgotomorrow.’ tomorrow=3 ‘I ameating thefood.’ food=-1 ‘The children have sat.’ ‘The children have beenpoisonedby thefood.’ child- -ehnk=o bisi-ja-n-a. mai-te hon-ko=ko gapa=ko senog-a. mai=ñ jom-ta-n-a. hon-ko=ko dub-aka-n-a. PL =3 SG : PL SUBJ Ecuie 3rd -ñ-la 2nd Exclusive Inclusive 1st SG. DL TABLE 3.16:MUNDARI AGREEMENT MARKERS PL : PL SUBJ : eat- PL SUBJ PL sit- poison- =3 go- PROG PL CONT : SUBJ IND - TR - -e/-i/-e/-i -m -ben -pe INGR ITR poison- - IND - IND - TR -3 PL INGR : OBJ - - IND ITR -kin -ko -li - IND -le -bu Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree (38) (37) (36) transitive/intransitive marker, asinthefollowing: marker. We candifferentiate transitive sentencesfrom intransitive sentenceby the The above sentences are unmarked for aspectmarker andtransitive/intransitive (35) (34) (33) the imperative sentenceortheslotjustbefore theoptative marker -ka-.For instance, in theindicative sentenceortheslotjustbefore thesecondperson pronominal suffix in But theobjectagreement elementoccupies theslotjustbefore theindicative marker -a As shown earlier, thesamepronominal suffix isusedfor subjectandobject agreement. 3.3.2 Objecttypes in section3.2.2. subjecthood andobjecthoodcanbedefinedby asyntactictest,which Idiscuss an animate subjectisalways marked ontheverb. Apart from thisprinciple, etc. canbeanimatized. Among inanimate nouns, only natural forces, for example, hoyo ‘wind’,gama ‘rain’, (32) (31) animatization. For example, element getsmarked ontheverb like ananimate transitive subjectNP. Thisiscalled It isvery easytoidentifyanimate transitive subject NPs subjectsbecause police- ‘The children sat ontheground.’ child- ‘Soma madethechildren sit.’ Soma child- ‘May Somaseethechildren.’ Soma child- ‘Soma, pleaseseethechildren.’ Soma child- ‘Soma willsee(take care) thechildren.’ Soma child- ‘The river tookaway thechildren.’ ‘The river madethemountain(by carryingthesands).’ river child- ‘The policemenhave caughtthetwo thieves.’ river mountain=3 pulis-ko kumbuu-kin=ko sab-ja-d-kin-a. dub-ke-n-a. hon-ko ote-re=ko Soma hon-ko=e dub-ke-d-ko-a. lel-ko-ka-e. Soma hon-ko lel-ko-me. Soma hon-ko Soma hon-ko=e lel-ko-a. ga ga a hon-ko=e idi-ke-d-ko-a. a buru=ibai-ke-d-a. PL PL ground- thief- PL PL PL PL PL =3 see-3 see-3 =3 =3 DL SG LOC SG SG =3 SG : SUBJ : : : SUBJ SUBJ =3 SUBJ PL PL PL take- : PL SUBJ : : see-3 sit- OBJ OBJ make- : SUBJ - -2 catch- OPT SG COMPL sit- COMPL PL -3 COMPL : SG OBJ COMPL - : INGR - TR SUBJ - TR IND -3 - -3 TR - PL - TR PL ITR - : IND OBJ : -3 OBJ - DL IND - - IND IND : OBJ - IND MUNDARI 121 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree range of theseverbs isrestricted tothefollowing:range of transitive subjectslot.Butwithsomeverbs, inanimate NPscandothis. Thesemantic As Imentionedintheprevious section,inanimate NPscannotnormallyoccupy the (44) (a) (42) a asin(42b).Thus, tion aspectmarker ke want toencodethebeneficiaryonverb inthecompletive sentencethecomple- can becross-referenced. Thusthesentence(42a)isungrammatical. Further, you if It isvery interesting that only oneobject,for example, am‘you’ orseta-ko ‘dogs’ (41) (40) the verb sab‘tocatch’ acquires apassive senseintheintransitive sentence. Note that theverb dub‘tosit’ acquires causativity inthetransitive sentence, whereas (43) experiencer isthesubject(43,45)while intheothersitisobject(44,46): sentenceinexperiential verbal constructionsinMundari,asfollows,of inone, the with dative subjectpredicates inIndo-Aryan (Klaiman1986).There are two types I calltheseexperiential verbs. Thissemantic range almostcorresponds interestingly Physical andbiological experiences. (c) (b) Emotional experiences. Sensoryandmentalexperiences (a) (39) 122 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES In ditransitive sentences, thebenefactive marker -aisusedinthefollowing: this flower good smell- sweat.’‘I amexperiencing asmellof ‘I gave thedogs toyou.’ 2 ‘I amgiving thedogs toyou.’ 2 ‘Two thieves have beencaughtyesterday.’ ‘This flower has mademeexperience agoodsmell.’ sweat-by=1 thief- eba maja ne baa sowan-ja--ñ-a. om-ke-d-ko-a. am seta-ko=ñ om-a-m-ta-n-a. am seta-ko=ñ balbal-te=ñ sowan-ta-n-a. sab-ja-n-a. kumbuu-kin hola=kin (b) SG SG dog- dog- a eak= om-a-m-ke-d-ko-a. *am seta-ko=ñ DL 2 ‘I gave thedogs toyou.’ ‘I gave thedogs toyou.’ 2 mst-oñ om-a-d-me-a. am seta-ko=ñ SG SG yesterday=3 dog- dog- PL PL SG =1 =1 : SUBJ should changetothe‘cislocative’ orsuspendedaspectmarker SG SG P PL =1 =1 : : smell- SUBJ SUBJ SG SG : give- give- : SUBJ SUBJ PROG give- DL give- INGR COMPL BEN : SUBJ - ITR - -2 TR SUS catch- BEN - SG -1 IND - TR - - SG TR -2 PROG -3 : SG -2 OBJ PL 6 - SG INGR - : COMPL OBJ - ITR : IND OBJ - - - IND IND ITR - - IND TR - IND -3 PL : OBJ - IND Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree (50) (49) (48) (47) as inthefollowing: We canmake asyntactictestfor subjecthoodandobjecthoodby usingrelativization, ‘dance’ in(46)really subjects?Andare theNPsñ struction shown in(44)and(46).Are theNPsnebaa‘thisflower’ in(44)and susun construction shown in(43)and(45),asasubjecttheexperiencer–object con- findings that ‘experiencer-object verbs are causative’. construction (see(44)and(46)).Thisanalysis fitsCroft (1991:215)’s cross-linguistic anintransitiveexperiential verb verb asacausativized inthe form of object-experiencer an experiential verb asanintransitive verb (see (43)and(45)).ThenIconsider the criteriafor subject–objectassignment. experiencer–object construction.Thisanalysis isuseful,becauseitenables ustokeep the experiencer isassignedtotheobjectposition. I,therefore, consideritasthe encer tothesubjectpositionin(43)and(45).In(44)(46),onotherhand, mentalverbs,a typological where analysis of experiential verbs assigntheexperi- experience. cause of cal states expressed by theexperiential verbs, whereas thestimulus isthesource or sensory,denotes thehumanexperiencer mental,emotional,physical, of andbiologi- verbal constructions. teria willbekept throughout thischapter. experiential Igive here anew analysis of and the subjectsare eithernothing, orinanimate nounsandtheobjectsare to grammatical relations by themorphological marking system,asfor (44)and(46), Recall that transitive subjectNPsare basically animatewe assigntheNP nouns. If (46) (45) The stimulus occurswiththeinstrumentalpostposition- theexperientialNow construction.Ingeneral Iregard Igive anew analysis of Further, ‘experiencer-subject’ from Iadoptthenotionof Croft (1991,1993) for The new analysis‘experiencer’ adoptstheterm and‘stimulus’. Theexperiencer ko ‘them’ in(46).AsIhave discussedthegrammatical relations above, these cri- ‘The peoplewhom thedancemade joyful have grown up.’ dance very be joyful- ‘The very joyful dancehasfinishedrecently.’ very be joyful- ‘The peoplewhom thisflower madeexperience agoodsmellhave gone.’ this flower goodsmell- ‘The good-smellingflower haswithered.’ good smell- ‘The dancemadethemexperience joy.’ dance very be.joyful- ‘In theprevious timetheyhadexperienced joy through dancing.’ rvostm dance-by=3 previous time uu ee rasika-ke-d-(ho o)=ko mara-ja-n-a. susun bese bese rasika-ke-n-susun nimir caba-ja-n-a. maja ne baa sowan-le-d-(hoo)=ko seno-ja-n-a. maja sowan-le-n-baa goso-ja-n-a. susun bese rasika-ke-d-ko-a. sida samae rasika-le-n-a. susun-te=ko ANT COMPL - ITR -flower wither- - ITR COMPL COMPL -dance recently finish- ANT - - TR TR PL - TR : -3 -(people)=3 SUBJ -(people)=3 PL INGR : be.joyful- OBJ in(44)andko - - IND ITR PL - IND PL : SUBJ : in the experiencer–subject te intheexperiencer–subject SUBJ ANT INGR grow- go- - ITR in(46)really objects? - ITR - IND INGR - INGR IND MUNDARI 123 ñ ‘me’ in(44) - ITR - ITR - the same IND - IND Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree (56) and theexperiencer–subject andbeneficiary–objectconstructionin(57)(58). not asstimuli, but asbeneficiaries. Ishow the general benefactive constructionin(56) as transitive verbs. Inthat case, theanimate NPscanoccupy thetransitive objectslot like’, tion - to intransitive subjectoccurs, andthestimulus occurswiththeinstrumentalpostposi- That istosay, intheexperiencer–subject constructions, only theexperiencer assigned As illustrated above, anexperiential verb inMundariisconsidered asanintransitive. Transitive subjectNPsare animate nounsexcept for theobject–experiencer (55) I, therefore, rewrite theconstraint for subject–objectassignmenthere. (54) (53) be replaced by (53) and (54),respectively. (52) (57) (1 *nekuimaja=esowan-ja--ñ-a. (51) nouns. For instance, thefollowing sentencesare notacceptable: words, transitive subjectNPsintheobject–experiencer constructionare inanimate relativization. of NPs subjects. Onthe other hand,thetransitive marker - As theintransitive marker -nappears in(47)and(49),theNPs 124 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES In order to say the equivalent sentences of (51)and(52)inMundari, theseshould In order tosay theequivalent sentencesof I add animportantnotehere. Thestimulus isalways aninanimate noun.Inother (hoo)-ko are objects. Mynew analysis canbesupportedby thissyntactictest kairao ‘tofeelangry, togetanangry’,giu te. However only afew experiential verbs, for example, food you=1 be.joyful- rasika-ke-d-ko-a. ‘As theysaw thedancinggirl shemadethemexperience ajoy.’ dance girl=3 ‘This girl’s fragrance mademeexperience agoodsmell.’ this girl- ‘The dancinggirl madethemexperience joy.’ very=3 dance girl ‘This girl mademeexperience agoodsmell.’ ‘I amfeelingshameat you.’ you=1 ‘I amgiving you thefood.’ this girl good=3 mi om-a-m-ta-n-a. mai am=iñ construction. susun kui=ko lel-ki--i-cibese ne kui-a *susun kuibese=rasika-ke-d-ko-a. am=iñ giu-a-m-ta-n-a. SG : COMPL SUBJ GEN shame- fragrance goodsmell- SG - SG TR : sowan maja sowan-ja--ñ-a. SUBJ : SUBJ -3 SG PL see- : give- : SG OBJ SUBJ BEN : SUBJ - IND -2 smell- COMPL SG be.joyful- BEN : OBJ - -2 TR - SG INGR PROG -3 : SG OBJ - : - OBJ TR ‘tofeelashamed,toshame’,canact - ITR COMPL PROG INGR -1 - - CONJ IND SG - d- occursin(48)and(50)the - ITR : - TR OBJ TR very -1 - -3 IND - IND SG PL : : OBJ suku ‘tofeelhappy, to OBJ - - IND baa andsusunare IND Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree 1971:29). The‘cislocative’ time’action which (Munda iscompletedand suspended for anindefiniteperiodof into consideration. Munda regarded itasa‘cislocative’ aspectwhich implies‘an This isnotfrequently used.Nobody except Mundatakes thisaspectmarker (i)a. ja are involved Mundari. intheverb morphology of at theperfective first.Thefollowing perfective aspectmarkers, for example, The aspectmarkers are classified intoperfective andimperfective sets. We willlook (62) Past (ii) (61) (i)Present or intransitive marker. Thus, Present andpasttensesare expressed by theaspectmarker following thetransitive (60) (59) truth. For example, iterative verbal baseisusually used.Further, thefuture tensealsoindicates universal The tensesystemisdivided intofuture (unmarked) andnon-future (marked). Tense andaspect 3.3.3–3.3.4 experiencer–indirect objectinthebenefactive construction. transitive construction,experiencer–object intheexperiential construction,and difference between Indo-Aryan andMundari with respect toexperiential constructions. experiencer–object constructionspaired with(57)and(58)inMundari.Thisisagreat place, but marker -n Examples (57)and(58)have two-place constructions, but includethe (58) The future tenseimpliesthehabitual aspect like In sum,objecttypesinMundariare three; patient–object intheunmarked ‘I ate thefood.’ food=1 ‘I ameating thefood.’ food=1 ‘The sunrisesinthemorning.’ morning the Sun=3 ‘We (excl.) never eat beef.’ cattle-meat ‘I like thesegirls.’ this girl- mai=ñ jom-ke-d-a. mai=ñ jom-ta-n-a. seta sigi=rakab-a. jo-jom-a. uri-jilu ka=le ne kui-kin=iñsuku-aka-n-a. . We, therefore, considerthemsemi-transitive; that is, theyare two- intransitive, SG SG : : DL SUBJ SUBJ =1 NEG eat- eat- SG they have asubjectandanindirect object.Further, there are no =1 : SUBJ a PL PROG COMPL canbefollowed by boththeintransitive marker n SG . like- EX : SUBJ : - SUBJ ITR - TR rise- - CONT - IND eat- IND - ITR IND ITER - IND - IND usedtoinEnglish.Inthiscasethe MUNDARI 125 intransitive a, ke, le, and Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree current situation; infactitrefers toitsinception.According toComrie(1976:19),‘the (69) ingressive aspect. asituation (ingressive meaning)’.Inotherwords,of thisaspectmarker isusedfor thesameverbs caninfactbeusedtoindicate the other perfectforms of anactionwhichThis aspectmarker isrelevant indicates toa thecompletionof (iv) (68) (67) pare action. We anterior, callitcurrent relevance of orsimply ananterior. We willcom- anactioninrelation to someother This aspectmarker signifiesthecompletionof (iii) (66) (65) other action. anactionwithoutreferenceThis aspectmarker toany indicates thecompletion of (ii) We have suspendedfor usedtheterm theaspectmarker a. itu-a-n-a. (64)diku=ñ (63) a-n anda-d: the transitive marker d.Thefollowing examples indicate therelationship between 126 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES ja. le. ke. le withke go- ‘S/he slept.’ sleep- ‘He/she hadsleptfirst(thenhasalready gotup).’ sleep- ‘I went toRanchi.’ Ranchi-to=1 ‘I willfinisheating thefood (withoutwaiting for anything).’ food=1 ‘I have beentaughtHindi;Ihave known Hindi.’ Hindi=1 ‘I have taughtHinditothem.’ ‘They have startedgoing;theyhave just gone.’ Hindi=1 seno-ja-n-a-ko. duum-ke-n-a-e. duum-le-n-a-e. sen-ke-n-a.Ranci-te=ñ mai=ñ jom-ke-a. diku=ñ itu-a-d-ko-a. INGR COMPL ANT asgiven below. SG - ITR SG SG - : ITR SUBJ : : - SUBJ SUBJ - IND ITR SG - IND eat- : - teach- teach- -3 SUBJ IND -3 PL SG -3 : go- SUBJ COMPL : SG SUBJ : SUS SUS SUBJ COMPL - - - IND ITR TR -3 - - IND PL ITR : OBJ - IND - IND beginning Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree Imperative moodismarked by deleting theindicative marker ainanindicative There are three moodsinMundari:indicative (unmarked), imperative, andoptative. 3.3.5 Mood (74) (73) experiential perfectinEnglish. forms. Furthermore, transitive verbs withacontinuous aspectcorrespond tothe Unlike English,thestative verb inMundarihasboth progressive andcontinuous Hence we willconsidertheaspectmarker akaascontinuous inanatelic situation. (72) (71) For instance, pointwhilea clearterminal atelic, where theevent hasnosuchnatural end-point. between atelicandanatelic situation. Telic refers toanevent where theactivity has habitual’ (Comrie1976:26). the progressive aspectaccording tothedefinitionasfollows: ‘durative withoutthe This aspectmarker islabelled ‘continuous’, ontheotherhand,slightly different from (vi) continuousness with non-stativity.the combination of This aspectmarker islabelled ‘progressive’ basedontheComrie’s definition;that is, (v) 1976:12). (progressiveness continuousness withnon-stativity)’ isthecombination of (Comrie “progressive”terms and“continuous,” the theformer beingasituation of latter imperfectivity ‘adistinctionismadebetween theWithin thebroad domainof (70) The distinctionbetween theaspectmarkers taandakaisbasedonthecontrast aka. ta. ‘They have gonetoRanchi (andhave notyet comeback).’ Ranchi-to-3 ‘I have seenRanchi; Ihave beentoRanchi.’ Ranchi top=1 not matter.) (They have already sat down. Theycanstanduporcontinue sitting.Itdoes ‘They are sitting.’ sit- (This actionwillhave pointwhen aterminal theysitdown.) sitting.’ ‘They are intheprocess of sit- ‘They have startedeating thefood; theyare eating thefood.’ food=3 Ranci-te=ko sen-aka-n-a. lel-aka-d-a. do=ñ Ranci dub-aka-n-a-ko. dub-ta-n-a-ko. mai=ko jom-ja-d-a. The following imperfective aspectmarkers have beentreated here: CONT PROG PL - - ITR ITR : SUBJ - - PL IND IND eat- : SUBJ -3 -3 SG PL PL : SUBJ go- : : INGR SUBJ SUBJ see- CONT - TR - IND - CONT ITR - IND - TR - IND MUNDARI 127 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree (75) The sentenceexamples are given below: Prohibitive for firstandsecondpersons (iv) Prohibitive for secondperson (iii) markers canbeshown below. a verbal base intheimperative sentence. Thesemanticdifference between aspect We notethat allaspectmarkers except thesuspendedaspect marker acanfollow (78) (77) (76) optative sentences. Itimpliespoliteness. preposed toaverbal base. Themodalintensifierko and N.K.optative ismarked Sinha (1975) did.Negation of by alo+ka,which are called itsubjunctive, optative we adopttheterm asHoffmann (l903),Cook(l965), and ismarked by kawhich precedes thepronominal suffix. AlthoughMunda(1971) verbal base. Optative thespeaker: moodindicates itexpresses theattitude wishes of imperative, sentence. Negation of that is, prohibitive, ismarked by preposing alotoa 128 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES (ii) Optative (i) Imperative The basicstructures are asfollows: B( M +OJ esnl -bendual VB (+AM)OBJ)+personal food eat- VB(+AM)OBJ)+-a personalsuffix alo ka alo person VB (+AM)OBJ)+NEGkapersonalsuffix ‘They must noteat.’ NEG ‘Don’t eat.’ NEG ‘May theyeat the food.’ food eat- ‘Eat thefood.’ mai jom-e-me. alo-ka=ko jom-a. alo=pe jom-a. mai jom-e-ka-ko. - =2 OPT sfi -pe suffix second -m PL =3 eat- suffix second -m/me singular PL EPEN EPEN eat- IND - -2 OPT VB (+AM)OBJ)+-a SG IND -3 PL -pe plural canbeadded toimperative and Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree Interestingly, intransitive verbs which canbecausativized theclassof isalsonot (Crystal 2003).Causative verbs cannotbereflexivized; for example, ajom‘tofeed’. reflexive refers to‘averb where thesubjectandobjectrelate tothesameentity’ reflexive suffix: dub ‘tosit’,kamiwork’, giti‘toliedown’, ajom‘tofeed’.The The reflexive -en/-nishighly productive but thefollowing verbs donottake the (80) Progressive (ii) (79) (i)Completion (81) (iii) Anterior (84) example, passive. decreasing valency; thatThere is, are three meansof reflexive, reciprocal, and 3.3.7 Valence/voice Not investigated inthisstudy. 3.3.6 Orientation/directionality (83) (82) (iv) Ingressive (v) Continuous Reflexive isexpressed by thesuffix -en afterconsonantsor-nvowels. For ‘Eat up; if you don’t‘Eat up;if eat ityou won’t getachancetoeat later.’ ‘(You should)Eat (it);ourlifeisnotimmortal.Soyou shouldeat it’. ‘Eat (it)first(andthen).’ ‘Eat (it)(continuously).’ ‘Eat (it)along(while onyour way todoingsomethingelse).’ ‘Soma islookingat himself.’ Soma=3 jom-ta-m. jom-ke jom-le-m. Soma=e lel-en-ta-n-a. jom-aka-m. jom-ja-m. -m. SG : SUBJ see- RFLXV - PROG - ITR - IND MUNDARI 129 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree 130 THE 130 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES (90) Mundari sentences: volitionality.to thesemanticnotionof For instance, we may lookat thefollowing Hindi (Pandharipande 1978) andBengali(Klainman1986)makes crucialreference Further, passivity inMundariimpliesnon-volitionality. Unlike Mundari,passive in (a) (89) Munda languages. possibility,imply that thesenseof is, a‘passive potential’,asiscommoninother suffix canbeattached toeithertransitive orintransitive verbs. Thepassive may For example, co Thus, thefollowing verbs cannotbepassivizedduetotheirimplication of volitionality. (91) Passive verbal basescanbeformed by suffixing -o (88) (87) only theintransitive marker -neven withditransitive verbs. For instance, stems. Thereciprocal decreases verb valency. Thusthereciprocal verbal basetakes The reciprocal marker ka is‘No’ inpolar(yes–no) questions. Italsofunctionsasasentence NEG =1 SG SG tu-tud tud-tud jo-jom jom-jom sa-sab sab-sab go-goe goe : : SUBJ SUBJ go- go- for firstpersonsingularandthird personsingularand NEG IND PROG go- - ITR - IND IND rakab-rakab tagi-tagi Q -goe alo functionsasaprohibitive productive, Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree (106) (105) encoded intheverb morphology while theinanimate subjectisnotencoded. Thus, Both are irregular verbs. theexistential copula Theanimate subjectof Theidentitycopulatan.Thisrefers tothesubject’s identity. (ii) (i)The existential copula theverb ‘tobe’ has twoThe equivalent forms of inMundari: 3.3.11 Copula (section 3.2.12). I describefullreduplication formation later, inthesectiononserialverb (104) just infullreduplication. In addition totheabove limited meaning,we actionof have the meaningof duration, (103) (101=59) (102) The following particialreduplication islexicalized: (100) For instance, Customaryact,implying auniversal fact. (ii) Repetition, implying anemphatic action. (i) The partialreduplication may indicate either: ‘It isSoma.’ Soma ‘Soma isinthehouse.’ Soma house- ‘We (excl) waited for alittlewhile.’ wait-wait- ‘The mangofruitisready toeat up.’ mango-fruit eat- ‘The grass isready topickup.’ ‘Don’t stealit.Theystrike you repeatedly.’ NEG grass pick up- Soma tan-i. Soma oa-re mena-i-a. tagi-tagi-ke-n-a-le. uli-joo jo-jom-aka-n-a. tasad tu-tud-aka-n-a. alo=m kumbuu-ada-dal-a-ko. =2 jl al jo-jom-a. uri-jilu ka=le cattle-meat ‘We ( SG COP thief- EX COMPL .) never eat beef.’ -3 SG LOC : - IND SUBJ ITR ITER NEG ITER strike- - mena. Thisrefers tothesubject’s location inspace. COP IND - =1 CONT - CONT -1 PL -3 PL SG . EX - ITR - . - EX ITR : IND SUBJ - ITER IND - IND eat- - IND -3 ITER PL : SUBJ - IND MUNDARI 133 constructions mena is Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree be anIndianareal feature. tinction between theexistential copula andtheidentitycopulamay beconsidered to The identitycopulatanmay berelated totheprogressive aspectmarker ta.Thedis- (114) as inaregular verb. tanisformed byThe negative justadding tothenegative of marker kabefore tan (113) (112) (111) has three variants. For example, Negation incopulasentencesisslightly more complicated. Thenegative of (110) (109) (108) (107) the future form tai-n).For instance, These forms merge intotai‘tostay’ inthepastandfuture (thepastform tai-ke-n, Both thecopulamenaandtanare defective verbs, occurringonly inthepresent. 134 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES South Asiancontext have beenseriously attempted. with the‘explicator verb’ asatypological areal feature, studiesoncompoundverbs in with SouthAsianlanguages. Ever since Masica(1976)considered compound verbs Serial verb constructions have linguistswho are attracted concerned theattention of Auxiliary orserialverb constructions 3.3.12 ‘It isnotSoma.’ Soma ‘Children are notinthehouse.’ child- ‘A bedsteadisnotinthehouse.’ bed house- ‘Soma isnotinthehouse.’ Soma house-in ‘Soma willbethere.’ ‘It isgoingtobeSomawho willbethere’ or Soma ‘Soma willbeinthehouse.’ Soma house- ‘Itwas Soma’ or‘Somawas there.’ Soma=3 ‘Soma was inthehouse.’ Soma house- oak tan-i. Soma ka hon-ko oa-re-ko-a. ba parkom oa-re-a. bano Soma oa-re bagai Soma=e tai-n-a. Soma oa-re= tai-n-a. Soma=e tai-ke-n-a. Soma oa-re= tai-ke-n-a. PL house- NEG SG : SUBJ COP COP LOC LOC - ITR LOC LOC -3 COP =3 =3 7 - COP SG IND SG SG - COMPL COP COP NEG : SUBJ COP -i-a NEG NEG -3 - - ITR SG COMPL - COP -3 IND - - IND PL IND - ITR - IND - ITR - IND - IND mena Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree (118) (d) Cause laga ‘torunandgettired’, etc. serialverb are: sen-nam‘togoandmeet(somebody)’, nir- thistypeof Examples of Other examples are: ma-goe ‘tokillwithanaxe’, haka-goe ‘dieby hanging’,etc. (117) (c) Result it intothehouse’,dul-pere ‘topourandfillup’,etc. serialverbs are go This classof (116) (b) Sequentialaction and boil,that is, tomake food’, etc. These are pairactionslike seno-hiju‘tokeep company with’,isin-basa‘tocook (115) (a) Pair action I illustrate thefollowing examples in(i)here: (ii) Main verb +Explicator. Unlike the otherSouthAsianlanguages, mostof (i) Main verb +Mainverb. Itsmeaningsare similartotheconjunctive participle we considerthistypeasanauxiliaryverb construction. theactionorprocesspassivity, expressed by themainverb. etc.of permission, Thus, and anexplicator (vector, operator, orintensifier)which indicates completion, amain(polar)verb construction whereas acompoundverb isthecombination of ‘explicator’ verb. For example, inHindiaconjunctive participleistheso-called-kar is averb withaconjunctive participleandanotherisacompoundverb withan In Mundari there are two types of theserialverb construction: In Mundarithere are two typesof In Indo-Aryan languages, verb–verb constructions;one there are two typesof operators retain theiroriginalmeaning. construction inHindi,that is, theyare perfective andsimultaneous. ‘We (excl) fedandraised thischildup.’ ‘My two children have died by drowning inapond.’ my child- this child=1 ‘We willliftthisfirewood andtake ituptotheroof.’ this firewood roof-over-to-1 ‘We two (excl) ate anddrank inthevillage; we two tookdinnerinthevillage.’ village-in=1 hnkn banda-re=kin añ-a hon-kin ehnl asul-mara-ki--i-a. ne hon=le saima-ceta-te=budondo-rakab-e-a. ne saan hatu-re=li jom-nu-ke-d-a. DL DL PL . EX . pond- EX eat-drink- : SUBJ -ader ‘tocarry(something)ontheshoulderandtake feed-grow- LOC =3 COMPL DL PL : . SUBJ INC - COMPL TR lift-go up-it- be drown-die- - IND umbui-goe-ja-n-a. - TR -3 SG : OBJ IND - INGR IND - ITR MUNDARI 135 - IND Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree verb constructionsinMundari. Among themthefollowing serial verbs canbeconsidered thesecondmemberof polar verbs inselectedSouthAsianlanguages. the following eighteenvectors (=explicators)lents of for theiranalysis for classifying serialverbs either. U.N.second memberof Singh theseverbs are never usedasexplicators,equivalents of andnever appear asthe and Dravidian languages (Kachru and Pandharipande 1980:115).InMundarithe languages. Theverbs meaning‘come’ and‘go’ are commonexplicators inIndo-Aryan come alongsinging’,etc. serialverbs are: dub-hape‘while sittingtokeepdura asilence’, This classof -au ‘to kiri-kul‘tosendtobuy’ BRING pere-gii ‘tofulltoexcess’ COME OUT SEND nir-rakab ‘torunup’ THROW landa-goe ‘tobeconvulsed RISE Serialverbs DIE Meaningasasecond TAKE Mundariverbs English gloss (119) (e) Simultaneous actionorevents 136 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES (partially) grammaticalized. different from theirbasicmeaningasmainverbs, that is, theonesthat have been We the series whose willillustrate meaningisslightly below thesecondverbs of The secondtype(ii)Mainverb +Explicator isacommonfeature inSouthAsian ‘They drove themotorbike andcrossed theriver.’ this river motorbike-by=3 ne gaa poopoia-te=ko har-parom-ke-d-a. TAKE, GIVE,GO, DIE,RISE,SIT, COME,THROW, au u kul gii rakab goe idi KEEP, MOVE, SEND, SEE,KILL,COME-OUT, BRING-OUT, HOLD, BRING. and fro) speaker (to agiven point motion from motion outof to send to exceed motion up degree to thelast continuation motion onward theseries verb of towards the or PL : away SUBJ place drive-cross- the et al.(1986)listedtheequiva- COMPL come back’ food, andthen jom-au ‘togofor taking thisway’ nir-au ‘tocomerunning dul-u ‘topourout’ apir-uu ‘tofly out’ ra excessively’ laga-gii ‘togettired raca-rakab ‘topullup’ with excessively’ rasika-goe ‘torejoice laughter’ a question’ kuli-idi ‘togoonasking nir-idi ‘torunaway’ -kul ‘tosendtocall’ - TR - IND Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree (121) (ii) V-bapad/goroe ‘Vby allmeans’ apteb (a potherb) PLUCK (a fruit) ayum-bai‘tolistencarefully’ PLUCK leka-pere ‘tocountcompletely’ MAKE Serial/Auxiliary verbs nam-jom‘togetfor oneself’ FULL Semanticfunction Mundariverbs EAT Basic meaning (120) (i) V-ba/tab ‘Vquickly’ verbal intensifiersisvery richinMundari.ForIndo-Aryan, thesystemof instance, construction, but thesecondelementisnotafree form but rather aboundform. Unlike ‘to liftandgoupeachother’. main verbs; for example, dondo-rakab ‘toliftandgoup’,do SG to stop for amoment carefully completion self-benefactive again, back causative can inchoative perfective later ahead excessively SG -2 SG sayad-sid ‘tostopbreathing’ jagar-sid ‘tostoptalking’ lel-god ‘toseefor amoment’ ayum-god ‘tohearfor amoment’ lel-bai ‘tolookcarefully/attentively’ om-pere ‘togive completely’ giti-jom ‘toliedown for lel-rua ‘toseeagain’ ol-rika ‘tocausetowrite’ ol-dai ‘tobeable towrite’ jom-ee ‘tostarteating’ om-caba ‘tofinishgiving’ jom-tayom ‘toeat later’ seno-ayar ‘togoahead’ durum-laa ‘toeat excessively’ ‘tosleepexcessively’ MUNDARI 137 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree (130) V-utar ‘Ventirely’ (xi) (129) (x) V-tuka ‘Vandreturn (128) (ix)V-torsa ‘Valong’ (127) (viii) V-no ‘Valittle(while)’ (126) V-kate/kuca ‘Vrepeatedly’ (vii) (125) (vi)V-hantaa ‘engage inV’ (124) (v) V-gara (123) (iv) V-coe ‘almostV’ (122) (iii)V-baa/bala ‘Vhere andthere’ 138 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES Ranchi-to=3 ‘He/she may take meandreturn.’ take-return-1 ‘Come backat once.’ come-along-2 ‘Carry itontheshoulderfor awhile.’ carryontheshoulder-a little- luggage ‘They ate itrepeatedly.’ food=3 ‘Be engaged ineating it.’ eat-engage in-it-2 ‘Shout at him/herloudly.’ shout-loudly-3 ‘They begansaying andstoppedinthemiddle, then have gone.’ say-almost- ‘They are goinghere andthere for amarriage.’ ‘They went away toRanchi for ever.’ marriage-for=3 Ranci-te=ko seno-utar-ja-n-a. idi-tuka-ñ-ka-e. hiju-torsa-me. saman go-no-le-m. mai=ko jom-kuca-ke-d-a. jom-hantaa-e-me. kakala-gara-i-me. kaji-coe-ke-d-ci=ko seno-ja-n-a aandi-nagen=ko sen-baa-ta-n-a. ‘intensifiedV’ SG : SUBJ COMPL PL SG SG eat-repeatedly- SG : PL - SUBJ OPT -2 SG : - SUBJ TR SG 8 -3 go-entirely- ’ - CONJ SG go-here andthere- =3 PL : SUBJ COMPL INGR go- - - TR ITR ANT - INGR IND - IND PROG -2 -3 SG - -3 ITR PL - SG ITR - IND - IND Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree frain pattern: formation Expressives theirword canbedivided into thefollowing typesonthebasisof expressives Morphology of 3.4.1 expressives.of expressives. ThusIwilldiscusshere (1)morphology (2)syntax,and(3)semantics 1992:140–144). However, Icouldnottouchthesyntacticandsemanticproperties of I have already writtenabout Mundariexpressives inmy grammar (Osada text inthefollowing: Diffloth (1976:263–264) andadoptedby Emeneau(1980:7)intheSouthAsiancon- expressives.Mundari hasarichsystemof ‘expressive’ Theterm was suggestedby 3.4 Expressives ● ● ● tial reduplication of thefirstelement.Wetial reduplication of cansubcategorize thistypeaccording to Partial reduplication canbeformed by two elements. Thesecondelement isapar- 3.4.1.2 reduplicational elementhasnomeaning.Thus, clearly derived from theverbal base. the Itisasalientfeature that abasicunitof expressive shouldbedistinguishedfrom verbalThis typeof reduplication, which is 3.4.1.1 Vowel mutation Partial reduplication Full reduplication of reference, thebroadest ‘expressives’of term seems appropriate. since theIndo-Aryan/Dravidian itemsalready examined have thisvery widetype internal feelingsaswell asexternal perceptions (sight,taste, smell,etc.),and have reference notonly tosounds, sense, but including toany otherobjectsof thesymbolism isacoustic(i.e. sounds).Sincethe imitativeof of ideophones may symbolism isphonological; ‘onomaptoetics’ are ideophonesinwhich the and distinctmorphosyntacticproperties; ‘ideophones’ are asubclassinwhich the ‘(E)xpressive’is themostinclusive for term aform classwithsemantic symbolism ‘toroar withlaugh by many people’ flowers’ ‘asmellof ‘smiling mugui mugui ‘tolookaskanceat (aperson)’ kata ricebeer’ ‘asmellof cheerful’ mogo mogo ‘leanandsmall(person)’ ‘aninactive character’ mondor kase ‘totalkinwhispers’ suyu ‘tomumble (something)’ gusu ‘toeat noisily’ hayam hayam lugum Meaning cakob cakob Expressive form Partial reduplication Full reduplication MUNDARI 139 reference Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree (iii) CVXmVX (i CVXbVX (ii) (i)CVX pVX associated witheachpartialformal type: the exact formal pattern. Sofarithasbeenimpossible tofindcommonmeanings 140 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES ‘aclothvariegated withparallel linesorsquashes of ‘shiningwithaflashy dress (sariwithgold)’ rigi migi jiki miki jaka maka cegol megol celo melo‘naughty Expressive form boy’ ‘mixture of different kinds of grain, etc.’ different kindsof ‘mixture of mero gero thestomachaftereating ‘indigestion andpaininthepitof seled meled kau ma keo strewing bitsall lettingbitsfallwhile eating of ‘theact of rada bada ‘toputthingsinadisorderly manner, more orlessoneover thingssoft,asmud, fallinginsuccession’ ‘thethudsof sador bador numerous ‘chattering birds’ andtwitteringof ladi badi lada bada ‘todouncomfortably oruneasily’ ‘aquarrelling andfightingdisposition’ cali bali‘trickiness’ cere bere kered bered kau bau Expressive form ‘aloosely limbedbody withsoftorflabby muscles’ ‘connotingseveral recurvations, themouth ortwistingof loso poso ‘sofat that inwalking hehasdifficulty’ truthandlieswherein onedoesnotknow ‘amixture of leco peco ‘tomake astew thick,pasty’ lede pede laar pa dryleaves, ‘acontinuous rustleof paper, or straw as laa pa showing theteethagain andagain’ ‘theactof rasa pasa risui pisu riti piti Expressive form ‘a feeling of loneliness and fear in the middle of theforest’ lonelinessandfearinthemiddle of ‘afeelingof meo ‘ashamedface oracryingface’ ‘shamelessness’ numerous water fallingallabout’ drops of things falling all about in rapid succession, also of rather things falling allabout inrapid succession,alsoof around by pecking’ ‘onomatopoeia of hail,dryfruitorotherhard anddry ‘onomatopoeia of Meaning totherightandleft’ what tobelieve’ arat orothersmallanimals’ asnake orthepassage produced of by theglidingof ‘very tamarind’ smallleaves asthoseof Meaning ‘shining withleather’ Meaning ordrinkingsomething acidorsourunripe’ another’ various colour’ Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree patterns. vowel expressives are mutational divided intosixonthebasisof This typeof 3.4.1.3 (i), (ii),and(iii)are very common. (xi) CVXrVX (x) CVXsVX (ix) CVXtVX (viii) CVXdVX (vii) CVXjVX (vi) CVXcVX (iv) CVXkVX (v) CVXgVX tiri riri Expressive form dress, furniture, ‘theuse of plate andutensilsby more boro soro ‘cowardice’ rahan sahan Expressive form fat people, walking ‘theactof withthebuttocks rubbing roka toka‘quickly’ ribui tibui Expressive form ‘opportunitytodosometingreprehensible, becausethere rawa dawa ‘togoorwalk withdifficulty duetoahandicap’ Expressive form ‘desultorytalkorconversation, passingfrom one runu junu hauu jau re Expressive form dukur cukur repo cepo punctualityinstartingdilatoriness’ (EM) ‘want of conduct’ (EM) Expressive ‘goodorbadprinciplesof form mane gane ‘todotheoppositeaction’ rain gain takingcare)’ Expressive form ‘negligent(of hai ku ale kale Expressive form ge je ge Vowel mutation ge ‘the condition of gettingbothered orbeingsubjected ‘theconditionof ‘the sound of aflute’ ‘the soundof Meaning Meaning against eachother’ Meaning isnobody tointerfere’ Meaning subjecttoanotherwithoutorder ornatural connection’ totrouble orannoyance’ Meaning mind’ ‘uneasiness of ‘shrivelled’ Meaning Meaning Meaning civilized people’ MUNDARI 141 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree The formal analysis of expressivesThe formal hasbeendone. analysis of (vi) CiC CoC (v) CiCa(C) CoCo(C) (iv) CaC[(C)aC] CeC[(C)eC] (iii) CaC[aC] CiC[iC] CaC[a(C)(a)]CoC[o(C)(o)] (ii) (i) (C)aC[(C)a(C)](C)uC[(C)u(C)] 142 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES ‘afat child’ ‘afat andshortperson’ lada ludu ala ulu lir lor bir bor ‘toemptyasoft orpastysubstanceby compression’ Expressive form pica poco gida godo ‘semi-liquid ‘arooster withalong uprightcombandlongwavy kia ko kidar kodor things’ Expressive form ca ce pagad peged Expressive form shininginvarious places’ ‘theactof par pir palad pilid Expressive form arad pagad pogod a raka roko a raga kal kol karae koroe sar sor ‘afat baby’ Expressive form ‘afat personwho cannotwalk swiftly’ ‘baby triestowalk’ lada ludu ‘holeshere andthere’ tagam tugum ‘thesplashingsoundmadeby repeated pokingwithastick apa upu ‘tolookaround restlessly’ ‘awrinkledoldperson’ caba cubu ba bu agar ugur ladar ludur Expressive form ‘adeepandbighole’ o ‘soilmixed withstonessolarge that itcannotbeploughed’ a rogoo ‘a sound of frog’ ‘asoundof orod ‘atallandleanperson’ o ‘the rattling of somethinginabox orinabottlethelike’ ‘therattling of o ‘a glitter of lightappearing anddisappearing now here, ‘aglitterof ‘a longandweak sapling’ ‘tall andstraight’ Meaning feathers ontheneckandtail’ (EM) Meaning babies’‘used for (EM) thecryof Meaning dispersing’ ‘the actof Meaning ‘a swollen thewhole body’ state of theears’ ‘a buzzing of onebeingstrangled’ ‘a gurgling breathing of ‘to eat away withasavage appetite’ Meaning inwater ormud’ Meaning then there’ Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree usually nomeaning,somesingle forms which are followed by thecompletive aspect As isseenabove, expressives have areduplicated form. Althoughthesingleform has (137) nounphrase inthefollowingAn expressive instance: canoccupy intheheadof (136) For example, An expressive canoccupy intheargument slottomodifyanounor phrase. (135) (134) the following: intransitive marker -ncanoccupy inthecomplement slotasanadverbial phrase in An expressive aloneoranexpressive withtheprogressive aspectmarker taandthe (133) For instance, Some expressives require anexperiencer objectlike intheexperiential constructions. (132) (131) Thus, constructions. reflexive, benefactive, andaspectmarkers. Expressives canalsoform serialverb a of predicate, expresives cantake derivational suffixes, for example, passive, any place, that is, inapredicate, complement,orargument slot.Asthehead expressives hasnever beendescribed.ExpressivesThe syntaxof canoccupy expressives Syntaxof 3.4.2 that person- ‘I don’t like hercoquettishlaughing.’ ‘S/he isalways astupidperson.’ that person ‘You are smilinglike you are mockingsomebody.’ EXPR ‘S/he islaughinguproariously.’ EXPR ‘I gotatrouble by afever.’ fever-to breathe.’‘S/he isrunningandthens/hetotally gettingoutof ‘The puppy isplaying inthestraw thenthestraw isshaking.’ run-run-to=3 straw- ini-a janao ini do iri-iri-ta-n=(e)-m landa-ta-n-a. kata-kata=e landa-ta-n-a. rua-te nir-nir-te= busu-re seta-hon=e - =3 PROG LOC SG isii-sikii : dog-child=3 - EXPR SUBJ alae-balae-ki--ñ-a. ITR SG = smile- - EPEN COMPL TOP : SUBJ GEN always -2 EXPR - SG TR PROG EXPR agor-sagor-gii-aka-n-a. ako-bako hoo-ge. : SG -1 SUBJ : SG SUBJ - -throw away- NEG ITR ka=ñ suku-a. smile- : OBJ EXPR - =1 IND - IND utul-putul-ta-n-a. EXPR SG person- like- PROG - PROG CONT - ITR IND - ITR - - EMPH ITR IND - IND - IND MUNDARI 143 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree I give another example of expressiveI give for anotherexample of lightreflection inthefollowing: I demonstrate the semantic field of laughing,smilingandchucklingbelow.I demonstrate thesemanticfieldof Apart from laughing,etc. expressives these, toexpress there are the actionof alotof can differentiate meaningsinthefollowing: dialectaldifferences.moe-moe are notknown by thembecauseof They, however, According tomy informants someforms suchasmogoe -mogoe, mirlu-mirlu , following thirteenforms are thesoleentryfor ‘asmiletoetc.’: has justdescribedtheseveral expressive forms asvariants inEM.For example, the expressivesNobody inMundari.Hoffmann hasever describedthesemanticsof expressives3.4.3 Semanticsof (139) (138) phrase: marker 144 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES ‘dazzle withelectriclight’ ‘shining withbuilding’ jilib jili mili ‘shiningwithsteelorsilver’ ‘shiningwithleather’ caka maka jiki miki ‘shiningwithaflashy dress (sariwithgold)’ jaka maka jaka ‘tolaughlike amockat’ ‘tolaughcoquettishly’ iri ‘toridiculeone’s actionortalk’ isii siki isii kete kere ko ‘tolaughinnocently (by children)’ kete kete ‘tolaughlike ahen’s clucking’ ke ‘toroar withlaughter(lessthanhada-hada)by many people’ ka ‘toroar withlaughtersuccessively’kata hada ‘smilingineyes shyly’ musui musui ‘smilingby children oraged-persons who have noteeth’ ‘smiling mugui mugui cheerful’ merlo merlo mergoe mergoe musui mogoe mirlu ke e ‘S/he slapped him/herlike clapping.’ clap- ‘S/he clapped her/hishand.’ hand=3 cada-ke-n=e tabi-li--i-a. tii= ke ko andintransitive marker noccupy thecomplementslotasanadverbial ‘tolaughlike ajackal’s howling’ , mirlu ‘tolaughwithoutsound’ e . mogoe , COMPL ‘tolaughwhile talking’ SG : ‘shining withgold’ SUBJ - -mirlu ITR -mogoe =3 clap: ‘smiling inmouth’ cada-cada-ke-d-a. SG , moe : SUBJ EXPR mergoe , slap- -moe - COMPL ANT , mugui , mergoe - TR - TR - IND -3 SG , mugui -mergoe : OBJ - IND -mugui , merlo , musui , merlo , musui 9 -merlo - , Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree for symbolism,[i size vowel As farassoundsymbolismisconcerned,‘itoftensaidthat qualityisused if 3.4.3.1 (140) NP have thesamepersonandnumber, thesentenceisambiguous. For instance, But insomecasesambiguitycannotbeexcluded. When thesubject NPandobject agreement, therefore, grammatical relations. isvery important for thesignallingof by word order. Theunmarked word order isasfollows: S+OVerb. As we asentence are have determined seeninsection3.2.2,thesubjectandobjectof thesimplesentence Syntaxof 4.1 4 SYNTAX in thefollowing: the Austroasiatic language family. has suggestedacounter-example (i largeness,symbolize withdegrees in between’ (Diffloth 1994:107).Diffloth, however, the first position instead of Soma,the sentenceistotally ambiguous. the firstpositioninsteadof On pragmatic grounds, meaning(a)may belesslikely. Butif The word order isnotfixed for subjectNPandobject NP. Subjectandobject The following casesshouldbetaken intoconsideration inourfuture study: In Mundari,itseemstomethat smallnesswhile isymbolize a ‘twinklingwithstars’ shininginvarious places’ ‘theactof pilid ‘glimmeringonthesand’ palad pilid piid ‘todrizzle(but togetwet)’ ‘todrizzle(notenoughtogetwet, even withoutanumbrella)’ pusur ‘toact,especially walk lazily (more lazythanbaya-bayapisir )’ ‘to act lazily’ buyu baya baya ‘toscold somebody only by mouth’ ‘toscoldsomebody with action’ kici ‘aheavy rain (thewater intherice-field isfull)’ kaca ‘apassingrain’ jiim ‘aheavy rain (thewater in theriver isfull)’ jaam ‘apassingrain for alongtime’ sii saa ‘glittering inthesun’ pa ‘glimmeringwithmany fireflies’ jara jara ‘glimmeringwithafirefly’ jolob jilab jolob bijir ‘lighting’ Soma dog=3 b ‘Thedog bitSoma.’ (b) ‘Somabitthe dog.’ (a) Soma seta=e Sound symbolism gad pe ged ‘a glitter of lightappearing anddisappearing now here, ‘aglitterof thenthere’ ] will symbolize smallness,] willsymbolize andthelower vowels, especially [a SG : SUBJ bite- hua-ki--i-a. : big,a COMPL : small)from Bahnar, which alsobelongsto - TR -3 SG : OBJ - IND pusi ‘cat’ isplacedin symbolize largenesssymbolize MUNDARI 145 ], will Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree (145=141) S+OVor O +SV (ii) (142) (a) when thepivot isthesubject.Thus, guish thesubjectheadNPfrom theobjectheadNP:intransitive marker isused in Mundari.Butthetransitive marker andintransitive marker canbeusedtodistin- clause constructions. TheheadNPinrelative clausescanbeasubjectoranobject One constructioninwhich subjectsandobjectsare distinguishable isinrelative (144) S+OV (i) (141) 146 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES (143) (a)seta-re seta-ko We illustrate thisin(143). mai=ko jom-ke-d-a. NPs andPPare rather free except thelastposition,which isreserved for the verb. or timecanbeinsertedintoany positionbefore theverb. Inthiscasetheorders of and objectNPare classified as animate nouns. The subjectandobjectagreement elements canbemarked only when thesubjectNP I listtheconstituentorder below: 4.2 Typological features In addition totwo arguments, apostpositional phrase oradverb denotinglocation (b) ‘Soma ate thefood.’ (c) (b) ‘Thedog bitthecat.’ (b) ‘Thecat bitthedog.’ (a) Soma food=3 cat dog=3 Soma mai=jom-ke-d-a. pusi seta=e fo morning- food ‘Inthemorningdogs ate thefood.’ pusi hua-ke-n-seta=e goe cat bite- ‘The dog who bitthecat hasdied.’ cat bite- ‘The dog whom thecat bithasdied.’ pusi hua-ke-d-seta=e goe mai seta-re seta-ko=ko jom-ke-d-a. cat dog=3 b ‘Thedog bitthecat.’ (b) ‘Thecat bitthedog.’ (a) morning- pusi seta=ehua-ki- -i-a. food dog- eak seta-re=ko jom-ke-d-a. mai seta-ko SG COMPL LOC PL COMPL : SG SUBJ morning- : dog- SG SUBJ bite- - : ITR SUBJ - TR eat- hua-ki--i-a. LOC -dog=3 -dog=3 PL bite- 10 COMPL food=3 dog- COMPL LOC SG SG COMPL =3 - : TR : PL SUB SUB - PL TR =3 -3 PL die- : - die- SUBJ - SG IND PL TR : SUBJ : : OBJ -3 SUBJ eat- -ja-n-a. SG INGR eat- -ja-n-a. INGR - IND : eat- OBJ - - ITR - ITR COMPL IND COMPL COMPL - - IND IND - - TR TR - TR - - IND IND - IND Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree (150) Clause+Adverbial subordinator (xiii) (149) interrogative Firstpositionof incontentquestions (xii) () Genitive +NounPhrase (v) NounPhrase +Postposition (iv) v) Adjective +Noun (vi) (147=142) (a) Relational clause+HeadNoun (ix) Numeral +Noun (viii) Demonstrative +Noun (vii) (146=143) (a)seta-re seta-ko Oblique +SOVorOblique +OVorSOblique +V (iii) mai=ko jom-ke-d-a. (148) polarquestionparticle Finalpositionof (xi) Degree word +Adjective (x) For example diri-rea o For example, oa-re ‘at home’ For example mara o For example, bariaoa‘two houses’ For example, neoa‘thishouse’ For example, besemara ‘very big’ ‘After eating thefood theywillgo.’ food eat-after- ‘Who hascome?’ who come- ‘Did Somaeat thefood?’ Soma food=3 o-ao-ek senog-a. mai jom-tayom-te=ko oko-e hiju-aka-n-a jmk-- ci. Soma mai=jom-ke-d-a (b) (c) (b) cat bite- ‘The dog whom thecat bithasdied.’ pusi hua-ke-n-seta=e ‘The dog who bitthecat hasdied.’ cat bite- pusi hua-ke-d-seta=e goe mai seta-re seta-ko=ko jom-ke-d-a. food dog- ‘In themorningdogs ate thefood.’ morning- food morning- mai seta-ko seta-re=ko jom-ke-d-a. CONT SG LOC - : ITR SUBJ COMPL a ‘abighouse’ LOC COMPL =3 a ‘astonehouse’ - IND dog- eat- PL PL : morning- - - SUBJ ITR TR LOC -dog=3 -dog=3 COMPL PL go- dog- food=3 - IND TR SG SG LOC PL : - : SUBJ IND SUBJ =3 =3 PL PL die- die- PL : : Q SUBJ SUBJ : goe SUBJ -ja-n-a. eat- INGR -ja-n-a. eat- INGR eat- - - ITR ITR COMPL COMPL COMPL - - IND IND MUNDARI 147 - - TR TR - TR - - IND IND - IND Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree (156) Hindikyõki orcuki. by thecalqueof theBible madeby thefirstLutheran Missionaries’ (p.tion of 843).Ithasbeenmade According toHoffmann inEM,‘thisconjunctionwas introduced intothetransla- (iv) (155) nect two clauses. This coordinating conjunctionisnotusedtoconnecttwo nounphrases but tocon- (iii) (153) (a) Noun Phrases This coordinating conjunctioncanconnectnotonly nounphrases but alsoclauses. (ii)ci (152) (b) Clauses (151) (a) Noun Phrases This coordinating conjunctioncanconjoinnotonly nounphrases but alsoclauses. (i) Coordination isexpressed by thefollowing particles: 4.3.1 Coordination 4.3 Complex sentencestructure 148 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES (154) (b) Clauses o/ad ‘and’ ci-aci ‘because’ ca ‘or’ be.broken- bagao-le-n-a. Ranchi-to night=1 ‘I don’t know whether Somacomesorgoes.’ Soma comeor=3 ‘Your brother hasgonetoRanchi orheisat home.’ ‘He/She ate andwent away.’ ‘We (excl.) arrived at Ranchi order.’ at night,becausethebus was outof eat- ‘red fowl andblack goat’ red fowl and black goat brother-your Ranchi-to-3 black goat ‘red fowl orblack goat’. or red fowl Ranci-te nida=le Ranci-te itu-a-n-a. Soma hijuca=esenoka-ñ ara jom-ke-d-a-e ad=eseno-ja-n-a. ara simohende merom haga-m seno-ja-n-aci Ranci-te- mena-i-a. hatu-re ‘or’ COMPL sim - ci TR ANT - IND - hende merom TR -3 - IND PL SG . SG and=3 EX : SUBJ : SUBJ SG go reach- go- SG teba-ke-d-a. ci-acibas : SUBJ NEG INGR go- - COMPL LSG - ITR : SUBJ - INGR - IND TR know- - orvillage- IND - ITR becausebus - IND SUS - LOC ITR - IND COP -3 SG - IND Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree (162) (iii) The personalpronoun other than thethird personcannotbeallocated inthe The headnouncanbeomitted;inthiscasethethird personsingularform which (ii) (i) thenon-finite The headnouncanbetheobject(161)orsubject(159)of In arelative clausethefollowing pointscanbenoted: (161) (160) (159) be followed by anounorpronoun inarelative clause. For instance, I have already illustrated thenon-finiteform inMundari.Thenon-finiteform can 4.3.2 Relative-type clauses (158) two sentences, especially anindicative sentence. thenegator kathepostposition-re This consistsof (vi) (157) particle This coordinating disjunctionmendocanbeanalyzed intomen‘tosay’ andthe (v)mendo‘but’ test todistinguishobjecthoodfrom subjecthood. subjectfollows theintransitive marker n verb. Itisvery clearthat theobjectfollows thetransitive marker dandthe ‘one’ to‘you’ inthesentence(160),we shouldparaphrase itwithtwo sentences. who ate it’ we change isungrammatical (-peissecondpersonalplural suffix). If postverbal positionasaheadnouninrelative clause. Thus, * follows is=irathere. than= karedo ‘otherwise’ ‘You went toRanchi and(then)you have justreturned.’ come-return- hiju-rua-ja-n-a. Ranchi-to=2 ‘The chicken that we (INC)ate was tasty’. 1 ‘The onewho went toRanchi hasjustreturned.’ Ranchi-to go- ‘The personwho went toRanchi hasjustreturned.’ Ranchi-to go- ‘Eat thefood first,orwe willgototherice-field.’ food eat-first-2 ‘I wanted toeat thefood, but Ihave notgotit.’ get- nam-ke-d-a. food eat-want- Ranci-te=m sen-ke-n-a.Ranci-te=m ena-te=m abu jom-ke-d-sim-do=e sibil-ge-tai-ke-n-a. sen-ke-n=iRanci-te hiju -rua-ja-n-a. sen-ke-n-hoRanci-te o=e hiju -rua-ja-n-a. mai mai jom-mone-ja--ñ-tai-ke-n-a. mendo do. Thiscanconnecttwo sentences. PL . COMPL INC eat- jom-le-m. karedo loyo-te=bu - TR SG - COMPL COMPL IND COMPL : SUBJ COMPL INGR SG - - go- TR ITR - otherwiserice field-to=1 ITR - -chicken- ITR - - TR IND =3 COMPL -person=3 -1 SG SG : SUBJ - COP TOP - ITR come-return- - =3 COMPL - SG IND . Aswas shown above, thisisasyntactic SG : SUBJ that-by=2 : SUBJ - ITR andtheparticledo.Thisconnects come-return- tasty- - IND bt NEG-1 but INGR PL .INC go- SG EMPH - : ITR SUBJ - - IND COP INGR senog-a. ka-ñ jom-ke-d-pe MUNDARI 149 - COMPL IND - ITR - SG IND - ITR ‘you - IND Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree ing (163) eachbelow:complicated. Igive anexample of (171) topic marker) ismore commonfor theconditonal clause: The -re (170) (169) omitted when thesamesubjectoccursinmainclause thefollowing: As for thepersonalmarking, thesubjectmarking inthesubordinate clausecanbe (168) (166) (165) (164) (167) frequently used.Thedifference between re a subordinate clause. Thepostposition re The non-finiteform canbefollowed by apostpositionorquestionmarker in 4.3.3 Subordinate clauses 150 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES re is‘inthat time’ theaspectmarker while isalso ciis‘while’. Theusage of food eat- poison eat- ‘As thechildren ate thefood Ihave gonetowork.’ work-to=1 kami-te=ñ seno-ja-n-a. child- ‘When thechildren hadeaten thefood theywent.’ child- ‘By thetimewe gotmoney, we hadalready boughtthecattle.’ money get- ‘I amjoyful becauseIhave gotmoney.’ food eat- ‘While we two were backbiting,peopleheard us.’ hear- ayum-ke-d-li-a. people- ‘When theyare eating thefood theyare talkingat that time.’ food eat- ‘While theyare eating thefood, theyare talkingsimultaneously.’ ‘If thepoisonwillbetaken everybody shalldie.’‘If money get- ‘When Iwas eating thefood itstuckinmy throat.’ o-anc=o jagar-ta-n-a. mai jom-ta-n-ci=ko iijmj--e go-goe-a. bisi jom-ja-n-re hon-ko mai=ko jom-ke-d-ci seno -ja-n-a. hon-ko maijom-ke-d-ci=ko uri=lekiri-li--i-a. paisa nam-aka-d-re hoo-re=ñ mai jom-ta-n-re jagar-ta-n-a. hoo-ko ukuajagar-ta-n-ci=ko mai jom-ta-n-re=ko as a-k--i rasika-ja--ñ-a. paisa nam-aka-d-ci clause also means conditional ‘if’. Thecombination -re-do (locative clausealsomeansconditional ‘if’. and COMPL PL PL PL food=3 eat- food bcbtn talk- backbiting SG - TR PROG PROG PROG INGR CONT CONT : SUBJ -1 DL - - - - ITR ITR PL go- ITR - - . ITR TR TR EX COMPL : SUBJ - - - - - : - LOC CONJ LOC OBJ LOC CONJ LOC INGR eat- - =3 throat- cattle=1 IND - die- =3 TR joy- PL - PROG - PL ITR CONJ : SUBJ COMPL : SUBJ - ITER IND INGR - ITR =3 talk- LOC talk- - PL andci andthequestionmarker ciare most IND PL - - - CONJ TR TR =1 .EXC: : SUBJ - -1 CONJ SG PROG =3 SG PROG : go- SUBJ is complicated. Thebasicmean- SUBJ : PL OBJ =3 - : ITR - SUBJ stick- PL ITR - buy- IND INGR i-ja-n-a. - : SUBJ IND - IND - ITR ANT PROG - IND - TR - ITR -3 - SG IND : OBJ - IND Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree (173) (179) (178) when denotingsuccessive action: in theindicative sentenceandle-ateintheimperative sentenceare very common jom-ta-n-ci. contexts than It isvery similarto(163).Butjom-ta-n-loisusedinawiderrange of (177) Another postpositionlocanfollow thenon-finiteform inasubordinate clause: (176) (175) should beadded: The following examples denotesupposedreality. Inthissentencete-ra orhona (174) re Instead of (172) The postpositionate‘from’ cannotfollow thenon-finiteform directly. But ke-ate food eat-before- ‘When theyare eating thefood theyare talkinginthat time.’ food eat- ‘After takingthefood theyhave gone.’ food eat- ‘While theyare eating thefood theyare singing.’ food eat- Iwere adog Imay sway‘If my tailrepeatedly (Iflatter my master).’ sway-repeatedly- pee-pee-baa-i-a. 1 marry him).’ Iwould marryhimIshouldgetold(Iamstillyoung becauseIdidn’t‘If old- buia-ja-n-te-ra. marry- that person-with ‘After eating thefood theywillgo.’ food eat-after- ‘Before eating thefood theyhave gone.’ you finisheating thefood‘If letusgotothemarket.’ food=2 o-iar=o seno-ja-n-a. mai jom-sida-re=ko o-eae seno-me. mai jom-le-ate seno-ja-n-a. mai jom-ke-ate=ko mai jom-ta-n-lo=ko dura -ta-n-a. cadlom añ-hona setabai-ja-n-re-do ini-lo a senog-a. mai jom-tayom-te=ko = o-edr-o piii-te=lasenog-a. mai=m jom-ke-d-re-do SG -if dog -if become- INGR , sida-re ‘before’ andtayom-te canbeusedinthesubordinate clauses: SG - ITR : SUBJ ANT COMPL PROG - INS eat- -from go- - - GEN EPEN LOC ITR -from=3 LOC andi-ja-n-re-do naa-lo-do=ñ - COMPL =3 - LOC IND =3 PL =3 PL : INGR SUBJ - INGR PL IND TR : PL SUBJ : SUBJ : - SUBJ go- LOC - - ITR ITR go- go- - sing- - TOP - LOC LOC IND PROG market-to=1 -top now-with-top=1 INGR - TOP PROG - tail ITR - ITR - - ITR IND - IND - IND DL . INC : SUBJ MUNDARI 151 SG : go- SUBJ IND Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree (188) In ourobservation itisnotthesamesubjectmarker as isshown below. (185) (187) subject marker. Thus, limiteddata in(Osada1992),itwas speculated that ciinMundarimightbeasame thevery According toAndersonandBoyle (2002:48),basedsolely onsomeof 4.4 Switch reference (186) A negative clauseisillustrated inthefollowing: (184) (183) (182) (181) In addition toke-ate andle-atethere are ta-n-ate, 152 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES (180) aka-n-ate, asinthefollowing: The concessive clausesare asfollows: ‘They went away assoontheyhad eaten.’ ‘Whether s/heeats ornot,you must beready for thefood.’ eat- eat-it-or food eat- 1 go- ‘He doesn’t talkuntilhedrinksliquor.’ this-person yet drink-only- ‘Whether you goornot,thework goeswell.’ ‘I ameating while sittingontheground.’ sit- ‘It hastaken two years afteryour mother’s death.’ mother-your die- ‘After takingthefood theyhave washed theirhands’. food eat- ‘You are stilleating but startingtostudy.’ ‘They went away assoonIhadeaten.’ ñjmk--ik seno-ja-n-a. añ jom-ke-d-ci=ko seno-re-o ka=m seno-re-o kami-do jom-ke-d-ci=ko seno-ja-n-a. ne-hoo auri nu-bairi-do ka=e jagar-a. jom-e-ca ka=e dub-aka-n-ate=ñ jom-ta-n-a. ega-m goe -ja-n-ate bar-sirma hoba-ja-n-a. mai mai jom-ta-n-ate=m SG CONT LOC eat- COMPL -also - jom-ke-n-ate=ko abo-en-ja-n-a. ITR - TR NEG -from=1 COMPL COMPL PROG -=3 NEG =3 PL - SG ITR =2 - - : ITR TR INGR SUBJ : SG SUBJ SG -from=2 - -from=3 CONJ : : go- SUBJ - SUBJ eat-it food make- ITR =3 jom-e maibai-ta-m. eat- fo w-er happen- -from two-year go- INGR TOP SG PL PL : : LOC SUBJ SUBJ : SUBJ - PROG ITR NEG -also work- go- study- - wash- IND - =3 paao-ta-n-a. ITR INGR SG - IND : SUBJ PROG ke-n-ate, PROG RFLXV - ITR TOP talk- -2 - - go well- IND ITR SG - INGR calao-a. 11 - IND IND ja-n-ate, le-n-ate,and INGR - ITR IND - - IND ITR - IND Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree English. There are many ‘cut’ verbs inMundariwhich in are equivalent tothemeaningof 5.1 Semantics 5 SEMANTICS/DISCOURSE (189) (i)Subject in thesentence. Thefollowing elementscanbemarked by thetopicmarker do: the topicindiscourse. Itsinglesouttheelementabout which thecommentismade Mundari. Idescribethesehere. As farasdiscourseisconcerned,there are thetopicmarker andemphatic marker in 5.2 Discourse Kham, which belongstotheAustroasiatic language family spoken inCambodia. According toSuwilai(2002),there are numerous verbs inthesamesemanticfield (viii) (vii) (vi) (v) (iv) (iii) (ii) (i)had (xi) (ix) (x) The particledofollows thenounphrase orpostpositionalphrase that itmarks as ‘to cutthelongthings(firewood, etc.)intotwo portions’ ma sama paa od ga laab ula ged ir ‘to cutsomething(meat bone, jackfruit,etc.)insmallpieceswithako ‘to cutthrough andthrough atree andsofellit’ ‘to cutatree withastrikingmotion by anaxe’ ‘to cutapaper, hair, etc.by scissors’ ‘to cutmeat by bai(alarge meat cutter)’ ‘to cutwithsawing motionby aknife, asaw, anaxe, etc.’ ‘to cut the top portion of trees withduu(longaxe)’ ‘to cutthetopportionof ‘to cuttimberintolog’ agiven‘to cutthelongthings(rope, length’ etc.)inpiecesof grain by atrom (sickle)for‘to cutthestalkof reaping’ ona ‘I willgo.’ 1 ñd= senog-a. añ do=ñ ui SG TOP =1 SG : SUBJ go- IND MUNDARI 153 e (axe)’ Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree (196) For instance, (193) (195) (vii) Comitative (198) (197) mark Further, aswe have mentionedintheindefinite /ra dooa( The possessive isnotmarked for thetopicby theparticle 154 THE 154 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES ‘mine’, independent possessive ismarked for thetopic.Thus, añ-ag-adomena.( (190) (194) (192) (191) (i Direct object (ii) (vi) Benefactive (iv) Source (iii) Location (v) Instrumental In addition to the topic of asentence, doinMundarimarks thecontrast aswell.In addition tothetopicof do asin(198)but theinterrogative oko cannot. 2 this tree axe-by 1 ‘I willbuy thecombfor Soma.’ ‘You cutthiswood withanaxe.’ ‘You have comefrom Ranchi.’ ‘I lived inRanchi.’ ‘I ate thefood.’ ‘Someone hascome, (but notall).’ someone ‘Who hascome?’ who come- ‘You (went) toRanchi, but Iwent toKhunti.’ ‘We two (inc)went there together.’ food Soma-for Ranchi-from Ranchi- am añdo Kui-te=ñ sen-ke-n-a. do Ranci-te, edr aet op ma-ke-d-a. ne daru hake-te do=pe añ-lo do han-te=la sen-ke-n-a. oko-e do hiju-aka-n-a. oko-e hiju-aka-n-a oñ jom-ke-d-a. mai do=ñ e o naki=ñkiri-a-i -a. Soma-nagen do hiju-aka-n-a. do=m Ranci-ate tai-ke-n-a. Ranci-re do=ñ mena SG SG -with TOP diri ‘stone’,-rea/-ra COP LOC TOP Ranchi-to 1 ) ‘There ismine.’ TOP TOP =1 TOP CONT yonder-to=1 come- SG TOP TOP eat- =lSG: =2 - comb=1 ITR TOP SG - COMPL CONT IND SUBJ : SUBJ =2 SG PL live- - come- ITR - GEN : PL TOP TR SG SUBJ . - INC : - IND SUBJ IND Khunti-to=1 oa ‘house’)isungrammatical. While the COMPL cut- : SUBJ buy- CONT go- - COMPL ITR - ITR oko canbefollowed by thetopic BEN - IND - COMPL IND - -3 TR SG SG - do. For example, *diri-rea IND : SUBJ - - IND ITR - go- IND COMPL - ITR - IND Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree (203) (206) other hand,cannotbefollowed by theemphatic marker ge (198) but itcanbefollowed by theemphatic marker As seenabove, theinterrogative (205) marker While thetopicmarker doisnever allocated inthepostverbal position, theemphatic (204) (vi) Independent possessive (202) (iv) Source (201) (iii) Benefective (200) Direct Object (ii) (199) (i)Subject elements canbemarked by theemphatic marker ge The particlege (v) Instrumental ‘Who hassown themustard seedindeed?’ hswo axe-with this wood who ‘They are takingfood indeed.’ food=3 ‘This ismine(notany otherpersons’).’ this ‘With axe, you cutthiswood.’ ‘From Ranchi, you have come.’ Ranchi-from ‘For Soma,Iwillbuy thecomb.’ Soma-for ‘It isthefood that Iate.’ food ‘It isIwho willgo.’ 1 edr aet ep ma-ke-n-a. ne daru hake-te ge=pe keg hrl-- mn do mani her-le-d-a okoe ge mai=ko jom-ta-n-ge-a. añ-ag-age . mena nea do hiju-aka-n-a. ge=mRanci-ate naki=ñkiri-a-i-a. Soma-nagen ge jom-ke-n-a. mai ge=ñ ñg= senog-a. añ ge=ñ ge SG canbeusedfor theverbal phrase inpostverbal position.Thus, EMPH TOP EMPH SG may functionasanemphatic marker indiscourse. Thefollowing EMPH 1 : SUBJ =1 sow- SG =1 SG eat- - EMPH EMPH : GEN SG SUBJ : ANT SUBJ - =2 PROG go- GEN comb=1 - SG TR eat- oko cannotbefollowed by thetopicmarker - : - ITR SUBJ EMPH IND IND EMPH - COMPL mastard EMPH come- =2 SG : PL COP SUBJ - - IND : ITR SUBJ buy- CONT - IND cut- TOP - ITR : BEN ge COMPL - IND . Theindefiniteoko , onthe -3 SG . For instance, - - ITR IND - IND MUNDARI 155 do asin Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree i (i) As for nouns, Mundari-speakingarea languages, notably Sadani.Inotethefollowing points: There are many loanwords inMundarimainly from theadjoiningIndo-Aryan Loan 6.2 strata proposed. Ilisthere somewords withPinnow’s index number. It iseasytolistthecognated words asSchmidt(1906)andPinnow (1959)have 6.1 Austroasiatic/Munda components 6 LEXICON 156 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES (iii) (ii) As for verbs, thosewiththeendings-aoinMundariare borrowed from the i) (iv) view,From aphoneticpointof thefinalbinsomeloanwords asa isrealized (i)Q. 7.1 Riddles BRIEFANALYSED TEXTS 7 Aryan Indo-Aryan. Sosomeword forms coexist inthefollowing: man/mon‘mind’ These categories are due to Klaiman (1986). I give a list of verbs inOsada These categories are duetoKlaiman(1986).Igive alistof According toAndersonandZide(2002:55),‘aminimally bimoraic shape appears (1999). 2005,Peterson 2005)andourresponse (Evans andOsada2005b). Rijkhoff see (Evans andOsada2005a),three commentaries (Croft 2005,Hengeveld and thisissue. Please chapter islimitedinthisbookIcannottouchonthedetailsof that cantruly beclaimedtolackanoun–verb my distinction. Asthespaceof predictable). Itisonly monoprecategorial languages, from amongthetypesabove, Broschartian language, syntacticenvironment thesemanticeffects are farless of syntactic environmentsconversion, but withnoformal unlike signallingof ina agiven form may lexical appear itemsof inbothpredicating andreferring of incrementation), and(iv) Rampant zero conversion languages (thevast majority According toourdefinition,we classifiedintofour typesamonglanguages daughter languages’. Ourdata onMundarisupportsthis. to have beenobligatory its nounsinProto-Munda for andmany free-forms of of categories, by eachcharacterized theirown particular category like nounorverb, but rather issensitive tomuch more specific in referring orpredicating environments dependsnotona high-level word class plugged into),(iii)Broschartian languages (the placing lexemes semantic result of rather there isanincrement that ismade, according tothe functional position itis languages, itisnotpossible tostate apredicate-type meaningfor thelexeme directly; open-class lexemes canoccurinany syntacticposition.However, in precategorial will restrict ‘precategorial’ tothecasewhere –asin omnipredicative languages – meaning),(ii)Precategorialderivation, languages (we andwithnochangeof languages (allmajorword classesare able tofunctiondirectly as criteria couldbeindistinguishable by syntacticcriteria;that is, (i)Omnipredicative and toleave openthepossibilitythat word classes distinguishable by morphological to lackanoun–verb distinctiontodistinguishmorphological from syntactic taking thefood. while thelatter isthereverse action.Itmeanstheymust wash theirhandsbefore ke-ate andke-n-ate are slightly different. Theformer isthesuccessive action Papers from theTenth theSoutheast AsianLinguisticociety Annual Meetingof Tempe: Program for SoutheastAsianStudiesMonograph Series, Arizona – for thepitchaccenthere. pattern of pattern of predicates without proposed semantic semantic semantic evidence evidence Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 03:25 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315822433, chapterThree, 10.4324/9781315822433.chThree Nottrott, A.(1882)Grammatik derKohl-Sprache, Gütersloh. Nagaraja (1999)Korku Language: Grammar, Texts, andVocabulary, Tokyo: Institute Mundu, M.M.(1995)mu ——(1994) ‘i:big,a:small’,inL.Hinton,J. NicholsandJ. Ohala Diffloth, Gérard (1976)‘Expressives inSemai’,P.N. Jenner, Laurence C. Thompson Crystal, David Linguistics andPhonetics,London:Blackwell. (2003)ADictionary of ——(2005) ‘Word speechandsyntacticargumentation’, classes, Linguistic partof mentalverbs’, inJ.——(1993) ‘Casemarking andthesemanticsof Pustejovsky (ed.) 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Languages and Cultures of 99–119. in S. Basu-Mullick(ed.)UnityinDiversity inChotanagpur,Delhi:Uppal, Mundari Grammar, Mysore: Central Institutefor IndianLanguages. , Mysore: Central Institute of Indian Studies intheMundaNumerals , Mysore: Central Instituteof ari hindi-mu A Reference Mundari,Tokyo: Grammar of Institutefor Study of fabdako.a (Hindi–MundariDictionaryinDevanagari ari-hind fabdako.a. (Mundari–HindiDictionaryin in Gengo Kenkyu: Journal of , Delhi:Motilal Language