Political Reviews

Micronesia in Review: Issues and Events, 1 July 2014 to 30 June 2015 michael bevacqua, monica c labriola, kelly g marsh, clement yow mulalap, tyrone j taitano

Polynesia in Review: Issues and Events, 1 July 2014 to 30 June 2015 mary tuti baker, lorenz gonschor, margaret mutu, christina newport, forrest wade young

The Contemporary Pacic, Volume 28, Number 1, 171–244 © 2016 by University of Hawai‘i Press

171 political reviews • polynesia 227

-proposes-new-path-to-sovereignty keola Nākoa. 2014. Ancestral Places: [accessed 15 October 2015] Understanding Kanaka Geographies. ­Corvalis: Oregon State University Press. Hawaii Revised Statutes. 2011. ­Chapter 10h: Native Hawaiian Recognition. Peralto, Leon No‘eau. 2014. Portrait. ­Section 10h-2: Purpose. http://www Mauna a Wākea: Hānau Ka Mauna, the .capitol.hawaii.gov/hrscurrent/Vol01 Piko of Our Ea. In Goodyear-Ka‘ōpua, _Ch0001-0042F/HRS0010H/HRS_0010H Hussey, and Wright 2014, 230–243. -0002.htm [accessed 5 Aug 2015] Perez, Rob. 2014. Consensus from Hawai- Hawaii State Auditor. 1998. Audit of ians Would End U.S. Effort. Honolulu the Management of Mauna Kea and the Star-Advertiser, 13 July. http://www Mauna Kea Science Reserve: A Report to .staradvertiser.com/newspremium/ the Governor and the Legislature of the 20140713__consensus_would_end_us State of Hawai‘i. Report 98-6, February. _effort.html [accessed 19 July 2015] Available via http://auditor.hawaii.gov/ Ramones, Ikaika. 2014. oha Backs reports/ [accessed 5 Aug 2015] Down from Contesting the tmt Sublease. ———. 2005. Follow-Up Audit of the Hawaii Independent, 17 July. http:// Management of Mauna Kea and the hawaiiindependent.net/story/oha-backs Mauna Kea Science Reserve: A Report to -down-from-contesting-the-tmt-sublease the Governor and the Legislature of the [accessed 18 July 2015] State of Hawai‘i. Report 05-13, December. Sai, David Keanu. 2011. Ua Mau Ka Ea: Available via http://auditor.hawaii.gov/ Sovereignty Endures; An Overview of the reports/ [accessed 5 Aug 2015] Political and Legal History of the Hawai- Ho, Sterling Kini. 2003. nasa Will Do ian Islands. Honolulu: Pū‘ā Foundation. Impact Study on Mauna Kea. Ka Wai Ola Thirty Meter Telescope website. 2015. o OHA 20:5, 15. ­Science with a 30-Meter Telescope. Ka‘iama, Manu. 2014. Kū i ka Pono. In http://tmt.org/science-case [accessed Goodyear-Ka‘ōpua, Hussey, and Wright 18 July 2015] 2014, 98–114. Yamashiro, Aiko, and Noelani Goodyear- Kauanui, J Kēhaulani. 2014. Resisting the Ka‘opua, editors. 2014. The Value of Akaka Bill. In Goodyear-Ka‘ōpua, Hussey, Hawai‘i 2: Ancestral Roots, Oceanic and Wright 2014, 312–330. Visions. A Biography Monograph. Honolulu: Published for the Biographical Lander, Joan, and Puhipau, directors. Research Center, University of Hawai‘i, 2005. Mauna Kea: Temple Under Siege. by the University of Hawai‘i Press. Video, 57 minutes. Produced and distrib- uted by Nā Maka o ka ‘Āina, Nā‘ālehu, Hawai‘i. McFarling, Usha Lee. 2001. Science, Culture Clash Over Sacred Mountain. Māori Issues Los Angeles Times, 18 March, Sunday We lost a number of well-known Report section. http://www.moolelo.com/ Māori leaders in the past year. Henare maunakea-latimes.html [accessed 5 Aug Rakiihia (Rik) Tau, a Ngāi Tahu 2015] leader, passed away at the end of June Na‘i Aupuni website. 2015. http:// 2014. He filed the Ngāi Tahu claim naiaupuni.org/ [accessed 28 July 2015] against the Crown in 1986 and was Oliveira, Katrina-Ann R Kapā‘anaokalāo­ the driving power behind the success- 228 the contemporary pacific • 28:1 (2016) ful hearings of the claims and their government on Māori law and culture eventual settlement. Amster Reedy, and served as the Lakes a Ngāti Porou leader, passed away Council’s director on Māori mat- in September. He was an expert in ters. We bade each of them a peaceful ancient Māori rituals and was called journey as they traveled to rejoin their on as the kaumātua (expert elder) ancestors in far-off Hawaiki. and cultural advisor to Leaders of the caliber of these peo- teams for four Olympic games. In ple—who spend a great deal of their October, Jonathan Mane-Wheoki, of lives in the service of their whānau Ngāpuhi, Te Aupōuri, and Ngāti Kurī (extended family), hapū (grouping of descent, passed away. He was a profes- whānau), and (grouping of hapū, sor of fine arts and one of New Zea- nation) as well as the wider commu- land’s leading art historians. Rāhera nity—are greatly sought after. Most Barrett-Douglas, Ngāti Maniapoto, often in the Māori world they are also passed away in October. She identified at a young age and trained led her iwi (nation) as the chair of by their elders to take over the mantle the Ngāti Maniapoto Trust Board in of leadership at an appropriate time. the 1990s. In November, it was Eru Whakapapa (genealogical) links are Thompson, a Tainui leader. He was an very important. The English words acknowledged and respected historian lead and leader are considered inad- and traditional expert whose knowl- equate descriptors for the role and the edge and wisdom were sought after people we refer to as our rangatira. throughout Tāmaki Makaurau (Auck- This word provides some insight into land). In February 2015, both Apirana the role: ranga is a shoal of fish that Mahuika, Ngāti Porou, and Tama swims in unison; tira is a group of Huata, Ngāti Kahungunu, joined their people. The derivation raranga is to ancestors. Apirana Mahuika led his weave. Rangatira are those who weave iwi as chair of Te Rūnanga o Ngāti the people together so that they move Porou from its establishment in 1987 in unison (Mutu 1992, 60). Their until his death. Tama Huata was an role has nothing to do with either the outstanding leader in Māori perform- assertion of power by one (or some) ing arts; he founded the Kahurangi over others or notions of hierarchy, Māori Dance Theatre and the Waiata superiority, and dominance (Mikaere Māori Music Awards. In May 2015, 2010)—meanings that are inherent there was the sudden passing of Erima in the English word leader. Rangatira Henare, a Ngāti Hine leader. He was require attributes of integrity, generos- an acknowledged expert and authority ity, and humility, the abilities to listen on Māori language, history, traditions, to and take the people with them, to genealogies, and laws, particularly in keep their word, and to enhance the Te Tai Tokerau (the North); he was mana (power and authority derived also the chair of the Māori ­Language from the gods) of the people (Dia- Commission. Mauriora Kingi, Te mond 2003). Māori societal values Arawa, passed away suddenly a including mana, tapu (spiritual power month later. He was a respected and or protective force), tikanga (correct influential advisor of local and central way of doing things, law), whanau­ political reviews • polynesia 229 ngatanga (kinship), and rangatira­ visitors’ directives (Mutu 2012b, 103), tanga (exercise of mana) determine and demonized those who put the how ­rangatira conduct themselves and well-being of their people ahead of carry out their roles. the desires of the foreigners (Henare True rangatira these days are the 1989). Since the mid-nineteenth cen- heads of their whānau and hapū. tury, the British tried either to recruit Sometimes iwi leaders are rangatira, young Māori leaders to retrain them but the imposition of Pākehā (Euro- or to train young Māori and then pean) legal structures on iwi bodies declare them to be Māori leaders. as part of the treaty claims settlement These attitudes and behaviors carry on process makes it difficult for them to to this day. adhere to Māori values that define the From the outset of the current drive role of a rangatira. Processes imposed to extinguish all Māori claims against by these structures for appoint- the British Crown, governments have ing the organizational leaders favor tried to impose their preferred nego- those who have experience in Pākehā tiators on iwi entering negotiations organizations, particularly government (Mutu 2005, 201) in an attempt to departments. Those who are able to marginalize the rangatira mandated by get around the assimilationist aims of those iwi as negotiators. Where this these structures are the ones who put failed, they began incentivizing Māori their people’s needs ahead of Pākehā government servants to take over the demands, who know and understand leadership and control of their own their people and their whakapapa, iwi’s negotiations with the Crown their customs and traditions, their and to drive them through to govern- lands and resources, their relation- ment-determined settlements (Mutu ships and obligations to neighboring and others in preparation). Despite and related whānau, hapū, and iwi; protests from those iwi about conflicts how to settle disputes; and how to of interest, corruption, and the major represent their people with pride and upheavals that these divide-and-rule dignity. They work for little or no tactics always cause, the practice has financial reward, their hours of work become increasingly common (Mutu are endless, and most are only known and others in preparation). One of within the Māori world (Knox 2003; the incentives provided to govern- H Mead and others 2006; A Mead ment ­servants and collaborators is 1994). the awarding of Queen’s Honours Part of the colonizing agenda of the to those who achieve settlements—a British was to replace Māori society token of the government’s gratitude and culture with their own and in at having been delivered an escape doing so to assimilate and redefine route from the astronomical liabilities Māori leadership. British histories arising from past and ongoing govern- written about early European encoun- ment atrocities against Māori. In the ters with Māori denied the role of past two years, no fewer than six such women as rangatira (Mikaere 2010), awards have been made to iwi negotia- inflated the status of those rangatira tors, several of whom are or have been who were willing to accede to the government servants (Department of 230 the contemporary pacific • 28:1 (2016) the Prime Minister and Cabinet 2015; worked with the forum since 2008 at Waatea News 2014). the behest of their coalition partner, Government-appointed Māori the Māori Party. Government attempts leaders often have a high media and to attribute the representation of all public profile, but they are most often Māori to the forum have been firmly “leaders of non-Māori organisations rejected. There is no body that holds in the non-Māori world” (Knox 2003, such a mandate. The government’s 2). They adopt a style of leadership aspiration has always been to control that eschews traditional Māori values, the forum, but the forum has been res- imposes hierarchical notions of supe- olute in maintaining its independence riority and dominance, and mimics from the government. Government British societal values of the right persistence, however, has necessitated of individuals to personal security, repeated reminders of the need for personal liberty, and private property. vigilance in this respect. This prioritizes the pursuit of mon- A significant number of the mem- etary and material gain and political bers of the forum can be classified power. The government has been at as true rangatira: people who have pains to emphasize the monetary value worked selflessly for the whānau, of settlements it achieves with Māori hapū, and iwi, fighting government and the opportunity of increased oppression and denial of their rights, political influence for Māori that may often for many decades, and who result from them (Stone 2012, 140). have been appointed by their people It is careful to avoid any discussion as their leaders and spokespersons in on the legislative extinguishment of accordance with traditional tikanga Māori sovereignty, ownership, and (correct ways of doing things; law). human rights that settlements deliver Countering that are members who for governments and that many claim- have achieved their positions as iwi ants are far more concerned about chairpersons through government- (Mutu 2012a). imposed structures using processes The composition and work of the derived from British culture. There is National Iwi Chairs’ Forum is an widespread criticism of many of these example of the dynamics involved structures, especially from the hapū when true rangatira and government- whom they disempower. This criticism favored leaders attempt to work has carried over into the forum (Sykes together. The forum is an informal 2010). At least several iwi chairper- but highly organized group of the sons are government loyalists, and a chairpersons of sixty-seven organiza- significant number of these are or have tions from around the country, each been government servants. mandated to represent their iwi in The National Iwi Chairs’ Forum some capacity (National Iwi Chairs has a number of working groups that Forum 2015). Almost all its members carry out work in particular areas are men. It was established in 2005 such as constitutional transforma- and, while the Labour government tion (Mutu 2015, 276); fresh water; refused to recognize the group, the climate change; foreshore and seabed National Party–led government has conservation; the recovery of lands political reviews • polynesia 231 and resources including oil and miner- within Ngāpuhi have been seriously als; housing; and economic develop- damaged by the mandating process . . . ment. One or more iwi chairpersons the Crown has pre-determined the lead each group. A number of tech- outcome by ‘picking a winner’ and nicians and experts in the various backing the winner through fund- fields (working largely voluntarily or ing. . . . This has resulted in a ‘win- funded by iwi organizations) carry ner and loser’ dynamic which has led out research, ascertain the views of to the break-down of relationships whānau and hapū throughout the within Ngāpuhi” (Jones 2014b, 41). country, and draft reports for presen- Problems with the settlement tation at the quarterly forum meetings. process were reported in a number Chairpersons with government-servant of areas. These included reports of backgrounds tend to target the groups disenfranchised claimants trying that allow them to interact with to stop settlements for Te Atiawa, government ministers and officials. Ngāruahine, Rangitāne ki Manawatū, Their work is then seriously compro- Tūhoe, Te Hiku o Te Ika, and Te mised when, for example, they seek Aitanga a Māhaki. In Taranaki, there ministerial approval for their reports was protest at the exclusion of the prior to delivering them to the forum Pekapeka block in Waitara from Te (National Iwi Chairs’ Forum 2014). Atiawa’s settlement, and the Arau- The prime minister and a number of kuku hapū unsuccessfully sought ministers of Parliament are occasion- an urgent hearing in the Waitangi ally invited to quarterly meetings of Tribunal to prevent their claim from the forum but only to answer specific being extinguished in the Ngāruahine questions. Unresolved problems within settlement (Waitangi Tribunal 2015). and between iwi sometimes surface In Manawatū, there was protest over in forum meetings, although tikanga the mandate of the body settling the has prevailed with responsibility for Rangitāne ki Manawatū claims. In the problem being returned to the iwi the central , the Tūhoe concerned. It is the traditional ranga­ settlement was hailed as remarkable tira who lead discussion and steer the in many ways. Its removal of Crown forum. ownership and national park status Unresolved problems within from the extensive Te Urewera hill the country’s largest iwi, Ngāpuhi, country was described as ground- continued to attract media attention breaking (Jones 2014a). However, it throughout the reporting period. fell short of recognizing Tūhoe owner- Government support for its preferred ship. Several hapū whose claims are leader and negotiating body and its extinguished by the settlement without attempts to bulldoze through a settle- being addressed sought to stop its pas- ment while the Waitangi Tribunal was sage through Parliament (Māori Tele- still hearing the claims (Mutu 2015, vision 2014). In the Far North, Ngāti 279) resulted in the Waitangi Tribunal Kahu told the Māori Affairs Select granting an urgent hearing concerning Committee to stop the passage of the the mandating process. In its decision Te Hiku Claims Settlement Bill, which to do so, it noted “that relationships excludes them from large areas of 232 the contemporary pacific • 28:1 (2016) their lands by vesting them exclusively nz$20 million for 8,500 hectares of in the neighboring iwi (Radio New land “being returned by the Crown Zealand 2015a). In the same hearing, who stole it long ago” (McLean four of the five Ngāi Takoto marae 2015b). protested about being excluded from In the face of widespread dissatis- the Ngāi Takoto settlement (Te Hiku faction and protest against the settle- Media 2015). On the East Coast, ments, the government has remained Mangatū Incorporation was successful resolute in its drive to extinguish in its application to the High Court to all treaty claims. It is determined to quash the Waitangi Tribunal decision legislate away the serious flaws the not to give them binding recommenda- Waitangi Tribunal has identified in the tions over the Mangatū blocks. The assumptions it makes about its own government wanted to use these lands power and authority. This includes to settle Te Aitanga a Māhaki’s claim the false claims it makes to the lands (High Court of New Zealand 2015). and resources of whānau and hapū Ngāti Kahu took a similar case and throughout the country in order to are awaiting the court’s decision. It is deliver privilege and prosperity to inevitable that the government, which those who came and settled here as is desperate to retain its stranglehold a result of the 1840 treaty, Te Tiriti on the settlement process, will appeal o Waitangi, mainly from England. In any decision that could lead to the 2014, it passed legislation extinguish- tribunal making binding recommenda- ing all the historical claims of Tūhoe tions that order it to return lands it in the Central North Island, Ngāti has stolen from Māori. Hauā and Ngāti Koroki Kahukura of Meanwhile, problems were also Waikato-Tainui, and the shared inter- being reported for iwi who have ests of the Tāmaki Makaurau Collec- settled but are having difficulty hold- tive of the Auckland region. ing the government to the terms of In the same year the tribunal issued their settlements. Ngāi Tahu reported a report confirming that Māori did having their rights of first refusal to not cede their sovereignty in 1840 Crown land breached many times (Waitangi Tribunal 2014). Pākehā (Sherman 2015). Tainui and Ngāti have always asserted that our Māori Whātua are heading to the High ancestors ceded our sovereignty to Court over the government’s denial the British when we signed Te Tiriti of their rights of first refusal to land o Waitangi in 1840. We have always in Auckland (Radio New Zealand said they didn’t. English settlers relied 2015b). Despite this, the government on this falsehood to provide the justi- continues to maximize its revenues fication for their claim to power and from the settlement process, as iwi use control over this country through their income generated from the settlements parliamentary and judicial system. In along with funds borrowed, usually doing so they wove a complex tapestry from overseas, to purchase lands the of myths about Māori and about their government stole from them. In June own supremacy, which the tribunal 2015, Ngāti Tūwharetoa announced carefully unraveled in its report. that they were paying the government Government reaction was instan- political reviews • polynesia 233 taneous; they dismissed the report, twenty-six members of Parliament of baldly asserting that “the Crown has Māori descent are now in the House, sovereignty in New Zealand” (Chap- with all but two spread across the four man 2014). However, the report main parties: National, Labour, the was widely reported nationally and Greens and New Zealand First. These internationally. The Telegraph in members owe allegiance to their par- London referred to it as “the histori- ties first, not to Māori. There are only cal bombshell” (Chapman 2014). The seven members (in a 120-seat Parlia- Māori world was ecstatic. Shock ment) who are specifically mandated waves spread through the Pākehā to represent Māori in Parliament. settler community. A number of hui However, even they must put their (gatherings) have been held since the party’s wishes ahead of the needs of publication of the report to discuss its their constituents. Six of the seven ­implications. For many, it gave even Māori seats contested in the election greater urgency to the work of the went to Labour, with the seventh group of constitutional specialists, going to the Māori Party, which also Matike Mai Aotearoa, who have been gained a list member of Parliament. drawing up models for a constitu- Once again the Māori Party joined the tion for the country based on tikanga National Party–led coalition govern- (Māori law) and the two documents ment. Experience has shown that, that were the subject of the Tribu- while this allows them a place in the nal’s inquiry, He Whakaputanga o Te cabinet, it does severely constrain their Rangatiratanga o Nu Tireni (the 1835 ability to be an independent voice declaration of Māori sovereignty and for Māori in Parliament. The Mana independence) and Te Tiriti o Waitangi Party’s one member was not returned, (the Māori-language treaty between so there are now no independent Māori and the queen of England) Māori voices in the House. Māori (Mutu 2015, 276). voter turnout of 67 percent (65% in As the myth of the supreme and the Māori seats) continued to be much indivisible sovereignty of Parliament lower than the overall turnout of 77 unravels, expectations of parliamen- percent (Electoral Commission 2014). tary members of Māori descent are One area in which the Māori Party becoming more realistic. Some may did manage to achieve some gains enter the Pākehā Parliament as ranga­ was its Whānau Ora (well families) tira, but that role is quickly under- initiative. It aims to revolutionize mined by the demands of an institu- the way government social services tion established to service the needs are delivered to Māori by having all of Pākehā. That frequently involves services focus on the needs of whānau passing legislation that removes the (extended family) rather than the rights of Māori, such as the legisla- needs of multiple uncoordinated tion related to the foreshore and government agencies. Its goal is to seabed and treaty claims settlements empower whānau to take control of or extinguishments (Mutu 2011). their own well-being (Turia 2011) The September 2014 general election and to deliberately move away from results indicated that no fewer than the deficit model, problem-focused 234 the contemporary pacific • 28:1 (2016) approach used unsuccessfully on from the public service has been an Māori by government agencies for innovation that many Māori commu- many decades. In doing so, Whānau nities have welcomed. Ora aims to remove the industrial- While Māori representation at ized misery under which Māori suffer the national level is provided for in and from which many Pākehā social Parliament, in local and regional welfare providers prosper and instead government it is left to the discretion empower Māori to direct and control of the council. Some councils have our own welfare systems. permitted Māori to participate, but The initiative had a number of others have rejected repeated requests teething problems caused mainly by to do so. Pākehā determination to government departments withholding exclude Māori from decision-making resources and refusing to relinquish roles turned ugly in New Plymouth, control. As a result, the Māori Party Rotorua, Papakura, Tauranga, and moved the initiative out of the govern- the Far North. In New Plymouth, the ment and set up three community- district council voted to allow Māori based commissioning agencies whose representation, but the response from role is to allocate resources to Māori the majority Pākehā population was and Pacific Island–based providers vicious. They campaigned vigorously who deliver directly to whānau. A against Māori inclusion and eventually report by Auditor-General Lyn Provost forced a referendum, which over- released in May 2015 concluded turned the council’s decision (Tuuta that Whānau Ora had been a success 2015). In Rotorua, an equally deter- for many families despite the small mined attempt to keep Māori out of amount the government has spent on the Rotorua Lakes Council was not as it (Provost 2015, 4). However, she successful, with councillors accepting was very critical of the government an arrangement that was described by departments involved in delivery of a Te Arawa spokesperson as a start the program, noting that nearly a third but far from perfect (Maoate-Cox of the total spending was on admin- 2015). In Papakura, Tauranga, and istration when it should have gone to the Far North, superficial attempts to whānau and their providers (Provost consider Māori representation resulted 2015, 4–5). Provost also noted a reluc- in each proposal being rejected. tance in government agencies to even Battles to protect Māori natural consider moving away from models resources continued around the coun- that have failed in the past in order to try throughout the year. Both the New implement the Whānau Ora initiative Zealand Māori Council and National (2015, 5). Entrenched racism in the Iwi Chairs Forum are continuing to public service means that Māori initia- fight to have the government recog- tives often fail because they are sabo- nize and acknowledge Māori owner- taged by bureaucrats. The auditor- ship of water. Protests against mining general concluded that “an innovative licenses issued for oil drilling off the idea should not be abandoned just south Taranaki bight and off both the because of implementation problems” east and the west coasts are ongo- (Provost 2015, 5), and moving it away ing. A delegation from iwi of the Far political reviews • polynesia 235

North visited the Sami Parliament The author has been a member of in Norway and attended the annual the National Iwi Chairs’ Forum since general meeting of the offending oil its inception in 2005. Her comments company, Statoil, in a bid to stop them on the forum in this review are based desecrating an area sacred to those on her observations of its operations iwi (Mike Smith, pers comm, 25 May over the past decade. 2015). Following strong objections from Māori, the New Zealand Envi- ronmental Protection Agency refused References to give consents for sand mining in Balvert, Luke. 2014. Carrington Up for south Taranaki and for phosphate Paddling Award. Sunlive, 10 December. mining on the Chatham Rise. The http://www.sunlive.co.nz/news/88828 battle continued to force the owners -carrington-up-paddling-award.html to remove the ship Rena, which was [accessed 18 Aug 2015] wrecked on Ōtaiti (Astrolabe Reef) Chapman, Paul. 2014. New Zealand’s off Mōtītī island in the Maori “Did Not Cede Sovereignty to in 2011 (Mutu 2013, 168), with the ­Britain.” The Telegraph (London), owners offering financial inducements 14 November. for Māori to withdraw their objec- Department of the Prime Minister and tions (McLean 2015a). And in North- Cabinet. 2015. New Zealand Honours land, Ngāti Manu were appalled at a List. http://www.dpmc.govt.nz/honours/ decision to grant a consent to expand lists [accessed 2 Aug 2015] the marina in the picturesque Bay of Diamond, Paul. 2003. A Fire in Your Islands. The existing Ōpua marina Belly: Māori Leaders Speak. Wellington: has already severely polluted Ngāti Publishers. Manu’s Taumārere River (Nathan 2014). Electoral Commission. 2014. 2014 On a brighter note, the Māori films General Election Voter Turnout Statistics. http://www.elections.org.nz/events/2014 The Dead Lands, The Dark Horse, -general-election/election-results-and and What We Do in the Shadows -reporting/2014-general-election-voter have been doing well in international -turnout [accessed 3 Aug 2015] film festivals. The Dark Horse won an award for Best Film at the Seattle Henare, Sir James. 1989. Waka Huia documentary series broadcast by Tele­ International Film Festival, with Cliff vision New Zealand, 14 May. Curtis (Te Arawa) named Best Actor (Māori Television 2015). And Lisa High Court of New Zealand. 2015. Carrington (Te Aitanga a Māhaki, Haronga v The Waitangi Tribunal, Ngāti Porou), paddler extraordinaire, civ-2014-416-24 [2015] nzhc 1115: won her fifth World Cup gold medal Judgment 22 May 2015. in as many races. Lisa has dominated Jones, Carwyn. 2014a. The Tūhoe-Crown world championships and the Olym- Settlement: Editorial. mlr October: 1–3. pics in flat-water canoeing since 2014 ———. 2014b. Urgent Waitangi Tribunal (Balvert 2014). Inquiries: Ngāpuhi Mandate and Whanga­ margaret mutu nui River Applications. mlr November: 35–45. 236 the contemporary pacific • 28:1 (2016)

Knox, Colin. 2003. Maori Leadership Mikaere, Ani. 2010. Māori Critic and in Te Ao Maori. Manuscript, 8 October. Conscience in a Colonising Context. http://www.anewnz.org.nz/attachments/ ­Conference paper delivered at the 27th docs/nz-leadership-challenge-maori-colin Annual Conference of the Law and Society -knox.doc [accessed 2 Aug 2015] Association of Australia and New Zea- land, Victoria University of Wellington, Maoate-Cox, Daniela. 2015. Rotorua 10 December. http://whaaingawahine Council Partnership “an Improvement.” .blogspot.co.nz/2010/12/maori-critic-and Radio New Zealand, 2 June. http:// -conscience-in.html [accessed 9 Aug 2015] www.radionz.co.nz/news/te-manu-korihi/ 275187/rotorua-council-partnership-‘an mlr, Māori Law Review: A Monthly -improvement’ [accessed 16 Aug 2015] Review of Law Affecting Māori. Māori Television. 2014. Third Reading of Mutu, Margaret. 1992. Cultural Misun- Tūhoe Claims Settlement and Te Urewera derstanding or Deliberate Mistranslation? 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