Creation of the Internalized Misogynoir Measure: A Qualitative Approach to Designing
an Intersectional Tool For Use With Black Women
A dissertation presented by Elizabeth S. Cook, MS
Submitted to the Department of Applied Psychology in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In the field of Counseling Psychology Northeastern University March 2020
Dissertation Committee: Tracy Robinson-Wood, Ed.D, Chair William Sanchez, Ph.D Janie Ward, Ed.D
INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 2
ABSTRACT
Rooted in Williams Crenshaw’s (1993) theory of intersectionality, misogynoir is gendered racism that is specific to Black women, and illustrates the ways that Black women experience violence and hostility through the perpetuation of anti-Black, racist misogyny. Internalized Misogynoir is an intersectional form of internalized oppression which stems from the integration of internalized racism, internalized sexism and internalized misogyny. The goal of this study is to extend Williams Crenshaw’s work to operationally define “misogynoir,” through the construction of an internalized misogynoir measure. The methodology for this study consisted of focus groups to obtain
Black women’s opinions on misogynoir, as well as a proposed measure and the use of
Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis to explicate meaning from focus group data.
Qualitative results include the following: (a) confirmation that Black women have negative emotional responses to messages received about Black women and experiences of internalization: (b) Black women receive messages about themselves which manifest in five themes: Strong Black Woman, Sapphire, Not Seen and Not Heard, Beauty, Style and Sexual Objectification, and Respectability Politics: (c) internalizing these negative messages is related to vulnerability during pre-adolescence and adolescence, a lack of diversity in environments, the idea of family as immutable, and influence from their peers: (d) Black women use various optimal resistance strategies in order to cope with internalized misogynoir: and (e) the Internalized Misogynoir Measure is a helpful tool for illustrating Black women’s experiences.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
My immense gratitude and thankfulness -
To my Heavenly Father, for helping me maintain. You have been better than good to me.
To my parents, Angelique Cook-Hayes, Toriano Warren and Shawnna Warren, for loving me well. Because of you all, I have always been sure of who I am, and of whose I am. It is one of the greatest gifts I will ever receive.
To my siblings Tyshade’, Michaelangelo, Shaianne, Tyshera, TJ and Victoria, my brother-in-law Monterrious, and my nephew Katai, for keeping me grounded. I find my footing in knowing that sometimes, just being a big sister and an auntie is enough.
To Ijeoma Madubata, Taylor Frazier Hernandez and Ghizlan Aldeweesh, for reminding me what joy looks like. You all are the greatest reminders I have that there is more to life than academia.
To my advisor, Dr. Tracy Robinson-Wood, for your guidance over the last several years. Because of you, I have been changed.
To my committee members, Dr. William Sanchez and Dr. Janie Ward, for your time, dedication, and intentionality in helping me work through a complicated subject matter.
To Dr. Moya Bailey, for creating a term which has given voice to what so many of us struggled with. Sitting and talking with you about a term that has revolutionized the way we think about our identities was outstanding.
To the Black women who graciously gifted me with their time and authenticity in the focus groups, I see you. I hear you. I hope I have given voice to what you have shared.
To those I did not name, but who have shaped my writing, my work, and me, the best parts of me, and the parts of me still in progress, are honored by your presence in my life.
Habakkuk 2:2 – And the Lord answered me and said: “Write the vision and make it plain upon tablets, that he may run that read it”
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Table of Contents
Chapter 1: Introduction ……………………………………………………………….....7
Theoretical Framework ……………………………………………………….....11
Intersectionality in a Western Context ………………………………………...... 11
Understanding Internalized Misogynoir ………...... ……………...…………...... 14
Statement of the Problem ...... 16
Purpose of the Study ...... 18
Research Questions ...... 18
Research Design ...... 19
Chapter 2: Literature Review ...... 21
Internalized Racism ...... 21
Internalized Sexism ...... 25
Internalized Misogyny ...... 27
Gendered Racism ...... 29
Creating a Measure of Internalized Misogynoir ...... 38
Chapter 3: Methodology ...... 43
Rationale for Measure Development …………………………………………...43
Study Design ...... 44
Research Questions ...... 44
Recruitment...... 47
Participants ...... 48
Materials ...... 49
Procedure ...... 52 INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 5
IPA Data Analysis ...... 55
Ensuring the Quality of Qualitative Research ...... 57
Chapter 4: Results ...... 60
Demographic Information ...... 61
Summary of Focus Group Questions ...... 64
Other Important Observations ...... 66
Emotions That Arose ...... 66
The Look of Internalized Misogynoir ...... 69
Emergent Themes: Messages Received About Black Women ...... 70
Emergent Themes: How Much and Why Black Women Internalize These
Messages ...... 87
Resistance ...... 97
Thoughts on Internalized Misogynoir Measure and How to Improve It ...... 102
Chapter 5: Discussion ...... 108
Introduction ...... 108
Discussion of Key Findings ...... 108
Researcher Reactions ...... 117
Clinical Implications ...... 122
Study Limitations ...... 129
Future Directions ...... 132
Conclusions ...... 138
REFERENCES ...... 141
APPENDIX A ...... 156 INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 6
APPENDIX B ...... 158
APPENDIX C ...... 159
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Chapter 1: Introduction
Fifty years after the Civil Rights Era, it is unsurprising that people who are marginalized and oppressed because of their identity often face more adverse physical and emotional life outcomes than their privileged counterparts do. There is an established body of scientific literature and psychosocial studies which has detailed the impact of oppression on mental health for various groups based on race, gender, and sexuality. It is only within the last 10 years that researchers have begun to formally interrogate internalized oppression in scholarly literature. The concept of internalized oppression is not new, as W.E.B. DuBois (1903) discussed it in The Souls of Black Folk (1903), speaking of Black people’s possession of a “double consciousness,” or a “sense of always looking through one’s self through the eyes of others, of measuring one’s soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity” (p.3).
Internalized oppression can be simply defined as “the devaluation of one’s own group and valuation of another” (David, 2013, p. 23), specifically as an oppressed group comes to internalize dominant and negative viewpoints about their own group.
Internalized oppression can exist through any form of systematic prejudice; particularly through prejudice related to social identities that have master status, or that operate as the primary identifying demographic of a person. The United States (in particular) was both built on, and is structurally characterized by, a white, patriarchal hegemony. As such, characteristics which most commonly operate as master statuses in this country include gender and race, with race occupying grandmaster status in its ability to eclipse other social identities (Robinson-Wood, 2013; Hunt, 2007). Given both the legacy of white patriarchy which has shaped the United States, and the way that race and gender are often INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 8 distinguished by phenotypical features, internalized racism and internalized sexism are among the most-studied of internalized oppressions. Like the interpersonal experience of oppression, evidence suggests that different forms of internalized oppression can contribute to health disparities amongst majority and minority groups. These disparities include increased risk of heart disease, adverse birth outcomes, and genetic changes indicative of accelerated biological aging (Pascoe & Smart Richman, 2009). A review of available literature on PsycINFO database suggests that concepts of internalized racism, internalized sexism, and internalized misogyny have been analyzed in terms of psychological outcomes, including depression, anxiety, and psychological distress
(Campon & Carter, 2015; Szymanski et al., 2009). Consistent with the experience of oppression coming from external sources, people who internalize oppression are at risk for such issues as depression, anxiety, and low self-esteem (David, 2013).
Understanding internalized oppression is incomplete, however, without first considering how oppression manifests itself in discrete interpersonal acts, and how structural systems leave marginalized groups at a disadvantage socioculturally, politically, and economically. Scholarly literature and social commentary have focused on the importance of understanding the ways in which systems of oppression affect people of multiple marginalized identities. Consider, for instance, the ways in which
Serena Williams and Lebron James, both leading Black athletes of their respective sports, are discussed. LeBron is typically lauded for his athleticism, physical appearance, and dominance. Serena, on the other hand, possesses similar characteristics, but is instead often criticized for having the appearance of a man or a monkey (Anyangwe, 2015).
Rather than praising Serena for consistently demonstrating mastery over her opponents, INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 9 critics make disparaging and hypersexualized comments about her muscular, curvaceous body. This differential treatment can be attributed to the hostile enactment of stereotypes about Black women’s bodies, aggressiveness, and low position in the social hierarchy.
She is simultaneously criticized for being too aggressive (i.e., not playing “like a girl”) and for having a curvaceous body (i.e., being too sexual). These stereotypes and discussion of Serena Williams are rooted in a particular sociohistorical insidiousness which continues to be overused as an excuse to abuse Black women physically, verbally, emotionally, and psychologically. The arguments used during slavery that permitted the use of African women for back-breaking labor and sexual exploitation are the same ones used to accuse Serena of being too masculine and too sexual (Anyangwe, 2015; Rogers,
2009). Inherent in these critiques is the knowledge that there is something unique about
Serena’s identity, specifically as Black woman. This uniqueness has caused her to be denigrated for the same attributes (e.g. strength, intensity) for which a Black man like
Lebron James, or a white woman like soccer champion Mia Hamm, are celebrated.
In building upon the notion of intersecting identities and systems of oppression or intersectionality, as termed by Kimberlè Williams Crenshaw, theorists have proposed that
Black women experience a unique form of oppression due to the intersection of their race and gender (Woods-Giscombè & Lobel, 2008); yet, the overarching term gendered racism is not sufficient for characterizing experiences such as those of Serena Williams.
Bailey (2010) created the term “misogynoir” initially to describe the specific form of misogyny towards Black women perpetuated by artists in hip-hop culture. She defined misogynoir as “a type of misogyny informed specifically by a Black experience, wherein patriarchal forms of anti-blackness can be perpetuated and consumed, by all people, INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 10 including Black women.” Bailey called misogynoir a “particular brand of hatred of Black women in visual and popular [culture]” (Anyangwe, 2015). As such, it is not a term exclusive to creators and consumers of hip-hop, but rather describes a way of interacting with and treating Black women that is seen in large and far-reaching ways. Individuals studying and writing about this topic situate misogynoir within anti-blackness as a whole, and not specifically within anti-Black womanhood (Trudy, 2013). In doing so, they reinforce the belief that oppression which affects Black women is as important as oppression which affects Black people of all genders (Hull et al., 1982). However misogynoir exists, specifically at the intersection of anti-Black racism, sexism, and misogyny.
Research focusing on internalized racism amongst Black people, or internalized sexism and misogyny among women, has typically relied on the notion that the experiences of a group sharing a particular identity are largely homogenous. To some extent, this is true; however, it also ignores that, while race holds grandmaster status, in many people’s lives, gender, class and sexuality are also important facets of their identity
(Robinson-Wood, 2016). As with other oppressions, it is possible that misogynoir has the potential to be internalized. There may be both a research and clinical benefit to considering internalized misogynoir, versus trying to consider internalized racism, sexism, and misogyny separately. Black women may indeed experience internalized oppressions separately without experiencing the intersection of those three. However, the concept of internalized misogynoir only underscores how race and gender can both act as master statuses for Black women, and that many of their experiences are best explained by the intersection of internalized oppressions. INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 11
Theoretical Framework
Intersectionality in a Western Context
Since the term “misogynoir” comes from a tradition of intersectionality, it is therefore necessary to provide sociohistorical context for how the intersection of race and gender has affected Black women’s experiences. Historical constructions of gender, as they have existed in Western culture, typically situate women as the “weaker sex.” And while views have somewhat evolved over the last 60 years, the most desirable women have been described as delicate, deferential, and domestic (Saini, 2017). In contrast, the
Transatlantic Slave Trade predicated itself on the idea of Black people existing as subhuman, stronger, less intelligent, and in need of guidance (Thomas & Sillen, 1972;
Rogers, 2009). Such beliefs were widely held, and were foundational to policies and practices which negatively impacted black people’s bodies, freedom, and safety. Black women exist at the intersection of these ideas because they inhabit both identities, and as a result, they have been marginalized in conversations and movements designed to uplift women and Black people.
Consider the First Wave of Feminism during the mid-to-late 19th Century, and the
Black Panther Party of 1966-1982. The First Wave of Feminism had several leaders in the quest for women’s suffrage who chose to pit themselves against the right of African-
Americans to vote. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, one of the organizers of the first women’s rights convention at Seneca Falls, frequently made arguments like, “We educated virtuous white women are more worthy [than Black men] of the vote,” completely disregarding the presence of Black women (Ginzberg, 2009). Similarly, during suffragette marches, Black women were required to march in the back, segregated from INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 12 white women and behind the white men. Nearly a century later, leaders of the Black
Panther Party would be criticized for sexist viewpoints and practices. Eldridge Cleaver, former leader of the Black Panther Party, noted in his book Soul on Ice:
“I know that the white man made the black woman the symbol of slavery and the
white woman the symbol of freedom. Every time I embrace a black woman I’m
embracing slavery… Black men die for white women, who are the symbol of
freedom.” (Cleaver, 1968, p. 189).
Cleaver goes on to describe, in graphic detail and with the use of racial and gender slurs, that when raping Black women, he had to pretend that he was raping a white woman. He mentioned that “she [is] like a Jezebel”, and seeing her skin or feeling “nappy hair” would leave him unsatisfied. What is notable about Cleaver’s statement is the admission that his view of Black women is socially constructed in white supremacy. Nevertheless, he sees Black women as “a symbol of slavery”, and negatively associated with liberation of Black people. In both Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Eldridge Cleaver’s words, they see themselves as separate from, and better than, Black women, despite sharing an identity group. In their view, Black women are less than - by virtue of experiencing interlocking oppressions of patriarchy and racism - and thus, are able to be ignored.
In these social justice movements, Black feminists like Ida B. Wells-Barnett and
Elaine Brown repeatedly spoke out against the lack of inclusion for Black women, only to be summarily ignored. Furthermore, these movements and their leaders actively ignored Black women, while relying on the support and leadership of Black women.
Even today, the prominent activist group Black Lives Matter has been criticized for focusing largely on systemic racism towards Black men, despite being founded by three INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 13
Black women. Black women who have called attention to the lack of representation and general ignoring of Black women have consistently been called “divisive”, and told that their liberation comes after that of white women and Black men (Hull et al., 1982).
In the face of this opposition, Black women have long since recognized that simply aligning themselves with movements dedicated toward the advancement of women or Black people is not the key to their liberation. As a result, they’ve begun paying particular attention to Black women’s advancement. Cooper’s (2016) work, A
Voice From The South, is often seen as an important text for Black feminism in its emphasis on education, moral purity, and spiritual progress as keys to social progress.
Cooper and Black feminists throughout the 20th Century largely chose to remain part of feminist and racial justice movements, while at the same time emphasizing the need for
Black women to create organizations unique to them.
It is in the tradition of Anna Julia Cooper and Black feminists throughout generations that intersectionality theory (as it is currently known) came to be. Williams
Crenshaw’s (1991) intersectionality theory emphasizes that, for Black women, the lived experience is more than the sum of race and gender; it includes interactions which often reinforce one another, and create a unique oppression. Notably, Williams Crenshaw’s theory points to the ways in which Black women face an “intersectional disempowerment,” or disempowerment across multiple related systems, through violence that is political, structural, and representational in nature. For example, Crenshaw noted that people who are accused of raping Black women tend to receive lighter punishments than those accused of raping white women, and that Black women are more likely to have claims of rape dismissed for being unfounded. This is not merely a case of racial INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 14 discrimination, believing that Black people are liars, or a case of gender discrimination in which women are “asking for it.” Rather, these lighter punishments and dismissed claims rest upon the belief that Black women, in their otherness both as women and Black people, are hypersexual creatures. This belief is predicated on an underlying theme that
Black women are less-valued because of their Blackness and their womanhood, and as a result, they are not seen as deserving of justice.
Understanding Internalized Misogynoir
Recognizing that Black women are negatively affected by systems which normalize violence against them sets the basis for considering misogynoir as crucial to understanding Black women’s oppression. In isolation, the terms “racism” and “sexism” do not capture the totality of Black women’s experience. Ignoring this intersection suggests that identities exist within a vacuum wherein a person is conscious of, and affected by, only one identity at a time. Philomena Essed (1991) coined the term
“gendered racism” to suggest that the racist perceptions of gender roles is a complex and cumulative phenomenon. In doing so, Essed was able to capture the experience of Black women more fully, by not relying merely on ideas of multiple oppressions as having equal and additive effects. Instead, the concept of gendered racism acknowledges that racism and sexism are related systems of oppression which both inform a shared identity unique to Black women and exert a particular influence on a person’s life.
By creating the term “misogynoir” nearly 20 years later, Bailey (2010) expanded upon the idea of gendered racism to specifically highlight how Black women are treated with hostility. Consider, for instance, Goulett et al.’s (2015) finding that, while women tend to receive shorter sentences and lower bond amounts, Black women were INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 15 particularly more likely to be sent to prison than white women, and were assigned higher bail amounts. This impact of gendered racism is not limited to adults, as research has also demonstrated that Black girls receive harsher punishments from educators and harsher penalties in the juvenile justice system than white girls do (Epstein et al., 2017). The implications of the educational and legal disparities illustrated in these works is that
Black females are somehow more deserving of punishment and/or they are less worthy of mercy than white women are. Baliey (2010) argued that there are no perceived “benefits” to be accrued from experiencing misogynoir, in contrast to the benefits to women which may emerge from experiencing oppressions like sexism (e.g. not having to work outside of the household). She further illustrated misogynoir by showing it as being perpetuated through colorism in hypothesizing that Black women’s expressions of beauty and womanhood (via hair, clothing etc) are seen as existing in contrast to those of White womanhood. These expressions are subsequently devalued and seen as a “less than” version of womanhood. Similarly, traditional archetypes of Black women as the self- sacrificing Mammy and the hypersexualized Jezebel are situated in stark contrast to the perception of white women as smarter, more moral and possessing of ideal beauty
(Bailey, 2010; Lewis & Neville, 2015). Bailey argued that these tropes are gender- racialized because they are specific to the objectification of Black women and their sociohistory in a white, patriarchal Western world. They focus on physical features typical of Black women, make Black women’s pain invisible by propagating the notion of a “strong Black woman,” and they speak to Black women’s hypervisibility for what are deemed “inherent flaws” in Black women’s temperatement (Bailey & Trudy, 2018).
This objectification of Black women and dehumanization by suggesting that they feel less INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 16 pain (or are intrinsically inferior) is emblematic of the psychological violence and hostility that Bailey hoped to capture with the term “misogynoir”.
As with any other oppression, we recognize that, while the greatest personal impact of misogynoir lies within its effect on Black women, misogynoir itself is situated within a systematic framework which exists in different settings, and is perpetuated by all people. That is to say, misogynoir does not originate within Black women or become internalized in the context of a social vacuum. Researchers have not formally studied misogynoir, and therefore, conclusions about how misogynoir originates, is propogated and internalized, are based on existing knowledge of gender roles and racialized identities
(Crenshaw, 1993; Shelton et al., 2005; Speight, 2007). Consistent with other forms of discrimination, misogynoir is reinforced and communicated on a societal level through media images, and on a familial level through transgenerational teachings (Bronder et al.,
2014; Thomas et al., 2004). It is a macro event that people across identities and systems all witness and engage in, but one which only those who are most directly harmed by it can internalize, due to the way in which it causes them to view themselves and other people like them. Although the concept of misogynoir may not be new, misogynoir is a new term, and there is currently no precedent for any related research or measures. We know little about how to assess its extent or its impact interpersonally and via processes of internalization.
Statement of the Problem
To begin formally researching the concept of misogynoir, I developed the
Internalized Misogynoir Measure (IMM). This is the first measure designed to assess misogynoir; reliability and validity have not yet been established. The IMM was designed INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 17 to analyze the interlocking oppressions of racism and misogyny through three theoretically linked constructs: Cultural Archetypes, Silenced and Sidelined, and Beauty
Ideals. As Bailey (2010) gave only a general theory for misogynoir, these constructs were generated from others’ interdisciplinary work on Black women published over the last three decades (Collins, 1990; Lewis & Neville, 2015; Thomas et al., 2008). Specifically, these constructs illustrate facets of gendered racism, one of the earliest terms created to capture the oppression that Black women experience as a result of racist perceptions of gender roles (Essed, 1991). Essed’s qualitative research with Black women in the US and the Netherlands, as well as Lewis’s (2010) subsequent work with gendered racial microaggressions, has suggested that internalized misogynoir manifests itself chiefly in three ways, with each illustrated by a specific construct. The first construct, Cultural
Archetypes, highlights the ways in which Black women are psychologically reduced and caricaturized by sociohistorical beliefs, attitudes and assumptions about their race and gender that are used to subordinate them. These archetypes are conceptualized as
“projected”, a defense mechanism. These stereotypes arose from what oppressors claimed were inherent qualities of Black women, but in actuality, these stereotypes came from roles that were thrust upon (i.e., projected at) Black women through slavery and its subsequent legacies. The second construct, Silenced and Sidelined, illustrates Black women’s descriptions in the power struggle for respect and feelings of invisibility they encounter in professional and/or work settings. The third construct, Beauty and Style
Ideals, shows the ways in which Black women report feeling constrained by stereotypes related to beauty, style and attractiveness. This is distinct from Cultural Archetypes, in the sense that Cultural Archetypes were constructed by the dominant outgroups (i.e. INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 18 largely white and male) to describe their attitudes and assumptions about Black women’s character traits. Beauty and Style Ideals refers to properties which have an in-group origin and purpose, such as communication styles, physical appearances, and overall aesthetics.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to further refine the “Internalized Misogynoir
Measure”; the first version of which was created in the Fall of 2015, but was not piloted on any group of participants. The constructs proposed above were generated from combining Bailey’s work with existing research, although there may be other themes which further help to illustrate Black women’s experience of internalized misogynoir.
Accomplishing this goal of refining the IMM began by first asking Black women about their experience of misogynoir, including the internalization of misogynoir and its subsequent effects. In discerning between misogynoir and internalized misogynoir, I am referring to Black women’s understanding and experience of anti-Black misogyny in the world, versus when they came to use that anti-Black misogyny against themselves and other Black women. Furthermore, Black women’s opinions on the relevance of the IMM questions to their lives, and whether they thought this accurately described their experiences, were also obtained. In this qualitative study, several focus groups were used to gather information on individuals’ experiences with misogynoir and their opinions about the measure, specifically.
Research Questions
Research questions were as follows:
1. How do Black women experience misogynoir in the world? INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 19
2. What is the extent to which Black women internalize misogynoir, and why?
3. What are the emotional and psychological effects of internalizing
misogynoir?
4. Does the Internalized Misogynoir Measure help to illustrate the experience
of Black women’s internalization of hostile attitudes related to their gender-
racialized identities?
Research Design
Several focus groups discussed messages of misogynoir that Black women receive from various sources (including media, friends and family), as well as how and why they internalize these messages. The purpose for this was to help clarify how Black women describe and experience internalized misogynoir, as well as to explain the effects it has on them. Focus groups also addressed whether there were other facets of internalized misogynoir that were not currently being captured in this measure.
With the creation of this measure, there were some concerns. As internalized misogynoir encompasses a variety of aspects, including physical appearance and personality traits, it was important to see whether the items created for this measure accurately reflected the different proposed constructs. There was particular concern about the items in Cultural Archetypes and Silenced and Sidelined, as fear of conforming to stereotypes can reinforce silence, and so these items may, in fact, measure the same thing.
There were also questions about how the addition or removal of items from the measure would help to better illustrate Black women’s experiences of internalized misogynoir.
Since misogynoir involves reference to cultural stereotypes and discourses, it was necessary to use certain colloquial language (e.g. thot [acronym for ‘that ho over there’] INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 20 and natural versus “good” hair) to convey a Black cultural experience. In striving to be culturally relevant, however, it was important to consider that “Black” culture has evolved over time, and that this measure may also be unique to experiences in Black
America. As such, there was the possibility of age sensitivity in this measure, in the sense that some terms, i.e. “thot”, may be newer and less relevant to Black women past a certain age. Nevertheless, since Black women are not a monolith, the risk of not knowing certain colloquialisms is always present, and this measure was intended to capture the experience of Black women at varying ages. In the future, it may be helpful to address the influence of age on misogynoir, in either a focus group of Black women of varying ages, or in a focus group where Black women are asked about their perceptions of older and younger women as they relate to these terms. Ideally, this survey will be in used both clinical and research settings, when thinking about how Black women may be affected by, and propagating, forms of oppression. Hopefully, this measure will also help to aid in the creation of multiculturally competent clinical practices.
INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 21
Chapter 2: Literature Review
Internalized Racism
An understanding of misogynoir necessitates looking at racism, sexism and misogynoir separately, in order to understand how they might combine within the lives of
Black women. Internalized racism is defined as “the introjection among marginalized racial and/or ethnic groups, of negative stereotypes and biases associated with that group”. Negative stereotypes and biases in internalized racism are perpetuated within the majority culture. As such, people of color have to actively work against defining themselves and their culture by the negative stereotypes displayed in majority culture.
The effects of internalized racism and subsequent group devaluation can be automatic, where members of marginalized groups will self-replicate these stereotypes without the conscious awareness of doing so (David, 2013). The legacy of internalized racism for
Black people is one that begins with the chattel slavery that allowed white people to legally own West Africans and their descendants. Slavery, as a narrative of dehumanization, levied a devastating blow on African culture and kinship. This effectively left a hole through which white people, in an effort to preserve white supremacy, could begin to create a narrative of dehumanization and racial inferiority. As slavery formally ended and the Jim Crow era began, laws and policies designed to disenfranchise Black people maintained this theme of racial inferiority.
Internalized racism has been studied in various forms, beginning with Kenneth and Mamie Clark’s Doll Experiments of the 1940s. In their studies, they found that
African-American children who attended segregated schools deemed White dolls to be prettier, better, and more desired than Black dolls. From their findings, the Clarks INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 22 hypothesized that these Black children had internalized self-hatred. These studies provided evidence to support the legal argument that racially segregated schools were psychological harmful, and subsequently led to desegregation of the public school system
(Pyke, 2010). Since then, the concept of internalized racism has been highlighted across various disciplines, albeit it with a constantly evolving definition. For the purposes of this study, internalized racism is defined as what occurs when people of color internalize racist belief systems and attitudes about their own racial/ethnic group.
The concept of internalized racism is rooted in theories on racial identity development, as well as in the idea of intra-group othering. Way et. al (2013) conducted a study in which they found that middle-school students constructed their racial and ethnic identities by drawing heavily upon stereotypes about their particular group. Students of color within the study focused especially on avoiding negative stereotypes associated with their own ethnic or racial group. This mirrors the work of Schwalbe et al. (2000), in which the authors describe a phenomenon called “defensive othering.” Defensive othering occurs when people with marginalized identities attribute negative stereotypes from the dominant society to certain members within their group. Together, these theories suggest that there can be a step in racial identity development where people of color attempt to present themselves as un-like other members of their own ethnic group. In doing so, people of color intentionally or unintentionally align themselves with the dominant, oppressive group (Speight, 2007). Although the definition of internalized racism presented here is commonly accepted and researched today, for a time, the psychological community pushed back against this definition. There was a concern that by believing that people of color could view and treat themselves in the same way as the INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 23 greater White supremacist society, that psychologists would be encouraging victim- blaming. There was also a concern that this would perpetuate the belief that individuals are impermeable to intricate institutions of power. Over time, however, the prevailing school of thought has been that understanding racism needs to include a discussion of how it is internalized, retained, and recreated within oneself. Likewise, there is a general consensus that modern racism, propagated through coded language and institutional discrimination, is equally important as overt racism.
The focus now is on determining the level at which internalized racism occurs in the individual, as this will provide us with important clues about its relationship to mental health outcomes. Given that it can be difficult to not internalize oppressive views in a white patriarchal society, at what point does internalized racism become clinically significant, i.e. indicative of serious mental health outcomes? Studies have suggested that measures of internalized racism can serve to predict both personal and collective self-esteem, life satisfaction, psychological well-being, and distress (Szymanski &
Stewart, 2010). Moreover, these studies noted that internalized racism appeared to manifest in several specific ways, including the appropriation of Eurocentric beauty standards, as well as the devaluing of one’s own group by endorsing racial inferiority.
Previous attempts to measure internalized racism have focused on assessing one’s level of racial identity development within Cross’ Racial Identity Scale. These attempts are predicated on the assumption that the more a person ascribes to White people for a reference group orientation, the greater disconnect they feel with their own race
(Vandiver et al., 2002). Most recently, however, Campon and Carter (2015) created an
Appropriated Racial Oppression Scalewhich looks at feelings about and towards life INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 24 events, microaggressions, transgenerational trauma, and stressors that are personal, familial, and cultural. Items in this measure are subsumed within the factors of negative emotional responses to being Black, an American standard of beauty, devaluation of one’s own group, and patterns of thinking which suggest that racism is over (Campon &
Carter, 2015). The authors established initial construct validity for this measure, but there have been no other published articles since that initial publication.
In David and Derthick’s (2011) book, Internalized Oppression: The Psychology of Marginalized Groups, a chapter on internalized racism within the Black community provided examples of what thoughts, behaviors and emotions might accompany internalized racism. The authors listed it as the following:
• Denial of continued racial discrimination • Belief that African Americans’ failure to progress is a result of their unwillingness to work hard enough • “Excessive demands”—the belief that African Americans are demanding too much • “Undeserved Advantage”—the belief that African Americans have received more than they deserve
They cited Bailey et al.’s (2011) Internalized Racial Oppression scale for Black individualswhich also identified four particular manifestations of internalized racism:
• (1) belief in a biased representation of history • (2) alteration of one’s physical appearance • (3) internalization of negative stereotypes about African Americans • (4) changing one’s hair texture and style to fit a more European aesthetic
The authors finish this chapter with an acknowledgement that internalized racial oppression is contextualized by the intersection of other salient identities. In doing so, they also note the importance of considering identities such as gender, class and sexual orientation, when thinking about internalized racism in Black people.
INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 25
Internalized Sexism
Much like internalized racism, internalized sexism occurs when women enact and endorse learned sexist attitudes and behaviors upon themselves and other women
(Bearman et al., 2009). What is interesting, however, is that sexism differs fundamentally from racism in the sense that there is some necessary interaction between groups that needs to take place between different sexes. While Black and white people can arguably live and work largely separate from one another, some academics have stated that there is a biological and environmental necessity to (cisgender) males and females interacting in a positive manner (Piggott, 2004). This is not to say that racism and sexism, as structural oppressions, depend upon the presence (or lack thereof) of seemingly opposite groups.
Rather, the execution of these oppressions can look different because of the presupposed necessity of positive heterosexual relationships, and this difference is important to consider, when thinking of how these oppressions are internalized. Some have outright dismissed claims like Piggott’s (2004) as heterosexist, despite the fact that the continuation of the human race continues to be largely dependent upon cisgender, heterosexual interaction. This motivation for the dominant group, heterosexual men, to get along with women (and vice versa), means that sexism can often have benevolent overtones, making it harder to determine what elements of sexism are harmful, especially when internalized.
Since adolescence is an age at which people with marginalized identities are likely somewhat aware that discrimination is socially unacceptable, some may find it curious that internalized sexism is questioned less than other oppressions are. Again, this is likely due to sexism encompassing both benevolent and hostile traits, the former of INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 26 which is couched in rationale designed to make women feel cherished and protected
(Klonoff & Landrine, 1995). Furthermore, traditional sexism encompasses conservative gender stereotypes, unwanted sexual attention, and violence towards women. In contrast, sexism as it manifests today has evolved in direct reaction against the Second Wave of
Feminism’s focus on legal inequalities, reproductive rights and domestic violence. More recently, theorists have provided clearer refinement on the concept of sexism. For example, there is Neosexism, “ a manifestation of conflict between egalitarian values and residual negative feelings”, and Modern Sexism, wherein discrimination towards women is denied, complaints about sexism are resented, and special favors for women are also attacked (Martínez & Paterna-Bleda, 2013; Lewis, 2018). Although there are antagonistic undertones to these new forms, they are still often cloaked among benevolent aspects of sexismwhich may make them harder to pinpoint.
Once learned and taken in, internalized sexism typically manifests in four different ways. First, there is the insistence that women are incompetent; and second, there is the idea that there needs to be competition between women. Ironically, the former of these encourages a sense of powerlessness, and the latter creates a power struggle amongst women, especially in the professional world. The internalization of incompetence encourages women to have low expectations of their own capabilitieswhich in turn encourages competitiveness whereupon women will avoid hiring other women, due to their belief that men are generally more capable (Singh &
Prakash, 2019). The other two ways through which internalized sexism presents itself include the construction of women as objects, and the invalidation or derogation of women (Bearman et al., 2009). When women are seen (and in turn, see themselves) as INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 27 objects, their personhood is stripped away, and they are viewed and described as a collection of sexualized body parts. While this self-objectification can serve as a superficial buffer to external sexism, it also involuntary reinforces the denigration of women by implying that their only value is in their looks. Similarly, invalidating women by criticizing them for being outspoken encourages them to believe that any woman who is assertive is, or will be seen as, undesirable, unpleasant, unfeminine, or any number of other similarly pejorative names (Bearman et al., 2009). Naturally, the effects on women’s self-esteem and their overall health outcomes are similar to those inflicted by other internalized oppressions. The clinical implications of internalized sexism are vast, and for that reason, we need to design more accurate and effective methods for measuring this construct in Black women.
Much like with internalized racism, David and Derthick’s (2011) chapter on internalized sexism also provides a list to contextualize behavior, thoughts and feelings which could characterize a woman with some amount of internalized sexism:
• Powerlessness—whereby women believe themselves to be more limited and less capable than they actually are • Objectification—whereby women come to think of themselves as bodies seen from the outside • Loss of self—whereby women fail to recognize, or sacrifice, their own needs and desires • Invalidation—whereby women discount their own feelings and thoughts, specifically when they don’t match male standards • Derogation—whereby women use criticism as a form of gender role policing • Competition between women—whereby other women take the blame for the limited resources and hardships imposed by sexism
Internalized Misogyny
Given the limited research, and absence of formal measures on internalized sexism, there exists even less for internalized misogyny, largely because the research INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 28 literature has conflated sexism with misogyny. Admittedly, the ever-changing definitions of sexism and misogyny have made it difficult to parse out the difference; but overall, sexism encompasses misogyny. Misogyny refers to a specific dislike or hatred of women, something that is more in line with hostile sexism, as opposed to benevolent sexism
(Szymanski et al., 2009). Therefore, it is possible for an individual to be sexist, e.g. endorsing and perpetuating beliefs that women are delicate, and also to be concurrently be anti-misogynist; for example, by rejecting the idea that all women are secretly promiscuous. What’s more, there is also the implicit suggestion of violence in misogyny, since misogyny encourages the idea that there should be negative consequences for women because they are inherently deceitful, promiscuous, and worthless. Internalized misogyny can not only lead to the same factors that internalized sexism does, but can also have implications for safety, if it encourages women to accept violence as a natural consequence for being a woman.
Even those who have made a clear distinction between sexism and misogyny have conceptualized internalized misogyny as also encompassing of women doubting themselves, undermining other women, and expressing hatred for qualities deemed to be feminine. However, there are also the elements of active hatred or mistrust of other women to consider, in addition to a demonization of femininity which says that masculine traits are valued (Szymanski et al., 2009). Internalizing these values creates a confrontational atmosphere amongst women, whereupon there is no room for solidarity and fighting against patriarchy. Although scholars have acknowledged the need to study internalized misogyny, most inquiries into this topic have been qualitative, with the exception of a measure in an unpublished thesis (Piggott, 2004). Unfortunately, the idea INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 29 of internalized misogyny is still somewhat underdeveloped, due to its conflation with internalized sexism. It is the hope that illustrating how misogyny is distinct from sexism can help to emphasize the negative and violent (psychologically and emotionally) aspects which help to separate misogynoir from gendered racism.
Gendered Racism
In recognizing that this study utilizes and builds upon studies conducted on Black women, with respect to race and gender, it is important to consider the context of other relevant research. Building upon Essed’s 1991 work on gendered racism, researchers over the last 20 years have begun to further explore the relationship of gendered racism to various health problems experienced by Black women. This has included mental health complaints, such as depression or anxiety, as well as physical health complaints, such as the effect of gendered racism on pregnancy (Jackson & Mustillo, 2001). While Essed noted that a racist perception of gendered roles can be applied to men and women of color, much of the subsequent research has built upon Crenshaw and Essed’s work by talking specifically about Black women.
Studies within the last fifteen years that investigate the relationship between gendered racism and Black women’s mental health, offer a more current approach to the literature. Thomas, Witherspoon and Speight (2008) conducted a study on gendered racism, psychological distress, and coping styles among Black women. This study expounded on previous work about Black women’s feelings of distress around racial and gender discrimination, and their subsequent coping skills. In doing so, the researchers attempted to establish a theoretical relationship between psychological distress, gendered racism, and coping. The authors proposed that individuals who experience gendered INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 30 racism should employ some type of coping mechanism, and that, if gendered racism is also related to psychological distress, then coping may serve as a mediating variable.
Thomas and her colleagues administered the Symptom checklist 90 (SCL-90R),
Africultural coping skills inventory (ACSI), and a Revised Schedule of Sexist Events
(RSSE) (replacing the word “woman” with “Black woman”) to a sample of 344 African-
American women across the age spectrum. Findings revealed a significant positive relationship between gendered racism and psychological distress, as well as significant relationships between gendered racism, cognitive/emotional debriefing coping, and ritual- centered coping. Additionally, cognitive-emotional debriefing coping significantly mediated the relationship between gendered racism and psychological distress.
Subsequent studies have reinforced this notion, particularly as it relates to coping styles like detachment and internalization/self-blame as mediators between gendered racism and psychological distress (Szymanski & Lewis, 2016). Given that internalized misogynoir is a form of gendered racism, this helps to establish a precedent for the consideration of coping as relevant to buffering higher levels of internalized misogynoir.
There are a few methodological issues related to the Thomas et al. (2008) study that should be considered, in creating a measure of internalized misogynoir. One of the more debatable parts of the researchers’ methodology stems from their distinction between using the concept of double jeopardy versus using what they deem to be an intersectional perspective. Thomas and colleagues distinguish a double jeopardy from an intersectional approach, in stating that the former inadequately discusses social inequalities as having equal and additive effects by “artificially establish[ing] a
‘hierarchy of difference’ around areas of oppression” (Thomas et al., 2008, p. 308). They INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 31 instead view the intersectional approach as one which views race and gender simultaneously and holistically in recognizing that these identities intersect to affect aspects of human life. Thomas and colleagues are not the only researchers who have taken this view, and yet there are other researchers that would disagree with this definition (Lewis & Neville, 2015; Anderson & Collins, 2015). Other, earlier work on the role of racism and sexism in Black women’s lives has described double or multiple jeopardy as an intersectional approachwhich acknowledges compounding levels of oppression related to various identities (Reid & Comas-Diaz, 1990). Given that more recently published articles appear to agree with the distinction between double jeopardy and an intersectional approach, it is likely that this is a difference in school of thought amongst many Black women scholars. Although this does not necessarily present a methodological issue for the Thomas, Witherspoon and Speight study, it is relevant to consider in discussing misogynoir. As internalized misogynoir has roots in gendered racism, it is then best understood as taking an intersectional and more holistic approach.
Other methodological considerations of the Thomas article include the authors’ comment on the nuances in gendered racism. They state that gendered racism may be a useful way of understanding negative experiences related to race and gender, but that more focus groups are needed in order to capture the rich intersectional complexity. Since misogynoir, by definition, is a form of gendered racism, assessing internalized misogynoir in this study may help to further capture this complexity. It is unclear whether simply replacing “woman” with “Black woman” in the RSSE accurately captures the discrimination that Black women face. The authors noted that using the term “Black woman” does not mean that participants were cued into gendered racism, and thus, there INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 32 are conceptual and measurement concerns with this study. In this case, creating a specific instrument for Black women (rather than revising one), such as one measuring internalized misogynoir, can help to avoid these kinds of measurement concerns.
Several studies within the last five years have continued to build upon the work of
Thomas, Witherspoon and Speight, by examining the relationship between experiences of gendered racism and health outcomes. Given the established relationship between gendered racism and health outcomes, newer studies have examined the variables that help to mediate and moderate this relationship. Lewis et al. (2017) explored the influence of gendered racial microaggressions on the mental and physical health of Black women.
The authors noted that little research exists on the influence of gendered racism upon health outcomes, and thus they hoped to explore the role of coping and gendered racial identity as a potential mediator and potential moderator, respectively. The researchers posited three main hypotheses, including that gendered racial microaggressions would significantly predict negative self-reported health outcomes, and that coping mediates this relationship. Their final hypothesis posited that greater gendered racial microaggressions and lower levels of gendered racial identity centrality would be positively related to a greater use of disengagement coping, and negatively related to health outcomes.
Participants across the age, education, and sexuality spectrum took an online survey consisting of several measures, including the Gendered Racial Microaggression Scale
(Lewis & Neville, 2015), the Short Form Health Survey-Version 2 (Ware et al., 1996), the Brief Coping with Problems Experienced Inventory (Carver, 1997), and a modified version of the Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity Centrality Subscale (Sellers et al., 1997). Findings of this survey supported all three hypotheses, with the authors INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 33 specifically noting that they found no support for the role of positive coping in mediating the relationship between gendered racism and health.
Subsequent studies conducted by Williams and Lewis (2019) and Moody and
Lewis (2019) focused specifically on the relationship between gendered racial microaggressions and depressive symptoms, as well as gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress. Willams and Lewis’ work tested a moderated mediation model, in which increases in gendered racial microaggressions were associated with greater use of disengagement coping. Disengagement coping, or avoidant-detachment coping, was then in turn associated with increased depressive symptoms. Moreover, they also found that
Black women who had more negative perceptions of their identity used more disengagement coping, and subsequently had higher levels of depressive symptoms. As it pertains to trauma, Moody and Lewis’s regression analysis revealed that greater occurrences of gendered racial microaggressions were significantly associated with greater traumatic stress symptoms. The authors also found that Black women who reported higher greater gendered racial microaggressions and greater internalized gendered racial oppression also experienced greater traumatic stress.
Findings in both of these articles, as well as those of the Lewis et al. (2017) study, are consistent with findings from Thomas et al. (2008) and other works. However, the authors in these studies also note that the lack of existing intersectional measures to study the experiences of Black women were a limitation in each study. The adaptation of measures not originally designed to illustrate the gendered racial experiences of Black women can yield less statistical reliability, and limit findings overall. Likewise, Moody and Lewis (2019) and Williams and Lewis (2019) noted the importance of future research INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 34 focused on internalized gendered racial oppression upon Black women’s mental health.
This noted gap in the literature, as well as the recommendations for future research, lends support to the need for greater study of internalized misogynoir.
Perhaps the most direct influence on the construction of the Internalized
Misogynoir Measure was Lewis and Neville’s (2015) development of the Gendered
Racial Microaggressions Scale for Black women (GRMS). As the name suggests, the goal of this study was to create a measure of the gendered racial microaggressions that
Black women experience. Like the Thomas et al. (2008) study, this study also espoused the problems with using an approach rooted in the double jeopardy or intersectional approaches. Lewis and Neville opted to use an intersectional approach, in stating that this is the only approach which addresses race and gender simultaneously, without trying to separate them. After conducting an online study of participants diverse in age and geographic location, findings showed the GRMS to have good construct validity in relation to the Schedule of Sexist Events and the Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions
Scale (Nadal, 2011). The GRMS was also significantly related to scores on the psychological distress scale (Mental Health Inventory; Veit & Ware, 1983). Although the article was published after the initial formation of the Internalized Misogynoir Measure, the 4-item internalized gendered racial oppression factor of the Gendered Racial-Ethnic
Socialization Scale for Black Women (GRESS-BW) also mirrors items found on the
IMM (Brown et al., 2017).
Construction of the Gendered Racial Microaggressions scale was methodologically sound, with the authors using focus groups, as well as literature on microaggressions and Black feminism, in order to determine the types of INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 35 microaggressions that Black women experience. The authors took great care to conduct their focus group for revision of the items with a community sample, in order to ensure that the scale could be generalized to Black women across identities. Interestingly, in summarizing their findings, Lewis and Neville mentioned that women reported microaggressions that were associated with the Strong Black Woman stereotype to be the least stressful. The authors attribute this to Black women perhaps internalizing the stereotype, and thereby seeing it as less offensive. Given that the Strong Black Woman stereotype has been associated with a number of mental health problems, including disordered eating and depression, further examination of possible internalization would be helpful (Harrington et al., 2010). Similar methodology for the construction of the
Internalized Misogynoir Measure was undertaken in utilizing focus groups to further refine the measure, as well as using other related measures of internalized oppression to support construct validity. As the Gendered Racial Microaggressions Scale does not assess the extent to which individuals endorse the beliefs behind microaggressions, a measure of internalized misogynoir could be a complement to the literature in this area.
More recently, the Georgetown Law Center for Poverty conducted a study building on both legal and educational history of the disproportionate treatment of children of color, and also qualitative researchwhich suggested adultification of Black girls. Adultification is defined here as “a race-based sociocultural stereotype that treats
Black girls as if they are willingly engaging in behaviors typically expected of Black women” (Epstein et al., 2017). In this sense, stereotypes about Black women, including those surrounding aggressiveness and hypersexuality, are also ascribed to Black girls.
Epstein, Blake and González adapted a scale on childhood innocence, and randomly INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 36 assigned 325 participants gathered from an online community sample to answer questions, either about white girls or Black girls. Results showed that Black girls were viewed as more adult than their white peers at almost all stages of childhood (age 5-19), and were perceived as needing of less nurturing, protection, and comfort. Additionally,
Black girls were perceived to know more about adult topics, including sex (Epstein et al.,
2017).
The authors present these findings as a potential explanation for why school-aged
Black girls have higher rates of suspension and encounters with school law enforcement, as well as disproportionate treatment in the juvenile justice system as a whole. It is also important to note that the majority of participants in the Epstein et al. (2017) study were white (74%) and women (62%), and around 70% of teachers in the United States are white women. Given these numbers, it is easy to see the direct relationship between beliefs that are rooted in misogynoir and the subsequent educational disenfranchisement of Black girls. The experience of being punished at a higher rate, or of having encounters with law enforcement, is by nature a hostile one, because it is rooted in the fact that these
Black girls are perceived as having engaged in something worthy of punishment. This suggests that misogynoir is something which operates across age, and that Black girls as young as 5 are imbued with negative societal perceptions about Black women. What’s more, the article noted that one alternative definition of adultification is a process whereby children “function at a more mature developmental stage because of situational context and necessity.” As the study did not interview any Black girls who had experience with the school punishment system or juvenile system, there is no way to know whether Black girls noticed unequal treatment by teachers or law enforcement. It is INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 37 not a far-reaching assumption to suggest both that Black girls noticed this unequal treatment at an early age, and that this contributed to stripped innocence and a loss of childhood identity. It is therefore possible that, as Black girls age, the gap between adultification of Black girls and white girls increases, due in part to the internalization of adultification attitudes; that is to say that perhaps the adultification of Black girls is born out of a situational context wherein Black girls are treated more as adults, and therefore learn earlier on to act like adults in order to cope. Although the study of internalized misogynoir did not use children as participants, it may be helpful in learning what beliefs that 18 and 19 years olds have internalized, and whether school or the juvenile justice system was a place in which these beliefs were reinforced. In turn, this could provide an impetus for future studies of internalized misogynoir in younger populations, and of how it might be addressed earlier on.
Although a specific measure of internalized gendered racism has not been created,
Gainor (1992) provided a look into how internalized racism may manifest specifically for
Black women in their interpersonal relationships with one another. The author noted that
Black women’s relationships are traditionally discussed in the literature as safe and supportive. While she does not disagree with this sentiment, she also posits that there are interpersonal dynamics which could act as demonstrations of internalized racism. She noted that conflicts related to skin tone, hair texture, and body shape and size, as well as judgments about “appropriate” sexual behavior and displays of affection, can impede
Black women’s relationships with each other. While Gainor’s insight was specifically tailored towards doing group therapy with Black women, it is a useful starting point for INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 38 thinking about what the thoughts, feelings and behaviors of internalized misogynoir might look like.
Creating a Measure of Internalized Misogynoir
Over the last ten to fifteen years, there has been an increase in literature and measures focused on internalized oppression. Some of these measures of internalized oppression include the Internalized Racial Oppression Scale (Masai-Bailey, 2008), the
Appropriated Racial Oppression Scale (Campón & Carter, 2015), and the Internalized
Misogyny Scale (Piggott, 2004). However, out of these existing measures, none have looked at forms of intersectional internalized oppression. Likewise, there has also been an increase in qualitative research on Black women, gendered racism, and intersectionality.
Yet and still, no measures currently exist which specifically address Black women’s internalized oppression related to their race and gender (Thomas et al., 2008; Lewis &
Neville, 2015; Porter, 2013).
Parsing out internalized misogynoir from other internalized oppressions highlights a form of gendered racism that is unique to Black women, and is particularly dangerous.
Moya Bailey explains to critics:
“We have to refine language in a lot of different ways so we can actually come up
with solutions that help the communities we want to address. When you use
language that’s generic or unspecific you can get at some of the problem but not
all of it.” (Solis, 2016).
Bailey’s statement highlights that, while gendered racism has most commonly been used to refer to the experiences of Black women, the lack of specificity in the term means that it could be applied to other women of color. Bailey went on to note that she INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 39 wanted to interrogate the ways in which Black women experience a unique form of gendered racism that is different from that which other women of color may experience.
This is not to say that other factors, such as skin color and socioeconomic status, do not contribute to the way in which Black women experience gendered racism; rather, the definition of misogynoir holds that all Black women experience oppression based on their gendered-racial identities, regardless of these other identities.
In considering the value of an internalized misogynoir scale, it is also important to acknowledge the distinction between misogynoir and internalized misogynoir. An understanding of internalized misogynoir, as conceptualized in this study, is combined from Bailey’s work on misogynoir and other authors’ work on internalized oppressions.
While misogynoir refers to anti-Black misogyny, internalized misogynoir acknowledges that Black women can come to understand and use misogynoir as an anti-Black and misogynistic lens through which to view themselves and other Black women. An inquiry into the etiology of internalized misogynoir expands on this by acknowledging that there is a process of gendered racial socialization which Black women experience. Through this process of gendered racial socialization, Black women seemingly become aware of stereotypes about Black women that engender more positive or negative evaluations in society (Gay & Tate, 1998). In her novel Sister Citizen, Harris-Perry (2011) noted that
Black women subsequently may “[adopt] identities and behaviors that are meant to counter negative assumptions” (p. 120) in an attempt to resist gendered and racial shame.
Creating a measure of internalized misogynoir serves to fill a gap in the literature by providing a measure specific to the oppression that Black women can experience as a result of their intersecting identities of being both Black and women. A measure of INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 40 internalized misogynoir can help to further distinguish the ways in which Black women can experience hostility at the intersection of racial and gender oppression. Thinking about internalized misogynoir also allows for the consideration that experiencing structural oppression as a result of having multiple marginalized identities could lead people to perpetuate and reproduce this oppression in their own lives. Operating under the assumption that people can reproduce oppressions in their own lives might also uncover ways of helping individuals to resist optimally.
A measure examining internalized misogynoir may also prove to be a better predictor of negative mental health outcomes than measures of internalized racism or internalized misogyny alone. Research examining the stressors that women can experience based on additional marginalized identities may aid in understanding intersectional oppression, as well as inform treatment practices (Szymanski & Stewart,
2010). As it pertains specifically to Black women, those who are currently looking to study racism and misogyny test samples by looking for correlations and interactions effects among separate measures of racism and sexism (Lewis & Neville, 2015).
Unfortunately, measuring racism and sexism separately may not be able to capture the experiences which some Black women may encounter that are different from those of
Black men or white women. An understanding of internalized misogynoir rests on the idea that, while gendered racism is unique from racism and sexism, and should be studied as such. As previous research has shown a connection between internalized oppressions and poorer health outcomes, it follows that internalized misogynoir may also contribute to conditions like depression, anxiety, and psychological distress. By creating a measure which explores a phenomenon unique to Black women, future psychologists may be able INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 41 to develop a better understanding of how this suspected phenomenon affects their mental health.
In considering the contents of this literature review, a theoretical framework for internalized misogynoir is best illustrated by the following diagram:
In this diagram, I recognize that internalized misogynoir is the convergence of overlapping identities of race and gender, and their related oppressions of race, sexism, and misogyny as it is applies specifically to Black women. The unconventional design of this schematic denotes that internalized misogynoir is a concept with an overarching theoretical framework of intersectionality. Intersectionality acknowledges that there is a INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 42 place at which relevant identities interact that is unique from the spaces that the identities inhabit on their own. In this, the three internalized oppressions of internalized racism, internalized sexism, and internalized misogyny interact with one another, the juncture of which being where we situate internalized misogynoir. This juncture is the place where
Black women begin to devalue themselves as a result of believing and reproducing, on an intrapersonal level, oppressive views about Black women.
INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 43
Chapter 3: Methodology
Rationale for Measure Development
The purpose of this research is to gain a greater understanding of internalized misogynoir, and to refine an untested measure of internalized misogynoir created by this author. The development of an internalized misogynoir scale may help researchers to better understand how Black women make meaning of, and try to resist, the interaction of racism, sexism and misogyny in their own lives. In doing so, the measure hopes to fill the research gap by providing an alternative to measuring internalized sexism and internalized racism as separate oppressions that Black women may experience. The hope is that a measure of internalized misogynoir will more accurately capture how Black women internalize oppression related to their gendered racial identities.
It is important to note that this study does not assume that internalized misogynoir is inevitable for all Black women; rather, it acknowledges that Black women, regardless of ethnicity, age, sexuality, and class, can internalize oppression stemming from the intersection of systemic racism, sexism and misogyny. Clinicians might recognize internalized misogynoir from misogynoir in noting where Black women incorporate negative stereotypes about Black women into their own attitudes and behavior. For example, misogynoir may be exhibited by a TV show in which the only Black women characters are portrayed as aggressive and angry. Internalized misogynoir, however, may manifest as a Black woman who explicitly, or implicitly, conveys a belief that most Black women are loud and aggressive. This same Black woman may then attempt to portray herself as the opposite of loud and aggressive, by adopting a more passive and demure identity. The extent to which Black women incorporate negative beliefs about Black INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 44 women into attitudes and behaviors can vary, as they may reject many beliefs while still internalizing a few. While Black women exist across diverse ethnicities, socioeconomic status, religion, and skin color, an internalized misogynoir scale may highlight the common racist, sexist and misogynistic experiences of Black women across these other identities (Lewis et al., 2010; Thomas et al., 2008).
Study Design
This study took a qualitative approach by using Interpretive Phenomenological
Analysis (IPA). IPA values how individuals make meaning of particular concepts, in order to provide insight into underlying themes and opinions on a particular topic. For the purposes of this study, the qualitative approach included guided questions to help Black women discuss and explain their experiences with internalized misogynoir. A working definition of internalized misogynoir was determined by the meanings of internalized oppression and misogynoir. Internalized misogynoir, in this sample, is thus used to refer to instances in which Black women described integrating standards, attitudes and values descriptive of misogynoir into their sense of self. This, in turn, was used to help refine items on the Internalized Misogynoir Measure that this author created.
Research Questions
Research questions were as follows (relevant focus group questions are noted in italics):
1. How do Black women experience misogynoir in the world?
a. From where do you receive messages about Black women?
b. What messages do you receive about Black women from media
entertainment (magazines/television/movies/music)? INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 45
c. What messages do you receive about Black women from social
media (Facebook, Twitter, Tumblr, blogs)?
d. What messages do you receive about Black women from family?
e. What messages do you receive about Black women from peers?
f. What are the most prominent messages you’ve received about
Black women?
2. How much and why do Black women internalize misogynoir?
a. How much do you internalize those messages (from media/social
media/family/peers)?
b. Why do you internalize those messages (from media/social
media/family/peers)?
3. What are the emotional and psychological effects of internalizing
misogynoir?
a. How does it feel when you hear some of these messages?
b. Do you think Black women should act a certain way?
c. How do you think Black women are treated in society?
d. Have you ever tried to present yourself in a certain way or
change the way you presented yourself to avoid others
perceiving you in a negative way?
INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 46
i. If yes, in what way did you try to present yourself? Were
you concerned about negative stereotypes about Black
women?
4. Does the Internalized Misogynoir Measure help to illustrate the experience
of Black women’s internalization of hostile attitudes related to their gender-
racialized identities?
a. What did you think of the scale we gave you?
i. What are some items you liked? Why?
ii. What are some items you disliked? Why?
b. Would you change any items on the scale?
i. If so, what?
ii. If no, why not?
c. Would you add anything to the scale?
i. If so, what?
Research questions were created based on a critical understanding of internalized misogynoir as experienced by Black women. Internalized misogynoir is defined as
“Black women’s incorporation of anti-Black misogynistic attitudes, values and opinions into their own sense of self”. These attitudes, values and standards are specific to Black women, and different from those attributed to Black men and women of other races.
While participants were allowed to self-identify as Black women for this study, “Black” here is taken to mean “someone who considers themselves a descendant of people from the African Diaspora, both ethnically and culturally”. Although internalized misogynoir is not conceptualized as an inevitable occurrence for all Black women, the sociocultural INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 47 and sociopolitical nature of Western society has exposed Black women to experiences of misogyny which are specifically informed by a Black experience. As such, Black women can internalize some aspects of misogynoir while at the same time rejecting others.
In asking the focus group questions, I listened for experiences suggesting that respondents had incorporated anti-Black misogynistic beliefs about Black women’s into their personal sense of self and their sense of Black women in general. These beliefs are largely sociohistorical in nature, and are reflective of characterizations used for centuries to dehumanize people of African descent. Such characterizations typically include negative commentary on Black women’s bodies, hair texture, intellect, sexual behavior, and gender roles. The incorporation of such beliefs are different from Black women acknowledging the ways in which they might alter their behaviors in order to survive a society built upon patriarchy and white supremacy; for example, a Black woman might acknowledge that society deems straight hair to be more professional, and thus may wear her hair straight in order to get a job. This behavior, in and of itself, is not necessarily emblematic of internalized misogynoir; however, if that same Black woman were to believe that straight hair is superior to curly or coily hair, this may indicate internalized misogynoir, in suggesting that Black people's natural (curly) hair is inferior.
Recruitment
For this study, purposive sampling was used in order to recruit participants who were familiar with the topic of study and who may have had a “revelatory relationship with the subject matter under investigation” (Wertz, 2005, p.171). As such, only people who identified as Black women participated in this study. IRB approval was first obtained to conduct the study with a convenience sample of students recruited from a INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 48
University in the Northeast. A recruitment flyer was posted around various locations on campus, and emails were sent out to the to the listservs of several campus affinity groups.
These campus groups included the Graduate Students of Color Collective and the
University’s Chapter of National Society of Black Engineers. The original goal was to recruit students across all levels, in order to increase the likelihood that the IMM is relevant to Black women across age, socioeconomic status, education, and occupation.
However, this initial study includes students who are largely within the early adulthood developmental stage. A $20.00 Amazon gift card was provided as remuneration to participants, given that the study involved an investment of their time and energy.
Students interested in the study contacted the researcher via email, and were given a description of the study, as well as a link to fill out times and dates that they would be available to participate in a focus group.
Participants
This study does not assume that Black women are a monolith, and acknowledges
Black women, regardless of background, can experience internalized misogynoir.
However, for this initial investigation into internalized misogynoir, homogeneity of the sample was used. Homogeneity in this study refers to participant inclusion, defined by participants who self-identified as Black women of any ethnicity between the ages of 18-
34. The age restriction was designed to allow focus on one generation for this initial investigation into internalized misogynoir. This sample is also placed at a developmental stage, wherein they are likely reflecting upon their value system and how it operates within the new setting of college. Erikson’s Psychosocial Stages of Development and subsequent research into identity development both acknowledge that adolescence begets INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 49 a search for identity through the exploration of goals, values, and beliefs (Kroger, 2007).
As people begin to move into their early 20s, these initial conclusions about identity continue to be malleable, as people come to explore their roles in society and their relationship to society outside of the jurisdiction of their guardians. The age rangesof participants in this study are at the unique synthesis of childhood identifications, identity exploration, and identity formation. Participants of this age likely have some sense of identity, but are also interrogating what that identity means, as well as how it functions in society.
During the recruitment phase, flyers which were used to invite people to participate in the study purposely used the word “woman”, and not the word “female”, so as not to exclude trans women or nonbinary and/or genderqueer individuals who may identify as women. Likewise, participants were also invited to share their perspectives as they related to the intersection of other identities (such as ethnicity and class), and their understanding of misogynoir.
In total, 20 people contacted me via email to schedule interviews; and 18 participants completed the online schedule poll for focus groups. Of these 18 participants, it was evident that some participants knew each other prior to the focus groups, based on their reference to shared classes or reference groups. Given that the university is a predominately white institution with a small percentage of black women, their familiarity with one another was understandable.
Materials
Interview Protocol. A questionnaire (see Appendix A) was created for this study in order to gather demographic information, racial composition of current friend group, INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 50 and racial composition of neighborhood growing up. The focus groups were semi- structured. I asked participants questions, and allowed the conversation to flow naturally.
Participants engaged in a focus group of 3-4 people each. They were given 3-7 minutes to review and sign informed consent forms, and then 5-10 minutes to complete a demographic survey. Following this, participants were given 5 minutes to review a paper version of the Internalized Misogynoir Measure. In order to help foster a sense of privacy and safety, each participant was asked to create a code according to directions at the top of the demographic questionnaire. This was designed to help me to keep track of which participant had made each comment, and to allow for their demographic questionnaire answers to be connected with their focus group contribution. Prior to the questions, participants were informed that they were not limited to answer only the questions asked, but could allow the conversation to go wherever it seemed relevant. Participants then stated this code at the beginning of the recording, and engaged in a focus group interview of approximately one hour during which they discussed the topics in Appendix B. Topics included messages they receive about Black women, feelings when they encounter these messages, perceptions of Black women in society, and their thoughts on the scale items.
Within each focus group, questions were modified and participants were asked to elaborate as needed, in order to help facilitate the flow of conversation. Throughout the interview, I utilized various counseling skills, including open-ended questions, silence, and clarifications, in order to capture each participant’s experience. It was my intention to establish rapport, explore participants’ thoughts and feelings, and allow for space to explore important topics as they arose. Questions were carefully formulated to avoid making assumptions about the participants’ experiences; they were also formulated to INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 51 avoid influencing the answers with leading phrasing. Each question was designed to allow the participants freedom to be descriptive in their responses. As needed, I would ask clarifying questions, one such example being: “Are you saying that you value your family’s opinion more, because family feels more constant than friends?”
While I recognize that neutrality cannot exist in a study of this nature, phrasing of focus group questions was deliberate, so as to reduce influence on participants’ answers.
To that effect, questions were phrased as: “What messages do you receive about Black women?” versus “What negative messages do you receive?”, so as not to prompt participants to only think about negative messages. These questions, of course, also reflect my own assumptions as the researcher, that participants would only think of negative messages. An attempt was made to maintain a standard of neutrality throughout questions asking about participant’s feelings around hearing messages, thoughts on the
Internalized Misogynoir Measure, and perceptions around Black women in society.
Participants were asked both how much and why they internalized certain messages, and
I listened for an explicit articulation of internalization. The phrasing of “how much” was intentional, and was designed to allow participants to describe internalization as operating on a continuum, instead of as an either-or variable. This includes giving participants the option to say “not at all” in response to the question of “how much?” Similarly, asking participants why they internalized misogynoir was done in order better understand how
Black women differentiated between behaving in ways to survive in a white patriarchal society, and actually holding certain beliefs. Asking participants why they internalized messages allowed for space for participants to say whether they internalized messages due to reasons of sociopolitical survival. Furthermore, asking participants why they INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 52 internalized messages immediately after asking them how much they internalize messages helped to reinforce the idea that they can internalize messages to varying degrees.
Procedure
Research Participants. Prior to beginning the focus group questions, participants completed the demographic questionnaire. Focus groups had participants who identified as African, African-American, Afro-Latina, Afro-Caribbean, of mixed ethnicity, and as multiracial. The age of participants ranged from 18 to 28, with an average age of 22.33
(SD = 3.43). Each focus group lasted 45 to 70 minutes. In each group, all interview questions were asked. In an effort to establish rapport with participants, I also shared relevant information about myself, both as a researcher and as a graduate student studying Black women. Likewise, I informed participants that they could ask me to clarify or further explain any questions that they did not understand. Participants were informed that their interviews would be recorded, transcribed at a later date, and that their confidentiality would be protected.
Focus Group Process. After determining a date and time that yielded a fairly equal number of participants per focus group, I contacted participants with the location of their sessions. Upon arriving to the location, participants were provided with an explanation of the study, were permitted to ask clarifying questions, and were provided with both verbal assent and signed consent, before returning signed consent forms to me
(see Appendix C). The consent form detailed possible risks and benefits. The name of the
Principle Investigator, a licensed mental health professional, was also provided to research participants if they desired to speak with a clinician. INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 53
Participants were first asked from where, and from whom, they received messages about Black women, and what the most salient messages they have received from social media, the general media, family members, and peer groups are. Following each question about what messages they receive, participants were asked two follow up questions related to internalization; specifically, they were asked how much they internalize these messages, and why they internalize these messages. Respondents were not asked to respond according to a scale, and were instead allowed to use whatever metric they felt best to describe their experiences. This included participants responding with phrases such as, “a lot,” “more when I was younger,” and, “to an extent,” before continuing to expound on their answer. There were no Black women in this study who responded that they did not internalize misogynoir at least to some extent. Participants were then asked if they needed clarification on the term “internalize”. They responded in ways suggesting that they understood internalizing messages to mean being influenced by messages and incorporating these messages into their personal beliefs and behaviors. Responses from participants explaining their understanding of “internalize” included: “You mean why do we take it to heart, right?” and “You mean why we let it affect us and who we are?” The next set of questions asked what are the most prominent messages about Black women they have heard, and how they feel about these messages. Participants were then asked about their perceptions of Black women in society. Most notably, they were asked what their beliefs are about Black women’s public behavior, their treatment in society, and if they have presented themselves differently as a result of these perceptions and beliefs.
Participants were asked to give feedback on the Internalized Misogynoir Measure for both phenomenological purposes and for measure creation. Their feedback helps to INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 54 address the gap in the literature that exists, since neither misogynoir nor internalized misogynoir have been formally studied. Asking participants specific questions as they relate to the IMM helps to provide information on whether they thought the measure accurately reflected their experiences as Black women. Questions asked included what participants thought of the scalewhich items they liked/disliked and whywhich items they would/would not change and why, and if there were items that they would add to the scale. See Appendix D for all focus group questions.
During the focus group interviews, I took notes on participants’ comments for each focus group question. I made note of which participants agreed with each other, and which participants disagreed with each other. I also noted which participants used each other’s comments as starting points for their own commentary. Once all of the focus group questions had been asked, participants were then asked if they had any last comments. After the recording device was turned off, participants were also educated about the definition of misogynoir, and given an example similar to those used in Chapter
1. The reason why the definition was provided after the recorder was turned off, and not during the focus groups, was because providing the definition was not a planned part of the study. However, in each focus group, at least one participant asked for a definition following the focus group question “Have you ever heard of the term misogynoir?” My response to this question was always that I would provide them with a definition once the focus group had finished, because I did not want the definition to color their answers to the final two focus group questions. After the participants had left the room in which the focus groups took place, I read over my notes for clarity and made additional comments as needed. INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 55
In choosing to do a focus group, I am aware that the belief that participants collectively create meaning amongst themselves is inherent to this type of data. Focus groups assume that individual opinions are shared, but that a joint discussion occurs in which people build upon another’s beliefs (Romm, 2015). Thus, any data gathered is thought to be the opinion of the group, and therefore cannot be attributed to one person.
For this study, I accept that discussion and understanding around misogynoir, internalized misogynoir and Black women’s experiences, “are created via a complex interactive process rather than collected or found like shells on a beach” (White & Drew, 2011, p. 7).
IPA Data Analysis
Transcription. Each focus group was audio recorded, and I transcribed recordings verbatim. The transcript was reviewed for accuracy, and then additional, non- verbal indicators of communication were also noted in the margins. This information included the tone, facial expressions that I had previously noted, and gestureswhich accompanied the commentary of each participant.
Analysis Goals. The goal of the analysis was not to provide an assertion of Black women as a monolith who understand and internalize misogynoir in a specific way; rather, the analysis of focus group transcripts was designed to clarify Black women’s perceptions and understandings of internalized misogynoir. Data gathered from the focus groups was analyzed using an Interpretive Phenomenological Approach (IPA; Smith &
Osborn, 2003). IPA is a fluid approach conducted on small sample sizes, which offers insight into an individual’s “personal perception or account of an object or event” (Smith
& Osborn, 2003, p.53). IPA requires the thorough examination of the data in order to allow for a deeper understanding of the meaning that participants give to their INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 56 experiences. IPA consists of 4 steps, including: 1) reading and re-reading material to gain a clear understanding, 2) dividing the text into smaller units and documenting relationships, connections, observations noted upon re-review, 3) documenting themes by summarizing phrases to capture the crux of participants’ stories, and 4) converting and collecting phrases into terminology which best helps to display findings.
As previously mentioned, participants took part in focus groups to gather both their opinions on the Internalize Misogynoir Measure and to gather information on their experiences with internalized misogynoir in general. Data from this study was used to further refine the IMM, by noting how well Black women believe that this measure accurately reflects internalized misogynoir. Additionally, study findings identified key themes of misogynoir and items which might expound upon these themes.
Emergent Themes. After all of the focus group interviews were transcribed, I began the process of analysis. I first read through each transcript, to re-familiarize myself with the content of each interview. Then, I created a note section, wherein I highlighted what messages Black women had reported receiving, how much they internalized messages, why they internalized messages, their feelings about these messages, and the treatment of Black women in society. During this time, I also noted important comments, key words, and phrases that participants had used to give personal meaning to their focus group contributions. It became apparent that participants, without prompting, also discussed how they resist misogynoir. Given that this occurred in each focus group, I also began to note descriptions of how the participants resisted these messages. For example, this included instances where participants discussed ways in which they try to challenge negative beliefs about Black women. Throughout this process, I made note of non-verbal INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 57 communication that seemed particularly relevant to the language used by participants
(e.g., participant rolling her eyes when discussing unsolicited comments on Black women’s physical appearance).
The key words and phrases used by participants were then separated and compared with one another, so that similar elements could be grouped together. There were two sets of key words and phrases; one was comprised of the types of messages
Black women reported receiving, and the other was comprised of how much (and why)
Black women internalized these messages. Separation of these two types of themes is necessary for gaining a full understanding of the elements of misogynoir, and of how internalization of misogynoir operates. These sets became the lists of emergent themes, and a label was created for each theme that attempted to capture the meanings of the participants’ responses.
I then created a table of each participant’s key phrases and emergent themes, and looked for patterns amongst participants and the frequency of similar ideas. At this point,
I was able to consolidate themes based on shared components, as well as whether they appeared in the commentary of at least 12 participants or two-thirds of the sample size.
Ensuring the Quality of Qualitative Research
As qualitative research acknowledges the inherent subjectivity of researchers it is important to manage this assumed biaswhich may have an effect on data analysis. I utilized both a statement of subjectivity and an external auditor for the purposes of analyst triangulation. The purpose of a statement of subjectivity is to help researchers consider how their own identities, experiences, beliefs, and professional values may INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 58 affect their research, as well as to communicate this to other scholars for the purposes of considering the credibility of the study (Given, 2008).
Statement of Subjectivity. It is important to note that I, the researcher and interviewer, am a highly educated African-American woman with family ties to the
American South. Likewise, as a Black woman, I have personal experiences with misogynoir. In my role both as a listener and an observer of Black women’s stories about misogynoir, I expect to encounter stories which resonate with my own. Because I share sociohistorical and contemporary experiences with the sample, this will hopefully provide a unique and illuminating understanding of Black women’s experiences with internalized misogynoir. Additionally, my lens potentially has some biases, due to the existing research on Black women and expectations based on my own “native” or lived experience (Robinson-Wood et al., 2015). In acknowledging my potential partiality and expectations, I am practicing bracketing, as is advised by various qualitative researchers
(Creswell, 2007). Here, bracketing refers specifically to the idea of both identifying and setting aside any assumptions I have about Black women or internalized misogynoir.
External Auditors. Two auditors were used for this study, in order to provide triangulation and feedback for the organization of themes and of terms used to describe themes. The first auditor was a Black woman educator who conducted her dissertation using the IPA. The second auditor was a Brown, Muslim, Middle Eastern woman, who is both a licensed social worker and has experience with conducting qualitative research with people who have socially-constructed marginalized identities. These auditors were located through professional networks consisting of other graduate students, Black women with doctorate degrees, and mental health professionals. INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 59
I discussed my findings with each auditor, as well as my thought process along each step of interpretation. Their feedback included ways to consolidate themes, as certain themes had similar elements. The second auditor, in particular, also took care to ask for more information about my personal reactions during the focus groups. These reactions included any feelings, positive or negative, that I had towards participants. She helped me to think critically about the sense of camaraderie I had felt with participants, as one of my personal values is that of sisterhood with other women of color, and particularly with other Black women. Discrepancies were discussed between each auditor and myself. We were then able to come to a consensus about the research, and ensure that the analysis reflected the intended meaning of each participant.
Summary
This chapter outlined the rationale, specified methodologies and procedures for this research study on internalized misogynoir. This study seeks to use a phenomenological approach to explore how internalized misogynoir manifests itself in the lives of Black women. Chapter 4 will address the results of the focus group questions, including separating out themes on messages that Black women received, and themes on why (and how much) they internalized these messages.
INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 60
Chapter 4: Results
In this chapter, I provide a presentation of my findings from this qualitative study on internalized misogynoir. First, I give a summary of demographic information, to offer insight into participants’ backgrounds and experiences. Then I discuss themes which emerged from findings and break these into themes about the misogynoir-laden messages participants receive about Black women, and themes about how much and why they internalize misogynoir. Following that, I relay the emotions that Black women explicitly communicated or implied through tone in the focus group discussions. Likewise, I also note how Black women report resisting against internalized misogynoir. Finally, I discuss participants’ thoughts on the Internalized Misogynoir Measure, including whether they thought it accurately demonstrated their experiences, and how they thought that the measure could be improved.
Participant responses to focus group questions varied in length and complexity, with some briefer responses, and others where multiple participants would jump in to agree and elaborate on one point. Quotations from participants were selected to support the general findings, as well as to protect the anonymity of participants, given the sample size. Choosing quotations was done by analyzing statements which expressed similar sentiments and selecting a quotation that represented the general tone and content expressed by participants. Moreover, I attempted to choose quotations which were as descriptive as possible, in order to facilitate understanding of the themes. Group interviews were analyzed using an Interpretive Phenomenological Approach (IPA; Smith
& Osborn, 2003). In IPA, of particular focus is the meaning that participants give to their experiences, rather than the meaning that researchers impose. The steps to using IPA in a INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 61 qualitative analysis include (i) reading and re-reading material to gain familiarity, (ii) dividing text into small, meaningful units and documenting comments, observations, paraphrases, associations, and connections prompted by the review of the material with each reading, (iii) documenting emerging themes by condensing phrases to capture essential quality of participants’ contributions, and (iv) transforming and clustering phrases into terminology which captures and organizes findings.
Demographic Information
Eighteen (18) Black women aged 18-28, recruited from a university in the northeast, were included in this study. Participants ranged in ethnic identity, with slightly more than half of the women identifying as African-American (n = 10, 56%) and nearly one-fourth of the women (n = 4, 22.2%) also identifying as having two or more races.
The rest of the participants identified as Afro-Caribbean, Afro-Latina, or African. In terms of geographical area, the majority of participants (n = 16, 89%) identified themselves as being from the northeast United States. While all participants were current students at a university, participants varied slightly in educational status, as 61% (n = 11) identified as having some college education or currently in progress towards a bachelor’s degree. More than half of the Black women (n = 10, 56%) in this study identified themselves as working part-time, with another 22% (n = 4) noting that they worked full- time.
In reference to home environments, the majority of participants attended a mixed- gender school (n = 17, 94%) and attended public school for both primary and secondary school (n = 13, 72%). 60-70% (n = 12) of participants were eligible for free or reduced lunch in primary or secondary school, and the majority of participants are currently INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 62 receiving financial aid to help pay for their education (n = 13, 73%). When describing their current socioeconomic status, the majority of participants (n = 16, 89%) ranked themselves within the 5-7 range on a scale from 1 to 10, with 10 representing people in the United States who would be considered within the highest socioeconomic status in terms of money, education, and jobs.
With regard to the environment in which they were raised, 44% (n = 8) of participants reported growing up in a dual-headed household, with another 33% (n = 6) reporting that they were raised in a single-female-headed household. Additionally, when asked about the racial composition of the neighborhood that they grew up in, nearly half of participants (n = 8, 44%) stated that their neighborhood was mostly Black, with another 39% (n = 7) of participants reporting a neighborhood that was mostly of another race/ethnicity. The racial composition of the schools that participants reported attending was similarly stratified, with 39% (n = 7) of participants reporting that they had attended primary and secondary schools that were mostly Black.
When asked what race they typically compared themselves to, a majority of participants (n = 13, 72%) reported that they compare themselves to other Black women.
Likewise, slightly more than half of participants (n=10, 56%) reported that their social group is comprised mostly of other Black people.
INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 63
Table 1.
Breakdown of Themes by Participant Pseudonym Age Ethnicity Messaging Internalization Themes Themes Aisha 26 Afro-Caribbean SB, SA, NS, FF, PM (Jamaica) BSO, RP Lauren 20 African-American SB, SA, NS, VY, LD, FF, PM BSO, RP Tina 24 Afro-Caribbean SA, BSO, NS, FF, PM (Haiti) & African- RP American Danaë 19 African-American SA, NS, BSO VY, LD, FF, PM Nina 23 Afro-Latina SB, SA, NS, VY, LD, FF, PM (Dominican BSO, RP Republic) Jazmine 27 Afro-Caribbean SB, SA, NS, VY, FF, PM (Haiti) BSO, RP Tamar 25 African SB, SA, NS, LD, FF, PM BSO, RP Sara 18 African (Kenya) SB, SA, BSO, VY, FF RP Angelica 27 African-American & SB, SA, NS, FF, PM Puerto Rican BSO, RP Chidalu 19 African-American & SB, SA, NS, RP VY, LD, FF, PM Native American Micah 18 African-American SB, SA, BSO, VY, LD, FF, PM RP Ashley 28 Afro-Caribbean SB, NS, BSO, VY, LD, FF (Jamaica) & African- RP American Brianna 20 African-American SA, NS, BSO, VY, LD, FF, PM RP Yendé 21 African (Nigeria) & SA, NS, BSO, FF, PM Afro-Latina RP (Dominican Republic) Monica 25 African-American SB, NS, SA, LD, PM BSO, RP Elisha 21 African-American SB, SA, NS, VY, LD, PM BSO, RP Thalia 23 Afro-Latina SB, SA, NS, FF, PM (Honduras) BSO Evangeline 18 Afro-Caribbean SB, NS, BSO, VY, FF (Antigua & RP Barbados) INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 64
Note. SB = Strong Black Woman SA = Sapphire NS = Not Seen and Not Heard BSO = Beauty, Style & Sexual Objectification RP = Respectability Politics
VY = Vulnerability of Youth LD = Lack of Diversity FF = Family is Forever PM = Peers Matter
Summary of Focus Group Questions
Before discussing the analysis, it is helpful to reiterate the focus group questions.
The focus groups began with asking participants what messages they receive about Black women in general, as well as from media, social media, family and peers. They were then asked how much they internalized these messages from various different sources, and why. The purpose of asking these first two sets of questions was to distinguish between internalization of messages about Black women vs. exposure to messages. The distinction is based on an understanding of internalized oppression as a psychological form of oppression. Psychologists, philosophers and scholars of various disciplines emphasize that internalized oppression is an unconscious and involuntary response, wherein negative stereotypes are internalized (David & Derthick, 2014). It is best understood as something that is cultivated over generations, as a result of colonialism, the portrayal of the marginalized culture(s) as “wild, savage and uncivilized”, and a punishment/reward system for marginalized peoples who don’t assimilate vs. those who do (p. 8). This understanding of the mechanisms behind internalization acknowledges that Black women can be exposed to certain societal messages and yet, the extent to which they incorporate these messages into their attitudes and behaviors can vary. It also allows for the possibility that people with marginalized identities may choose to publicly assimilate for survival, while privately maintaining a different set of cultural attitudes, beliefs and behaviors. By asking separate questions on messages received, and on how much or why INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 65 messages were internalized, participants were allowed to acknowledge whether there were messages they had received but did not internalize. The result was that participants might acknowledge that they have heard particular messages; it varied on whether they would reply with phrases such as “not a lot,” or “definitely a lot,” in response to the questions on internalization. For example, one participant who self-identified as having darker skin noted that, while she had heard colorist messages when she was younger, she does not internalize these messages “as much anymore.”
Following the first sets of questions, the Black women in the groups responded to inquiries about the most prominent messages they received about Black women, and how it felt when they heard some of these messages. The next few questions invited respondents to discuss whether they believed that Black women should act a certain way, and about their thoughts on how Black women are treated in society. I then requested that participants talk about whether they had tried to present themselves in a particular way to avoid being perceived negatively, and if so, were they trying to avoid negative stereotypes about Black women? The rest of the focus group questions concerned the
Internalized Misogynoir Measure, namely, whether participants thought it illustrated
Black women’s experiences, as well as what they liked and disliked about the scale, or would add to or change in the scale. As this is the initial foray into internalized misogynoir, these results focus on self-report, and will be used to refine the Internalized
Misogynoir Measure. Future research will integrate the IMM and self-report, much like how studies on other various internalized oppressions have used self-report alongside specific measures (e.g. The Internalized Racial Oppression Scale for Black Individuals).
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Other Important Observations
Participants were largely unfamiliar with the term “misogynoir”, when asked about their exposure to the word. At the end of the focus group, after the recording device was turned off, participants were given an explanation of the term. Upon explanation, respondents were observed nodding, or saying, “That makes sense,” suggesting that the concept was not wholly unfamiliar to them. No significant differences were noted between participants based on ethnicity, age, geographical origin, or other demographic questions. How much participants chose to speak varied among the focus groups, as some group members appeared to know each other and felt more comfortable engaging in dialogue. As a whole, the group members appeared to form a bond while in the group, engaging in a naturally-flowing dialogue. They repeatedly used strong nonverbals with each other (e.g. snaps, head nods, “mmhm!”) and, at times, became animated when expressing an experience that other group members related to.
Emotions that Arose
As participants discussed the messages they have received about Black women and their experiences of internalization, a variety of different emotions were either explicitly reported or denoted in tone. These emotions were reported both in response to explicit questions about how they felt when receiving certain messages, and as spontaneous responses that participants gave when explaining their experiences.
In total, 25 different emotion words were mentioned throughout 5 focus groups, nearly all of which were negatively-laden. These words were used in response to questions around how participants felt in hearing messages about Black women, how they thought Black women were treated in society, and how much they internalized INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 67 certain messages. Such words included terms that appeared to have a more internal focus, like “hurt” or “disappointed”, suggesting that these messages felt personalized, or that participants saw them as an indictment of themselves. Other emotion words would have a more external focal point, such as “irritated” or “angry”, communicating both dissatisfaction and a desire to push back against such sentiments. Similarly, participants used emotion words which ranged from the mild “sad” or “upset” to the more evocative, such as “alienated” or “disempowered”. Interestingly enough, the more evocative words tended to be used in response to greater systemic issues, such as police brutality, whereas words like “sad” were used in response to personal experiences of discrimination.
Predictably, certain words came up repeatedly in different focus groups, with the top 3 words mentioned being “tired/exhausted” (which was mentioned 10 times), and
“annoyed” and “sad” (both of which were mentioned 9 times). Individual focus group participants generated these words independently. This indicates that participants were experiencing similar emotions, in response to messages about Black women and the subsequent internalization of those messages.
Of the emotion words mentioned, only 2 were not explicitly negative in and of themselves: “motivated” and “empowered”. However, these words were used in the context of having successfully navigated a difficult situation, and not in reaction to any images that respondents discussed seeing or internalizing. The use of “motivated” specifically referred to a participant’s description of how she resists negative messages received from non-Black women (i.e. motivated to prove them wrong).
Various studies have estimated that that anywhere from 55-70% of these are nonverbal messaging, particularly in the form of gestures and overall body language INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 68
(Birdwhistell, 1970; Mehrabian &Weiner, 1967). Moreover, among African-Americans, communication which is “passionate and animated”, including gestures that are
“frequent, and sometimes, large”, is seen as both normative and authentic (Elliott, 2010).
For these reasons, I also considered participants’ nonverbal communication in the overall understanding of their responses to questions about internalized misogynoir. Many of the emotions that arose in the focus groups, as implied by tone and body language, mimicked those explicitly stated by the participants. Multiple participants were noted as shrugging their shoulders when describing why they internalized messages, reinforcing their use of words such as “confused” and “unsure”. Participants also gesticulated with their hands when describing messages they perceived to be especially harmful or absurd. While participants were not explicitly asked to clarify their non-verbal behaviors, hand gesticulations are commonly understood as being used to emphasize one’s words. Thus, the use of gesticulations while participants simultaneously used terms such as “irritated” or “angry” further helped to illustrate the intensity of their feelings. Interestingly enough, participants who were less physically expressive while describing their emotional reactions to their experiences frequently used words such as “exhausting”, “numb”, or
“hesitant” when describing their feelings pertaining to messages about Black women.
These emotion words reflected a sense of resignation about the messages received and, in some ways, communicated the effort it took for participants to fight against internalization. One might hypothesize that their non-verbal communication reflected the same sense of unhappiness and acceptance that they described with their words.
It is important to note that non-verbal expressions were also not specific to particular messages, as different participants reacted to discussion of the same topic in INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 69 different ways. For example, within the same focus group, one participant might stab her finger in the air while discussing respectability politics (suggesting anger), while another might shrug her shoulders (suggesting confusion). Instead, expressions of nonverbals tended to be more unique to participants themselves. That is, regardless of the particular message being discussed, respondents would use similar nonverbals, suggesting a feeling about the messages as a whole.
The Look of Internalized Misogynoir
In seeking to understand participants’ understanding and experience of internalized misogynoir, it is important to refer back to the definition of internalized oppression as a whole. Internalized oppression is defined as “the devaluation of one’s self and group, and may be characterized by self-defeating thoughts, attitudes and behaviors developed in an oppressive environment” (David, 2014, p. 8). I take the position here that
Western society - and specifically the United States - is built on and perpetuates a patriarchal system of white supremacy. As such, Black women are raised in an oppressive environment in which it is impossible not to come into contact with misogynoir. The extent to which they internalize that misogynoir, as well as what messages they internalize, may vary based on other identities and contexts (Bailey et al.,
2011). That being said, based on previous research on internalized oppression, internalized racism and internalized sexism, it is possible to generate an idea of which thoughts, behaviors and feelings indicate some amount of internalized misogynoir.
The themes raised by Black women in this study will touch on several components that help to give a picture of what internalized misogynoir looks like. Each INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 70 of these will be discussed as they show up in the themes, but are also listed here for clarity:
• Attempts to dissociate with other Black women • Belief/endorsement of negative stereotypes about Black women • Higher expectations for Black women than for other groups • Automatic negative thoughts & perceptions of Black women • Alteration of physical appearance and changing hair texture & style to fit a more European aesthetic • Conflicts related to skin complexion, hair texture & body size • Objectification and judgments about what qualifies as appropriate sexual behavior and expressions of affection • Derogation and criticism as a form of policing • Invalidation of own thoughts, feelings and desires (particularly when they don’t meet a white, patriarchal standard)
Emergent Themes: Messages Received About Black Women
The following themes were identified in response to questions about the messages participants received about Black women in general and from media, social media, family members and peers: a) Strong Black Woman (SB), b) Sapphire (SA), c) Not Seen and
Not Heard (NS), d) Beauty, Style and Sexual Objectification (BSO), and e)
Respectability Politics (RP). Themes in this section were consistent with previous literature documenting the intersectional experience of racism, sexism and misogyny in the lives of Black women.
Strong Black Woman. Statements containing underlying references to the strong
Black woman stereotype were perhaps the most prevalent in the focus group discussions.
This well-researched and documented stereotype is one which emphasizes that Black women are capable of bearing any burden, almost by virtue of their gendered racial identity (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2007). Participants listed several phrases they have heard in reference to messages they receive about Black women, particularly that Black women are “strong”, “independent”, and “capable”. They talked about how these messages were INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 71 frequently communicated in such a way to suggest that being strong and selfless is the only option. As it relates to the thoughts, feelings and behaviors of internalized misogynoir, the Strong Black Woman theme highlights both higher expectations for
Black women than for other groups, as well as the invalidation of own thoughts, feelings and desires. When asked about messages received about Black women from family members, Micah pointed out the ways in which the message of being a strong Black woman was presented as non-negotiable:
“We’re strong... you’re on your shit. It’s just honestly like there’s no other option
than greatness... But also, I know I always grew up being told, ‘You’re gonna
have to work twice as hard to get half as far.’ So it’s definitely work.”
In this statement, Micah noted how such a message conveys that there is a narrow view of what it means to be a Black woman (i.e., being strong is the only way). Moreover, she also highlighted the ways in which Black women are told that being strong is a necessary response to a racist, patriarchal society. Participants resonated with the notion that being told to be strong, especially by their family, was an attempt to prepare them for an unjust world. They acknowledged that while these terms about strength were often used to support Black women’s optimal navigation through difficult and uneven terrain, the emphasis on greatness was also invalidating at times. For some Black women, this left them feeling that displays of weakness were not acceptable.
“Strong is the way that term can be used for and against Black women. So we’re
strong in terms of our resiliency and the ability to be able to take care of whole
families. But... they use that same term to work against us and say, ‘You’re too
strong.’ So you can’t accept help, or you don’t need help, or you’re being loud, or INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 72
you guys are mean and angry, or something like that... The strong title definitely
goes both ways.” – Aisha
Aisha described Black women’s experiences as feeling caught in a double bind where
Black women are expected to be “strong”, but will simultaneously have pressure put on them to not be “too strong”. “Double bind” here refers to Black women’s experiences of receiving conflicting messages about how Black women should operate. Participants went on to discuss the ways in which the message of being a strong Black woman operates as a reaction to societal norms. Specifically, they spoke of Black women having to fight for recognition, being hardened because they have had to fight, and needing to be selfless for the good of their families and communities. Angelica articulated the ways in which media portrayal of Black women, particularly when based on a “true story”, presents struggling as necessary for Black women to achieve as such:
“I think I receive a lot of messages that Black women are struggling, and hurt, and
abused, and taken advantage of. In a lot of movies that have come out recently,
whether it’s ‘Fences’ or ‘The Help’, or even ‘Hidden Figures’, show Black
women having to fight against male dominance and having to fight for survival.”
This idea of struggling as necessary for growth or achievement was further expounded upon in the context of relationships with men, and particularly with Black men.
Participants highlighted this in the context of violence, noting that they receive messages that Black women’s strength enables them to withstand abuse.
“’Cause like trending, last week the whole Fabolous [the rapper] and Emily B [his
girlfriend] situation was really disheartening, because it was just like, just like
people talking about domestic violence in a way around Black women, and it INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 73
wasn’t, the majority of the content [was dismissive and degrading towards Black
women].” – Jazmine
Jazmine spoke to a sentiment echoed by other participants, namely that because Black women are viewed as strong, they are also given less societal and media attention when they are abused. In this way, the narrative about the strong Black woman unfortunately communicates that Black women are stronger that women of other races, and are therefore more able to withstand abuse. Again, this echoes the sentiment that Black women are being held to a higher standard. What’s more, both in this example and throughout the mentions of the strong Black women narrative, participants pointed out the ways in which this message was most often communicated to them by other Black women. This suggests that the idea of being a strong Black woman is often a fundamental part of gendered-racial socialization for Black women. Moreover, because this strength is presented in contrast to that of other (particularly white) women, this also suggests that white womanhood is a part of gendered-racial socialization for Black women.
Sapphire Archetype. Another theme that arose as salient is that of the Sapphire, or angry Black woman, archetype. Throughout the focus groups, respondents made several references to receiving and internalizing messages that Black women were angry, aggressive and overbearing. The history of the Sapphire archetype, particularly as portrayed in the media, is well-documented in psychology literature (Rosenthal & Lobel,
2016), and refers to the stereotype of Black as aggressive, domineering and emasculating.
This theme highlights both endorsements of negative stereotypes about Black women, as well as automatic negative perceptions of Black women. Participants in this study discussed seeing “angry” Black women in media, and processed how the Sapphire INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 74 archetype manifests itself in their professional lives and interpersonal relationships.
Respondents noted the ways in which the Sapphire archetype created expectations that influenced their relationships with others, at times even before they had even been able to meet with that other person:
“I feel like even when I was younger, it was like, I needed to be quieter and softer,
and so the first time people actually get to meet me, their expectation is not that
they’re going to meet this loud, aggressive person. I just feel like there’s always
this message that you’re going to be angry and loud and stuff, when that’s not
even your personality; they’re just assuming that’s how you’re going to come
off.” – Tina
Tina and other participants emphasized that the stereotype makes it difficult for them to display a range of personality out of fear that negative assumptions will be made. Even as children, this automatic negative perception of Black women as loud and aggressive had been present for them, to some extent. Respondents talked about the terms “difficult”,
“aggressive” and “loud” as being used concurrently with “angry”. They went on to discuss how this can be particularly concerning in professional settings. Black women pointed out that, when they are expressing a dissenting opinion in a professional setting, they are often seen as angry by mostly non-Black women. Moreover, participants described feeling that they are never just angry, but are instead perceived as an “angry
Black woman”. Similarly, they reported being blatantly told or having it hinted to them that they are perceived as having a negative attitude, or of being difficult in temperament.
Tamar spoke to the feeling of needing to do preemptive work in professional settings in order to ensure that she would not be perceived as angry or aggressive: INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 75
“Even when I’m trying to advocate for myself like, ‘But thank you ever so much,
I’m just grateful for this opportunity,’ I feel like that reminder has to be put in
there, ’cause otherwise whatever I’m saying, even if it’s in the most gentle way,
it’ll be perceived as me being difficult or trying to butt heads.”
This added burden of presenting oneself as overly polite and deferential is further compounded and made complex by interpretations of what is appropriate in a “politically correct” society. In addition to the perception that they have negative attitudes, Black women talked about how it can be difficult to bring up concerns related to multiculturalism or equality:
“I would agree that [the messages about Black women are] being aggressive as
well as overly sensitive, just like a combination of both things. And then it makes
it really tricky, when you’re trying to talk about issues of racism and systematic
oppression, because it just affects people in so many different aspects of their
lives. So it’s necessary to bring it up over and over again. But you know anyone
who’s Black, me as the Black woman, is always going to be seen as saying those
facts in an aggressive and overly sensitive lens.” – Chidalu
Black women noted that these kinds of stereotypes and narratives make it hard to advocate for themselves, once again placing them within that double bind.
Some participants noted that, despite these professional struggles, they often received comfort and validation from other Black women with similar experiences. Other respondents countered this by maintaining that the message of not being loud and angry was one which they received most often from other Black people. Angelica voiced how INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 76 these messages were communicated to her early on, both from the outside community and from within her own family:
“I think the notion that Black women tend to be loud and aggressive also hits
hard. I know that I have encountered that stereotype, and women in my family
have encountered [and repeated it to each other].” – Angelica
In pointing out specifically how this stereotype “hits hard”, she echoes a sentiment amongst participants that a part of their childhood socialization included the notion of not being loud and angry. The fact these messages were repeated to each other amongst
Black women, most often as a form of warning or rebuke, shows how ingrained such beliefs were. Moreover, Angelica’s report that women in her family have told each other that Black women are loud and aggressive suggests that there was also a tacit endorsement of this stereotype, and thus, also some internalized misogynoir.
Not Seen and Not Heard. Some of the participants noted receiving messages which indicated that Black women’s voices were either ignored or devalued in various arenas. Research on gendered racial microaggressions has documented this phenomenon as one in which Black women feel silenced and marginalized in the workplace, academia and in other professional settings (Capodilupo et al. 2010; Constantine et al. 2008). This theme showcases attempts to dissociate with other Black women, along with having higher expectations for Black women. Within this study, participants who had either entered the working world or were preparing to enter the job search communicated similar feelings. Respondents discussed how they prepare themselves to combat stereotypes that they may encounter in these settings, including the notions that Black women are unintelligent and tardy: INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 77
“I would say in terms of meetings, that’s one thing I do. I’m always prepared, I
always have a writing utensil, I’m always on time. ’Cause I’m like, ‘Ha, you’re
not gonna get me, I’m gonna be early,’ you know, things like that. ’Cause people
think Black people are never on time, they’re always late and blasé blasé.” –
Ashley
In talking about the ways in which they actively work against such stereotypes, Ashley and other participants made it clear that they did so out of a fear that they would otherwise be ignored in professional settings. Therefore, being early and overly prepared for meetings was, in some ways, an attempt to present themselves as above reproach and worthy of professional attention. In this way, participants described having higher expectations for themselves out of a belief that meeting an arbitrary “higher” standard was the only way for them to be noticed. Angelica, in particular, described this way of thinking as a result of a message ingrained into many Black Americans: “You’re gonna have to work twice as hard to get half as far.” For her and other participants, things like being early and always having a writing utensil are ways in which they can show themselves as being overly prepared, with the idea that this is necessary in order to achieve as a Black woman.
While the “twice as good” message makes a commentary on the inequality perpetuated by patriarchal white supremacy, participants made it clear that people of various identities contributed to their feelings of not being valued. The pressure to present themselves as deserving of professional attention is one that they noted coming most often from all people in positions of power:
“You know what comes to mind? The episode of Insecure with Molly and the INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 78
Black intern. That’s what came to mind immediately when you said that... They
made Molly talk to the Black intern.” – Brianna
Brianna referenced a scene from the TV show Insecure, in which a Black lawyer named
Molly speaks to a Black woman intern who is perceived to be loud and uncouth. Molly attempts to tell the intern to code-switch around the white coworkers, and the intern is later fired after not being able to do so. Molly suggests to the intern, and in other episodes, that code-switching for Black women at her job is not just acting “less Black”, but also stylizing herself, in some ways, after the white women lawyers. This includes being quieter, as well as being assertive without appearing aggressive. Molly makes it clear that she is aware that a double-standard exists for lawyers based on gender and that aggressiveness may be praised in colleagues who are men, while being viewed pejoratively coming from her. Contextually, it is important to note that Molly was also an associate attorney at a mostly-white law firm, and who was hoping to become partner soon. Throughout the series, Molly makes references to a dual consciousness, where she is aware that being associated with negative stereotypes about Black people or Black women specifically could negatively affect her professional progress. While Molly presented herself in this episode as wanting to assist the intern, as an associate lawyer, she also held a position of power over the intern. Thus, Molly was also communicating messages about how the intern needed to present herself as a Black woman. Notably,
Molly did this in part because she did not want anyone to associate the intern with negative stereotypes about Black women, and in turn, associate Molly - by virtue of her
Black womanhood - with those same stereotypes. Although Molly did not actively dissociate with the intern, in talking to the intern, she showed a desire to dissociate - if INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 79 not with other Black women, then with her firm’s idea of what Black women are. While
Black men may also have difficulty conforming to overall whiteness in the workplace, the example referenced here notes a stereotype and gender-racialized burden specific to
Black women. By referencing this episode of Insecure, Black women highlighted the seeming necessity of conforming to a standard of white womanhood in order to not be ignored and overlooked:
“But I think in like, the workplace, I think that the higher people who are white
are looking for you to conform and be a certain way. So it makes it hard, ’cause
you wanna be yourself, obviously, but you also want a job. So it’s very
conflicting.” – Yendé
The conformity to a standard of white womanhood unfortunately permeates non- professional spaces, as well. Black women in this study also reported the phenomenon of
Black women being marginalized and largely ignored in news media. Participants acknowledged that, while representation of Black women has improved in fictional media, Black women are still overlooked in news stories. Participants cited several examples, including that of “Missing White Woman Syndrome”, or how Black women and girls who go missing are less likely to receive news coverage than their white peers are (Baker, 2017). They were clear in their belief that Black women receive less coverage because they are Black, and because Black women’s stories are viewed as less compelling, due to the elevated value placed on whiteness. Moreover, participants also discussed how the lack of attention to the stories and experiences of Black women is similarly reflected in social justice movements. Respondents pointed to a lack of intersectionality within feminist and civil rights movements, specifically that those who INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 80 are leading these movements do not always consider how various issues affect Black women:
“We’re overlooked, just generally overlooked, or hidden purposefully. So I say
overlooked, or just kind of like in the sea of everything else and like, I always
think about like, people always ask about Black women’s view, ‘Are you a
woman or are you Black first?’ And that’s what I think about, when I say
overlooked, because we are both, and we have issues that directly affect both. But
we’re often told within these two groups that you gotta be one or the other, some
type of waywhich is very frustrating. And then like, hidden is like when we do
step forward and say, ‘No, we are Black women, listen to us.’ It’s like, ‘Wait your
turn, be quiet,’ like wait.” – Monica
Monica reiterated the notion that Black women are ignored because they do not conform to a standard of whiteness or patriarchy, even within social justice contexts. Her statement also echoed the sentiments of other participants that, even in contexts where people are supposed to speak up, Black women are told to be quiet. Monica went on to say that such tactics are “another method of making us quiet, and to subdue us.” Use of the word “subdue” is particularly interesting, as it further emphasizes that, when told not to speak up, Black women feel as though they are being told that their experiences are not worth outcry or attention. This in turn reemphasizes the feelings of censorship and silencing that Black women describe.
Beauty, Style, and Sexual Objectification.
Throughout the focus groups, participants highlighted messages they heard about
Black women’s physical appearance, as well as stereotypes about Black women’s INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 81 sexuality. In addition to commentary about specific features, such as body type, hairstyle and skin tone, they noted that they perceived the sexual objectification of Black women as being different than that of women as a whole. This perception is seen as the presence of “gendered racial forms of objectification”, or objectification which focuses on features deemed stereotypical of Black women (Lewis & Neville, 2015; Shorter-Gooden, 2004;
Woods-Giscombé & Black, 2010). Several of the behaviors and beliefs designating internalized misogynoir were apparent in this theme, including alteration of appearance to fit a European aesthetic, conflicts related to skin complexion, hair texture and body size, and objectification and judgments about what is appropriate sexual/affectionate behavior.
As it pertains to perceptions of beauty, participants of all shades reported being told a variety of statements implying that lighter skin is better. This is congruent with
Bailey’s description of colorism as an important part of misogynoir. For participants who identified as lighter-skinned, they noted being told statements like “Stay out of the sun”, while those who were darker recalled receiving explicit messages that dark-skinned women could not wear certain things (e.g. bright lipstick). Black women in this study also noted the various messages they’ve received about body shape or weight as a major determinate of attractiveness. These messages were often contradictory, as they reported hearing both that thinness was unattractive (“Haitians like you to be fat”), and that they should not gain too much weight (“swimsuit season is coming!”). Moreover, participants noted that a curvy or hourglass shape was seen as the ideal, with people either shaming respondents without that shape (“When is your butt coming in?”) or teaching them from an early age that they should strive for curves (“My sister has a really big butt, and apparently I’ve been jealous of her since I was little.”). Respondents reported INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 82 simultaneously dismissing these messages, while also finding themselves trying, at times, to conform to these messages (i.e. doing more squats to increase butt size). In doing so, they illustrated the conflicts about skin tone or body size indicative of internalizing misogynoir.
Body shape and weight also appeared to be a strong factor in sexual objectification for participants. They described several instances in which they were objectified or accused of being sexually explicit, based on their body type alone:
“I think it’s relevant, because I just think, ’cause not even just like dancing, in our
clothes. So it’s like, I have to think about, how does my body show in my clothes
when I’m at work? And it’s just like, if I wear a certain type of dress, it’s gonna
be like, ‘Oh she’s a thot (term here used to mean sexually provocative woman),’
or something like that. Like she wants somebody to see her curves or something
like that. Like the way I’m built, you’re gonna naturally see my curves unless I’m
dressed like in like, a muumuu (shapeless dress), or something like that. So like,
when those terms are so quickly given to Black women, it holds us back. And it’s
another method of making us quiet, and to subdue us.” – Aisha
Aisha’s comment illustrated the double bind that Black women find themselves in, whereby having a body shape that is deemed more physically attractive can also increase how much they experience gendered racial sexual objectification. Moreover, her statement that she has to think about whether her body shape will be perceived as sexual works to illustrate both a judgment about what is appropriate sexual behavior, and an attempt to alter (i.e. hide) her appearance in order to fit with more European ideals. Much like Aisha, other participants reported being hyperaware of way that they dress, as well as INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 83 how they walk and speak to people. Respondents pointed out instances in which the focus and objectification of Black women’s beauty and style had led to being fantasized about and fetishized, in both romantic and non-romantic relationships. In particular, they discussed feeling as though people were interested in stereotypes of Black women, rather than being interested in a Black woman as an individual:
“I also feel like Black women are sometimes fantasized. Sometimes I feel like
I’ve met people who are like, other ethnicities, or like white men for example, like
they wanna be with a Black woman for the experience, but they can never see
themselves with a Black woman. Or they would never take a Black woman home.
Or people want a Black woman as a friend, but not really in your in-circle. It’s
like you want the fantasy of what it is to be in, but you don’t wanna really take
responsibility for what it means to really be there for that Black woman. Just
being a genuine friend or a partner.” – Tina
This fetishization of Black women’s bodies and styles has also extended to other physical aspects, most notably: hair. Beyond skin tone and body shape or weight, focus group members also noted the ways in which hair is also seen as a crucial part of beauty for Black women. Historically, Black women’s hair has been measured against white standards of beauty, and thus deemed unkempt or unprofessional in its natural state
(Banks, 2000). The prevalence of the natural hair movement, or having hair that is not chemically straightened, has recently pushed back on this narrative and provided Black women with a different way to conceptualize beauty (Rhett Rocque, 2019). Participants noted that, although this movement is meant to be empowering, it is also one that has been fraught with division. They expressed that, while the “natural hair movement” was INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 84 supposed to empower Black women of all hair textures, it appears that only looser curl textures are praised in media and on an individual level.
“Every time I see a Black woman [on social media], like the skin is popping, the
hair... I can’t remember the last time I saw, or the last time I’ve seen, a Black
woman be on there barefaced. It’s usually, if she has coarse hair, it’s in braids. A
lot of times, when I see natural hair, it’s very thin curls? Which isn’t necessarily
bad, but there is a whole image of pursuing a certain type of hairstyle that’s really
‘good hair’, very done up... Even with the natural hair, it’s rare that you see a 4C
(tight, kinky coily) hair pattern. It’s always something looser and flowy, and
[sarcastic tone] how relatable.” - Sara
They went on to note that, for Black women who did not fit into any of the aforementioned beauty standards (i.e. lighter-skinned, curvy, loose curls), there was an added pressure to present themselves as “immaculate”. This included things such as always having one’s hair styled, wearing a nice outfit, and wearing makeup.
Respectability Politics. Participants’ descriptions of feeling pressure to present themselves as “immaculate” relates closely to the final theme of respectability politics.
Respectability politics, or beliefs about how Black women should behave in public arenas, have long been documented as a method through which Black people attempt to distance themselves from various negative stereotypes (Brooks Higginbotham, 1993).
Higher expectations for Black women, as well as derogation and criticism as a form of policing, are both key behaviors in this theme. These stereotypes echo those highlighted in previous themes, including the stereotypes that Black women are loud, intellectually inferior, and promiscuous. INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 85
Participants in the focus group expressed a feeling that, when Black women are visible (e.g. in professional settings), there is an extra pressure on them from family members, friends, and a larger community to perform in ways which are above reproach.
This includes everything from dressing in a way to hide curvier body types (which may be considered more provocative) to “talking white”, or speaking grammatically-correct
American Standard English. Although Black women are not the only ones asked to be
“professional” in certain settings, the consideration of aspects like hiding one’s body shape communicate a higher set of expectations for Black women. Respondents talked about being hyperaware of the pressure to present themselves as above reproach - specifically when around large amounts of non-Black people:
“So I grew up in a low-income Black neighborhood in NYC, and it was taught to
me that like, if I wanted to be professional, and wanted to go into professional
spaces, that I essentially had to assume a type of character that involves a certain
type of script, a certain type of costume, all these different things that would
essentially strip away this identity of where I came from.” – Yendé
Yendé’s description illustrated the phenomenon of racial socialization documented by
Brooks Higginbotham and others. Following Yendé’s comment, Black women went on to note how racial socialization also included aspects of criticism wherein they were discouraged from doing or saying certain things or acting in certain ways. Subsequently, they engaged in self-criticism, whereupon they altered their public behavior, so as not to seemingly reinforce negative stereotypes. Participants also reported feeling pressure that they could not disappoint other Black people, and were expected to “lift as [they] climb”, by paving a way for other Black people to be successful after them. INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 86
“I guess going off of what you said about wanting to make those people proud, I
internalize it because I want to make my family proud, like, leave behind the same
legacy they gave to me, and use the same privileges that they gave to me to be
able to grow off of that and leave privileges for the next generation.” –
Evangeline
Similar to the theme of Not Seen and Not Heard, Black women noted that helping the next generation also entailed communicating to non-Black people that Black women are capable. Participants noted that it was communicated to them, either explicitly or covertly, that Black women are supposed to represent all Black people, and thus present themselves as intelligent, capable and resourceful.
“On my mother’s side, I’m the oldest grandchild in general. So I feel like there’s
this bar and expectation that I have to live by and even like, oversee. And so, I
internalize a lot of that, because it’s like, I can’t let anybody down. It’s not just
the mom or the aunts or the grandma, but like, everyone’s looking. And you
know, because I was raised by a single mom... So it’s like alright, that’s
something that I have to prove, too.” – Thalia
What’s more, respondents reported receiving a similar message about representation from white people, in that they found themselves being asked to provide “the Black perspective.” The idea of a “Black perspective” is something that focus group members mentioned as contributing toward the idea of Black women as a monolith.
“It’s a very uncomfortable conversation when you’re in a predominately white
space, and they’re like, ‘So how do you feel about some topic that has to do with
Black women?’ I would never answer that, ’cause I’d probably lose my job at the INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 87
end of the conversation.” – Aisha
Emergent Themes: How Much and Why Black Women Internalize These Messages
Participants were given the opportunity to discuss at length not only the specific messages that they’ve received about Black women, but also how much they have internalized these messages, and why they have internalized these messages.
Internalization was defined as “the process by which people come to incorporate the values, beliefs and opinions of others into their own identity or sense of self” (Corsini,
2002). Participants were not explicitly given this definition, as I wished to avoid influencing their own understanding of what it means to internalize certain messages.
Internalization was not measured by using a specific scale, but through respondents’ own description of how much, and why, they internalized particular messages.
Overall, asking how much, and why, respondents internalized messages appeared to give them pause, as they were slower to respond to these questions. Participants would visibly stop to think about these questions, versus the quickness with which they had answered questions about the messages they received. The focus group questions asked
Black women about the messages they’ve received from various sources, in conjunction with questions about internalization. For example, participants were asked about what messages they receive about Black women from their family, and then they were asked how much they internalize these messages, and why they internalize these messages.
The following themes were identified in response to the focus group questions of
“How much do you internalize these messages?” and “Why do you internalize these messages?” from media, social media, family members and peers: a) Vulnerability of
Youth (VY), b) Lack of Diversity (LD), c) Family is Forever (FF), and d) Peers Matter INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 88
(PM). Participants were not given measurements with which to answer “how much”, but were instead allowed to freely describe amounts. As such, participants used phrases such as “a lot” or “not that much” in describing how much they internalized messages. Themes in this section were once again consistent with previous literature documenting the intersectional experience of racism, sexism and misogyny in the lives of Black women
(Epstein et al., 2017; Harris-Perry, 2011; Thomas et al., 2008; Banks, 2000.)
Vulnerability of Youth. Black women in the focus groups noted the difference between the way and extent to which they had internalized messages during childhood and early adolescence versus at their current age. When talking specifically about the internalization of messages from media and peers, Black women made reference to their perceived vulnerability when they were young.
“I think when I was younger, I used to take everything in more, and now it’s more
like I know who I would want to be, so I’m looking more at people who are my
role models instead of just, like, everything that’s being thrown at me” – Lauren
Lauren spoke to the idea that, at younger ages, Black women may have a harder time in filtering out messages from TV, news and film. In some ways, this echoes previous research on racial socialization and gender socialization across the developmental spectrum (Hughes et al., 2006; Fagot et al., 2012). However, this also speaks specifically to gender-racialized socialization, as participants noted that both positive and negative images of Black women were the most influential on them at a young age. They made a point of stating that they internalized messages more when younger, but that they do so less now. Respondents made statements such as “Even when I was younger, it was [a greater feeling of], I needed to be quieter and softer,” and “these statements [on the INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 89
Internalized Misogynoir Measure] I definitely would have agreed with when I was younger, but not now.” They went on to explain that they believe the reason for higher internalization at younger ages is two-fold; respondents pointed toward both the impressionable nature of youth, as well as the dearth of Black women in media, as key reasons for higher levels of internalization.
“I would say, recently, you see the emergence of more Black women with natural
hair [on TV]. But I know, outside of Moesha, when I was growing up, you didn’t
really see that that often. Usually, like, they’re like brown skinned or lighter
brown skinned, long hair, thin, slim-thick, as they would say... Like you don’t
necessarily see, come to think of it, even now, you don’t really see characters -
Black female characters, at least - who [are not portrayed as strong and
competent]. The only one that kind of comes to mind is Issa Rae in Insecure.” –
Ashley
Ashley made a critical point in stating that the Black women she’d seen on TV had a certain type of image. Participants pointed out that they saw few Black women on TV while growing up, and that these Black women were not diverse in phenotype or characterization. While respondents are older now, they also reported noticing that they continue to internalize messages around Black women being angry, hypersexualized and
“ghetto”, due to how much they had seen them at a young age.
Much like the title of this theme suggests, Black women noted that they are “less bothered now” by messages, since they are older and can recognize stereotypes. This was not true for all respondents, however, as other focus group members noted that internalization still occurs, but for the opposite reason than when they were younger. That INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 90 is, in more recent years, there has been a surge of Black women as lead characters on major network primetime television shows (e.g. Scandal, How to Get Away With Murder,
Empire). Participants cited that, while it is good to see more Black women on TV, they find themselves hyperaware of the characteristics that these Black women sometimes portray (e.g. selfish, loud, demanding).
“I think a lot of [messages I receive about Black women] comes from the TV
shows I watch, like Scandal and HTGAWM. And like, they’re known for being
aggressive, but they’re also thought of as not being receptive to other people’s
opinions, because they’ve been hardened, for one reason or another.” – Thalia
Thalia not only identified these as some of the most prominent messages that she’s received about Black women, but also as messages that she still finds herself particularly cognizant of. Thalia and other participants appeared to make the connection that receiving negative messages early on about Black women being angry, unattractive, and loud had made them hyperaware of messages at their current age. In this way, respondents described themselves as being primed to internalize particular messages because they were inundated with these same messages at a young age.
Lack of Diversity. Given that this study was conducted at a predominately white institution (PWI), it was expected that the topic of diversity would come up. In discussing the internalization of messages from media, social media and peers, participants noted how they were, or are, one of few Black women in their academic/professional circles.
Participants noted that, while they found other Black women to be supportive and validating, the scarcity of Black women in their circles was a perceived detriment.
Whether correct or incorrect, participants subsequently assumed that non-Black women INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 91 peers did not have much contact or experience with Black women, and may base their knowledge on messages from media or social media.
“Other people who don’t know me will use [social media] to kind of be... I guess
you can say that as a baseline of who I am. So it’s just like, if, especially people
who are in homogenous communities and don’t see other types of depictions of
Black women, they’ll just think, ‘Oh, all Black women are this type of way,’
based on what they see on social media or in their community, or something like
that. So it does affect me, in that way, because it’s like those first impressions are
always important.” – Aisha
Aisha not only described her perceived importance of social media messages, but also her concerns that she will be combating the effects of people’s non-diverse experiences.
Participants described a belief that they would have to represent all Black women because of a lack of diversity as one reason why they internalized messages.
Respondents were clear that the lack of diversity in present-day settings also mirrored the environments in which they were raised. They discussed how growing up in neighborhoods or attending primary schools that were predominately non-Black contributed toward greater internalization of messages and images that they received from media.
“When I was younger, I grew up in a predominately white neighborhood, and
school was mostly white, too; so like, I feel like I internalized it a lot more then,
because I felt like I was the only one. So like, if there was a comment, people
would look towards me.” – Brianna INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 92
Brianna echoed similar sentiments as the ones in Vulnerability of Youth, in discussing how she believes she internalized messages more when she was younger. However, as
Brianna and other participants noted, it was also the feeling of being the “only one” that had led them to internalize messages. Respondents pointed out that, while they may have had other examples of Black womanhood in their families, they spent most of their time at school or in the company of similarly-aged peers. And as a result, they had little to no other real-life examples of Black women to counter the messages they had received from peers, media and social media.
Family is Forever. In contrast to how much they internalized messages from media and social media, participants were more unified in their view of messages received from family. Black women stated that they internalized messages from family members at a high level. Respondents discussed how the internalization of messages received from family has remained consistent over time, in contrast to their ability to filter out messages from media or social media as they have gotten older. This consistency (or idea) that family is permanent also contributes to another reason for the internalization of family messages.
“Your family is the one thing, like, those people outside come and go, but family
is forever.” – Elisha
Elisha’s point that non-family are seen as able to “come and go” was particularly important, in describing why family opinions were valued above all others. Not only are family members seen as more permanent, but respondents also noted that family relationships were presented as ones which should be preserved largely over all others. INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 93
The preservation of family relationships meant that messages from family members were also seen as necessary to preserve, thereby making it harder to let go of harmful messages. Respondents in this study also discussed how their earliest messaging about Black women often came from family members. Similar to those opinions expressed in Vulnerability of Youth, they highlighted how some messages were more longstanding because they had been received at an impressionable age.
“I do feel like [messages from family are] more insidious than the media
messages, because they are your family, and they’re supposed to love you no
matter what. So sometimes, it just like creeps in like, ‘Oh, I’m gonna try to make
my hair extra neat, because my family thinks it looks bad,’ and stuff like that.
Definitely [internalize it] more than I would just by looking at something on the
news.” – Jazmine
Jazmine spoke to the ways in which messages from family were viewed as an extension of family members themselves. Multiple group members emphasized that a person cannot
“get rid of” their family, and that it would be seen almost as hurtful to reject messages from their family.
As many of these messages came from older family members, Black women talked about valuing their elders’ opinions and believing that their elders are wiser or more experienced.
“I think for me, it’s just ’cause I’ve always seen family as the ones who are
always gonna be there for you no matter what. So, if they’re saying these things
that hurt you, then it’s kinda like well, is it really important to them or is it a joke,
like she was saying. Just trying to figure out how we can come to some kind of INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 94
agreement on these things.” – Danaë
Danaë noted here how Black women find themselves searching for value, even in hurtful messages, because of a belief that their family may be trying to communicate something important to them. Participants also communicated a collective interpretation of self, in that parents in particular were seen as knowing participants better than participants knowing themselves. Messages received from parents were then internalized because they were seen as more accurate than messages that participants might generate within themselves, or receive from other avenues.
Peers Matter. The term “peers” was purposely left undefined, for respondents to decide how they conceptualize who their peers are. They described peers not just as people with whom they socialize, but also as their classmates, coworkers, colleagues, and those they interact with on social media. As participants responded to the question of how much they internalized messages coming from peers, they were careful to point out that it depends upon the type of peer. Specifically, they noted the difference between Black women peers and non-Black women peers, as well as peers they work with versus peers whom they consider to be friends.
A majority of respondents stated that they internalized messages from their friends to a lesser extent than they did those of their family members because the opinion of peers was seen as less valid. This sentiment was consistent across all focus groups. At the same time, participants talked about how they internalize the messages received from work peers or academic peers because of the need to maintain professional relationships.
“Yeah, I feel like promotion and progression in the workplace hinges so much on
likeability. ’Cause think about every new job that you get: what do they ask for? INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 95
References. So if you didn’t make any connections in your previous job, you
don’t have any references, and you’ll just kind of remain stuck. Like, we
shouldn’t have to feel like we have to act in a certain way, but if we do want to
kind of like, get to those like, goals that we have, we end up having to, being
forced to act within that certain type of stereotype.” – Monica
In discussing the perceived necessity of internalizing messages from peers (both mentors and not) in order to advance professionally, Monica conveyed the sentiments of many participants. Respondents talked about how they found themselves internalizing messages so that they could be aware of stereotypes that their professional peers may have about Black women. Their stated goal was to then present themselves in a way in so as to avoid those stereotypes.
As the Black women in the focus groups were all students, many of their peers were the same people that they saw for work, class, and in social settings. Participants noted that the insular nature of programs meant that it was sometimes hard to engage with people who are not their academic peers. Similar to issues raised in Lack of
Diversity, the lack of opinions from those who are not peers meant that it was hard not to internalize these messages. Participants also made the distinction that different “levels” of peers yielded different extents to which messages were internalized.
“It’s one of those things where it’s like, you know how you have different levels
of friendship? Like, with some friends I know, I can be my complete self with, so
like, those are the people I completely let in. And then you have more so
acquaintances, where it’s like, okay you’re good for the season, or good for this
math class. So you know, the people I know I can’t completely [be myself with], INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 96
it’s like okay, I’m 10% here you go.” – Micah
Micah and other participants noted that they were able to place many of their peers within a tiered system which helped them to avoid internalizing certain messages; yet, at the same time, the necessity of building relationships within programs (similar to in a job setting) still meant that messages were internalized, to some extent.
Given that the Black women in the focus groups were Millennials, it is unsurprising that many of them considered people with whom they interact on social media to also be their peers. According to Pew Center Research (2019), 88% of 18-29 year-olds report using at least one form of social media, including Facebook, YouTube, and Snapchat which allow you to communicate with people directly and on a mass level.
Since social media activity does not completely disappear from the internet, this also means that, on a mass level, peers can include those in the future who use social media.
“Social media, in a way, is our time capsule. So, 50 years from now, people will
go back and look at our culture and think, ‘this is what they thought of Black
women at this time [and] it’s really upsetting...’ So I internalize it more, because I
think about our legacy, and I think about the next generation of young women
who are coming up behind, and how are they thinking about it, how is this
affecting them?” – Tamar
Tamar’s characterization of peers as people who can interact with current social media 50 years from now was deeply fascinating. Participants discussed that they found themselves cognizant not just of what peers in modern times think, but also of how their “peers” in the future will view them. This notion of legacy, and also of how Black women in the future will be affected by current messages, is one which respondents pointed out as INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 97 influencing why they internalize messages. They stated that this even makes them conscious of how they present themselves on social media (which was originally intended to be a fun, lighthearted avenue).
Resistance
Throughout the focus groups, respondents discussed the messages they have received, their view of themselves as Black women, and their experiences in society. In each group, they also brought up how they resist against these messages. Notably, none of the focus group or follow-up questions asked participants how they fight back against negative messaging and emotions, as coping or resistance was not the focus of this initial inquiry into internalized misogynoir. Rather, participants spontaneously discussed the ways in which they either avoid internalizing certain messages or work to unlearn/un- internalize these messages. Participants described using a few different techniques of resistance, and that the techniques they used depended upon the context.
One such technique that Black women discussed using was that of preemptively taking a protective stance against any messaging that they may receive about themselves or Black women. Some participants described the idea of going into the world with a
“thick skin”, or of being told by their parents that they needed to develop a thick skin. For these women, they approached interactions with society as something that they could not avoid and that they could not let upset them. Similarly, a few women discussed code- switching through language, dialect or style as a method of resistance.
“I’ll full-on speak Kreyòl (Haitian Creole) with my mom, ’cause I’m like, ‘I can
speak another language’ and I’m like ‘I don’t care, I just can’t struggle with this
conversation right now.’ So then I’ll get the like, ‘OMG, I love when you like talk INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 98
that way,’ and I’m like, ‘It wasn’t for you to hear, I just needed to talk to my
mom.’ – Tina
Tina and other participants noted that code-switching acted as a way for them to have both a “true” self and a public self. For these women, choosing to interact with people in the style of the dominant culture was a way of protecting their “real” selves from being affected by negative messaging. Choosing to switch into different clothes or dialects with friends and family functioned much in the same way, by allowing them to feel as though they had a private self which was protected from society’s messages.
This notion of dual selves also manifested itself in the ways Black women discussed seeking affirmation as a method of resistance. Participants spoke at length about the importance of seeking other Black women with whom they could let down their guard and find support.
“Some of my peers are Black women, and with that, the messaging is
encouragement and ‘We’ve got you,’ and ‘We’re here for you,’ and ‘You can do
this,’ and ‘We’re all in this together,’ and you know, ‘Let me recommend you to
my natural hair friend.’ You know, there’s like this network of affirming direction
and compassion.” – Nina
When describing their interactions with other Black women peers, different participants repeatedly used the word “affirming”. They noted that surrounding themselves with these peers reminds them that they are not “crazy”, that their experiences are valid and that they can be hurtful. Even when unable to be around other Black women, respondents discussed surrounding themselves with friends who give them space to discuss their experiences. Respondents mentioned that this sometimes manifests in having several INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 99 friend groups, in which one group might also be comprised of other women or people of color who may have analogous experiences.
Black women also emphasized the importance of seeking affirming images or content by being purposeful in the media that they watch. They pointed out that women like Olivia Pope from “Scandal” and Annalise Keating from “How to Get Away With
Murder” can be problematic in some aspects, but simultaneously inspiring.
“There are Black women now on TV who are amazing. Like, I think of Olivia
Pope on Scandal, minus the affair (with the President). Like, she was like a power
player in the room. And like, Annalise Keating, and how she’s strong. Even
Michaela (from How to Get Away With Murder), Michaela’s like, she owns it.” –
Ashley
Ashley referenced these women in a discussion of how images of Black women in scripted media are often accomplished and powerful. What’s more, characters like Olivia and Annalise are not written as colorblind, and make explicit reference to their Black womanhood (e.g. discussing having to work twice as hard). Participants saw these characters as a way of affirming that they can live in the fullness of their identities while also achieving great things. Respondents noted that they similarly try to curate their social media accounts to show positive images of Black women. They reported following accounts which showcased Black women, or hashtags like #blackgirlmagic, as a way of influencing the algorithms of social media sites to show them positive images of Black women. INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 100
Respondents also reported choosing a method of resistance rooted in examining messages and experiences with a critical eye. For these participants, resisting the internalization of certain messages was easier, when it came from non-Black women.
“I would say, for the most part for [non-Black] peers, I guess like, the people I see
on day-to-day in my classes, I don’t [internalize their opinions], just because I
know they don’t know me enough for their opinion on that certain subject to be
validated. So I’m not gonna give my time or energy to that. That’s not to say that
certain things that they do aren’t wrong or offensive in some way. Like, if it does
rub me the wrong way, best believe I will confront it. But I wouldn’t say I
internalize it.” – Chidalu
For Chidalu and other respondents, their assessment of how “valid” a source was affected whether or not they internalized certain messages. To that effect, people who were not
Black women were seen as having invalid opinions, because their opinions were not rooted in first-hand knowledge. Since the dominant narrative has often been crafted by those traditionally in power (i.e. wealthy white men), Black women also discussed unlearning certain narratives as part of resistance. For these participants, they viewed some of the messages they have learned as inherently problematic, since they had been created and perpetuated by non-Black women. As such, they view the unlearning of these messages as critical in crafting their own narrative of what it means to be a Black woman.
Moreover, respondents discussed the necessity of helping to educate other people, particularly other Black women, about why these messages were false and harmful.
The final way in which Black women discussed resisting negative messages builds upon the idea of creating their own narrative of what a Black woman is and of how INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 101 she navigates through the world. Respondents discussed how Black women are not a monolith, and as such, they have the freedom to determine who they are as individuals.
“I don’t think any race or gender should act a certain way, I’m not here for
norms... everyone’s experiences are so different, and it’s so limiting to like, tell
Black females, ‘Oh, you gotta be this perfect,’ blah blah whatever else. That just
doesn’t leave room for humanness or like, mistakes... I tend to believe that
complexity is the hallmark of individuality. And so, since we’re not bots, don’t try
to make me one.” – Elisha
Elisha’s statement was a direct response to the question of whether participants believed that Black women should act in a particular way. Participants tended to laugh or expel air dismissively to this question, nonverbally communicating a similar statement to Elisha.
In follow-up, they acknowledged that aspects of themselves may, at times, fit with certain stereotypes (e.g. being a good dancer), but that this was something unique to them.
Respondents emphatically stated that they should not have to feel pressure to conform to, or fight against, certain stereotypes.
Participants also mentioned needing to create their own notion of self which acknowledges stereotypes and messages about Black women, but is not informed by it.
For these participants, the idea of being able to create their own narrative was empowering, as it allowed them to resist against internalizing outside narratives.
“There’s like, a quote of Chinua Achebe’s that talks about like, basically being
able to like, reclaim your narrative, and stuff like that. And I think with more
media that’s more positive to Black women, it’s beautiful to see that, because it
shows that we are reclaiming our own narrative [about beauty, empowerment], INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 102
and there are more people that are stepping up and doing so.” – Sara
Sara’s point emphasized not just the idea that Black women are creating their own narratives, but also that they are charting their own path of what it means to be a Black woman. Respondents reiterated Sara’s point by talking about the importance of showing different ideas to society of what it means to be a Black woman. For focus group members, charting their own path meant showing that Black women are capable of being more than just one-dimensional stereotypes. Instead, they wished to show that Black women can embody the full range of human experience, emotion and personality, the same as any other gender-racialized group of people can.
Thoughts on Internalized Misogynoir Measure and How to Improve It
For specific reactions to the Internalized Misogynoir Measure, participants were asked what they thought of the measure, about specific items they liked or disliked, and whether they would change or add any items. Participants’ opinions on the Internalized
Misogynoir Measure were, overall, positive and affirmative. Black women noted that the measure was specific enough to capture the nuance that occurs at the intersection of being both Black and a woman, while also covering “a lot of the perception about... female blackness.” As expected, not all participants resonated with every experience outlined in each of the questions. However, they did also acknowledge that they could imagine these experiences occurring, or that they knew Black women who had had these experiences.
When asked about items that particularly resonated with them, Black women reported relating the most to items from the Projected Stereotypes Factor. Respondents endorsed items from this section a total of 15 times, while items from the Assumptions
About Beauty and Style factor were endorsed 8 times, and those from the Silenced and INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 103
Marginalized factor were endorsed 6 times. In contrast, the most endorsed item of the
Internalized Misogynoir Measure was “I’m worried some will challenge me if I am in a position of authority”, from the Silenced and Marginalized factor. Participants discussed how they were in the beginning stages of their academic or professional careers, and were becoming more aware of how people viewed them in leadership positions. Following this, the next-most endorsed items were “My family raised me to be a ‘Strong Black
Woman’” and “Black women tend to be loud and aggressive”. Again, Black women pointed to their budding careers as the reason for why they found these items to be particularly salient at this point in their lives.
Black women in the focus groups noted items that they disliked for a variety of reasons. The most commonly-stated reasons included that these questions appeared to be indicative of blatant self-hatred. Respondents indicated that they had never had direct thoughts of self-hatred, and believed that it would be unlikely to meet Black women who would endorse these items. They also noted that the recent landscape of popular culture, and within the last several years, has indicated a slight change in beauty standards. As such, the full lips and bigger behinds that older generations were teased for are now revered. Likewise, with the rise of the natural hair movement, and the derision towards
“fake hair” that they had reported hearing from Black men, participants reported feeling at ease with their own hair and/or did not associate long hair with a standard of beauty.
Given these comments, the following items have been discarded from the Internalized
Misogynoir Measure:
1. The images I see on TV and in movies make me ashamed of being a
Black woman INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 104
2. If I could, I would change the size of my nose or lips
3. I feel pressure to wear hair extensions (including weaves, wigs, or
braids) so that I can have long, flowing hair
In response to questions about particular items that they would change, participants had suggestions for several items. The first item they expressed confusion about was #9: “Black women should support Black men instead of complaining about them”. Respondents noted that the second half of this sentence made it sound both as if it came from a Black man, and as if Black women do not support Black men at all. They noted that, while there may be some people who believe this statement, they felt that the general consensus was that Black women support Black men. However, participants also expressed feeling pressure to engage in more emotional labor in support of Black men, sometimes at cost to themselves. In order to address this concern, this item has been re- worded to say: “Black women should support Black men more”.
Respondents also thought that #14, “People might think I’m ‘fast’ or a ‘thot’ if I dance a certain way”, could be further expanded to better capture their experience. They noted that, while dancing only takes place in social contexts, style of dress was something that they found themselves more concerned about. Black women stated that they found themselves concerned that certain clothes would look provocative on them, particularly in professional settings. They then spoke about how they experienced added stress, or found themselves putting in more effort to look “professional”, in order to draw attention away from their body shape. Additionally, the word “fast” is more often used among Baby
Boomers and Generation X, while “thot”, has also been used humorously on social media among Millennials and Generation Z, and may not carry the same negative connotation. INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 105
For the purposes of addressing both of these points, item #14 has been rewritten as “I can’t dress or dance in certain ways for fear of being sexualized”.
Participants suggested a subtle change in the wording of question #3 from “If I speak up for myself, people will think I am an angry Black woman” to “If I speak up for myself, I’ll seem like an angry Black woman”. They reported that the original phrasing made it sound as if an angry Black woman was what they are, versus how they may seem. Although the wording seems very similar, respondents believed that the second phrasing acknowledged that they, themselves, were secure in knowing that they were not an “angry Black woman”.
Although participants felt that the current version of the IMM largely encompassed Black women’s experiences, they thought that it would be helpful to also add items that reflected their dating experiences. They described ways in which they were told (implicitly or explicitly) that certain stereotypes of Black womanhood made them less desirable dating partners. These included stereotypes that Black women were loud, aggressive and only wore weaves or hair extensions. Participants discussed noticing - in media, social media and in real life - a tendency for some Black men to exclusively date outside of their race, while also vilifying Black women to justify their dating habits.
Moreover, they noted the implied a connection between beauty and dating. Participants pointed out that, as Black women are often not seen as the standard of beauty in popular culture, they are also not seen as a standard, or even a viable option, for dating, according to images they see in media. INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 106
In order to further tap into the themes identified, as well as to address the
suggestions of the respondents, the following 4 questions were added, based on
participant suggestions and topics of conversation throughout the focus groups:
1. People find it easier to date non-Black women (Sapphire)
2. I feel pressure to do well in life so that I don’t let other people down
(Respectability Politics)
3. It would not bother me if a romantic partner emphasized that they “have never
been with a Black girl before” (Assumptions About Beauty and Style)
4. I was raised to be independent, and to be able to handle anything that comes
my way (Strong Black Woman)
Final structure of the IMM is as follows:
1. If I speak up for myself, I’ll seem like an angry Black woman
2. Some Black women are too easily offended
3. I feel pressure to do well in life so that I don’t let other people down
4. People should only go natural if they have “good hair”
5. I would prefer for my children to be light-skinned
6. I was raised to be independent, and to be able to handle anything that
comes my way
7. Black women tend to be loud and aggressive
8. It would not bother me if a romantic partner emphasized that they “have
never been with a Black girl before”
9. I feel pressure to wear hair extensions (including weaves, wigs, or braids)
so that I can have long, flowing hair INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 107
10. Black women should support Black men more
11. My family raised me to be a “Strong Black Woman”
12. I’m worried some will challenge me if I am in a position of authority
13. The ideal body shape includes a larger bust, narrow waist, and a larger
butt
14. I can’t dress or dance in certain ways for fear of being sexualized
15. People find it easier to date non-Black women
INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 108
Chapter 5: Discussion
Introduction
This chapter includes a review of key findings from the data collection and analysis of focus groups on internalized misogynoir. It will begin with a summary of findings from the focus groups, as it pertains specifically to the four research questions.
Following this will be a discussion of my own reactions as a Black woman and as a researcher, including the horizontal and vertical interactions which took place during the focus group research process. From there, I will move into a discussion of clinical implications, including therapeutic relevance for clinicians, as well as how to consider the role of resistance and social media. The next section will incorporate both strengths and limitations, including how the research might be improved through the use of different styles of qualitative analysis. I will conclude with a discussion on future directions, as they pertain to research on internalized misogynoir.
Discussion of Key Findings
Research Question 1. The first research question presented in this study asked focus group participants how Black women experience misogynoir in the world. This question largely sought to answer how misogynoir presents itself, and about how Black women situate their lives within misogynoir; this included gaining an understanding of messages that Black women received and deemed to be indicative of misogynoir. Based on descriptions outlined in the focus group, it is evident that Black women experience misogynoir as an insidious form of gender-racialized oppression. These oppressive experiences often take place in the form of stereotypes about Black women that negatively inform and impact self-image. These experiences can take place in several INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 109 different ways, as illustrated by the themes discussed in Chapter 4. Whether through archetypes of the Strong Black Woman and Sapphire, attempts to stifle Black women through Respectability Politics, the silencing of Not Seen and Not Heard, or through
Beauty, Style and Sexual Objectification, misogynoir is something that the Black women in this study saw as contributing to a hostile society.
The overarching message that they were less than, or “wrong”, simply by virtue of being Black women, is something which affects the inner dialogue of Black women and, subsequently, how they operate in society and interact with others. Misogynoir adds a burden of socio-emotional labor for Black women, as people in a marginalized or position, to try and seem appealing to those in power. This includes operating in ways that those in power deem socially acceptable and that, for some Black women, are antithetical to their authentic ways of being. Choosing to present themselves in a certain way, in order to obtain a job or to interact with people in particular ways, is not misogynoir in and of itself. Arguably, making these choices could serve as a way of conquering and resisting an unjust system. That Black women feel the need to present or interact in such ways is indicative that misogynoir does exist.
Research Question 2. The next research question inquired how Black women describe how much, and why, they internalize misogynoir. Participants noted how the process of internalization is a dynamic one, in that internalization operates along a spectrum instead of as a dichotomous variable. Although participants stated that they were more impressionable at younger ages, the overall themes around how Black women experience misogynoir were not specific to particular contexts. Instead, a variety of circumstances, such as the presence of family members or Black women peers, contribute INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 110 heavily to how much, and why, participants internalize misogynoir. Generally, respondents noted that growing up with Black women as peers and family members helped to counteract the internalization of media images. Alternatively, messages which came from Black women family members were often internalized more out of a sense of family loyalty or of connected collectivism.
The key aspect of why, and how much, Black women internalize misogynoir lies within the idea of socialization. The distinction between socialization and internalization is somewhat unclear, as theorists like Parsons (1951) and Durkheim (1966) have suggested that internalization is merely a stage of socialization. Vygotsky (1978) posited that internalization occurs when an interpersonal process becomes an intrapersonal process. That is, individuals have entered internalization when they have moved past the point of understanding social norms and values (socialization) into accepting these norms and incorporating them into their own personality and sense of morality. Kucyzynski et al. (1997) echo this articulation, noting that socialization refers to ideas that are external to an individual’s thoughts and actions. In this current study, when talking about socialization, I am specifically referring to messages about how Black women should operate in society, what society believes about Black women, and how society treats and interacts with Black women. Internalized misogynoir, then, is not the knowledge of societal messages about Black women or understanding that these messages developed in a white supremacist patriarchy. Internalized misogynoir is when these messages are incorporated into one’s sense of self, and are subsequently used to guide both personality and moral beliefs. For example, internalized misogynoir is not the knowledge that Black women who defend their opinions or beliefs from others are perceived as angry; in fact, INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 111 one could argue that this is a part of optimal resistance, as this shows an awareness of dominant discourses which exist about Black women. Questions about whether a person has internalized misogynoir become relevant when a Black woman actually believes that choosing to defend herself means that she is angry. Follow-up questions and interpretations of how much she has internalized misogynoir could be determined by the behaviors that she then chooses to engage in (i.e. not defending herself, or in doing so in a way that is more socially acceptable). Although making choices about how to respond to an invalidating environment is a part of optimal resistance, certain choices, such as choosing to not defend oneself (e.g. avoidance), are suboptimal, and may be indicative of internalized misogynoir.
It is important to acknowledge that non-Black women also experience U.S. or
Western-centric socialization and are likely also socialized with messages about Black women. Although it is impossible to explicitly know the messages that other groups have received from family and friends, media and social media are mass-consumed by all groups. A 2011 breakdown from the Nielsen Cross-Platform Report showed that, while
African-Americans watched the most traditional TV, Asian-Americans spent the most time watching videos on the internet. Moreover, while the breakdown of the top 5 U.S.
TV shows varies among racial and ethnic groups, even a show ranked as #5 among
African-American viewers (How to Get Away with Murder) still reported that 58% of its
2017-2018 viewers were white (Statista, 2019). Given this fact, if various groups are consuming the same media, it is likely that the same images and messages conveyed about Black women are seen by these various groups. However, because these groups are not Black women, they do not have to contend with the complexities which come with INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 112 identifying as a Black woman and trying to understand how, or if, these messages about
Black women apply to their own sense of identity. Focus group respondents also discussed that misogynoir was often embedded into messages that they received from media, family, and peers about what it meant to be an acceptable Black woman in society.
This socialization aspect became even more apparent, as participants described not being aware that these messages were problematic until they had grown closer to adulthood. The ability to find messages problematic and the age or stage at which they were able to do so, in turn, contributed to how much participants internalized particular features of misogynoir. Since participants did not specifically describe when they were able to recognize messages as problematic, it is unclear what distinguishing events or developmental processes were involved in these realizations. Considering that the process of internalizing misogynoir takes place through socialization, this also raises the idea that the extent to which Black women internalize - and then learn to combat the internalization of misogynoir - may be a part of their identity development. Unlike patriarchy and gendered racism, misogynoir (by definition) is specifically targeted towards Black women, and thus may have a more pointed impact than patriarchy
(affecting women as a whole) or gendered racism (applicable to people of color of all genders). Misogynoir is so deeply-embedded into the messages that Black women receive from various sources that I believe it would be difficult for Black women to not internalize some amount of misogynoir throughout their development.
While there is not a model of gendered-racial identity development, racial identity development models suggest that people’s understanding of racial identity begins when INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 113 they have embodied views of the dominant culture (Cross, 2002). In incorporating a lifespan developmental perspective, the Ethnic and Racial Identity (ERI) in the 21st
Century Study Group argued that, during ERI formation from early adolescence to late adolescence (age 12-18), people begin to understand how race/ethnicity affects social experiences and life chances (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014). Adolescents at this stage develop salience and centrality in regards to their identity, as well as private regard and a greater awareness of public regard. Because Black women adolescents are just developing a deeper understanding of how their identity is viewed socially, they may not have previously questioned messages they have received from an oppressive society. The
ERI Group went on to argue that the period of emerging adulthood (age 18-25) is one that heightens individuals’ awareness and understanding of systemic oppression. During this period, people also begin to consider the intersections of their various important identities, and engage in a process of identity coherence. Identity coherence includes both an understanding of how their various identities intersect, as well as further negotiation of their sense of private and public regard for their identity group. As Black women move into emerging adulthood, the process of identity coherence can facilitate the questioning of messages which they have internalized about their identities. For example, participants who identified as darker-skinned noted that messages about colorism were internalized more when they were preteens and teenagers, as opposed to once they had reached college-age. They acknowledged that, in getting older and having more experiences, they had developed a better understanding of systematic oppression. This also meant more awareness that messages of misogynoir were harmful, as well as a subsequent greater ability to resist internalizing these messages. INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 114
The conclusions of the ERI in the 21st Century Study Group echo one of the themes on how much and why participants internalize misogynoir: Vulnerability of
Youth. The ERI study acknowledges that an understanding of systemic oppression develops with emerging adulthood, suggesting that age (and particularly being at a younger age), is a risk factor for internalizing misogynoir. Moreover, considering that
Black women can continue to struggle with internalizing misogynoir throughout their lifespan, it may be more accurate to say that identity development which is in the first stages - regardless of age - is also a risk factor. Ultimately, a model of gendered-racial identity development would be more helpful in understanding the interplay between misogynoir and identity development. As it stands, the ERI’s model of racial identity formation, and its acknowledgement of intersectional identities, helps to give an idea of the developmental processes behind the internalization of misogynoir, and of how Black women can come to resist internalized misogynoir.
All of the themes for how and why participants internalize misogynoir can be used in order to understand potential risk factors for, and protective factors against, internalizing misogynoir. From a lack of diverse and uplifting media messaging, to the belief that one must accept family beliefs in order to be accepted, these themes all work to illustrate participants’ rationale behind internalizing misogynoir. Along similar lines, protective factors against internalizing misogynoir may include some of the aspects that respondents discussed when talking about resistance. Environments in which Black women have their gender-racialized identity affirmed by their families, are shown positive images of Black women, and are informed about the ways in which systemic oppression operate, may be conducive to lower amounts of internalized misogynoir. INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 115
Research Question 3. Following these questions about the experience of misogynoir, and of how much/why participants internalized misogynoir, the next research question asked about the emotional and psychological effect of internalizing misogynoir.
As was congruent with the research on other oppressions, respondents in this study described a host of negative emotional reactions. In answering this question, participants further built upon their responses to the first two research questions, as it pertains to the idea of a Black woman’s burden and the role of socialization. Participants noted that their negative emotions were not only in response to the messages they received about Black women, but that the burden created by internalizing misogynoir also left them feeling exhausted and resigned. Participants acknowledged the ways in which internalizing misogynoir can occur as a function of the socialization process, and yet, doing so makes it more difficult to interact with society. That is, internalizing misogynoir helped them to recognize and incorporate certain messages into their ways of being. This may have helped Black women to better navigate or be prepared for experiences in a white, patriarchal society. At the same time, internalizing misogynoir also became a burden, in the sense that it creates a hyperawareness of societal messages, out of a need or desire to better cope with society. Hyperawareness or hypervigilance, particularly as a reaction to discrimination and prejudice, has been documented among various minority groups as contributing to negative emotions and overall psychological distress (Brondolo et al.,
2008; Benkert et al., 2006). As hypervigilance can be temporarily beneficial in helping to avoid prejudice events, Black women may be more apt to see it as helpful, and less aware of its long-term effects on mental health (Hatzenbuehler, 2009). INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 116
The experience of internalizing misogynoir also yields a dialectical response, in which Black women find themselves caught in a struggle. There is a part of them that can recognize and resist misogynoir, while at the same time also internalizing it, to some extent. Whether this internalization occurs consciously or subconsciously, this struggle speaks to the process of internalizing misogynoir as dynamic, developmental, and as a source of stress. Participants described, for instance, knowing that their families were biased towards natural hair, but also attempting to make their hair appear “presentable” to their families and to themselves. This, in turn, causes an internal dilemma, wherein Black women sometimes struggle to define their authentic selves. There is a tension between wanting to be accepted by their families and peers, but also not wanting to be stifled by stereotypes and respectability politics. Finding the balance of respecting the views of others, while exploring dissenting values, may be the work of individuation, or finding a sense of individuality which is separate from peers and family members. However, individuation as traditionally defined by Jung has been criticized as having a Western and colonialistic viewpoint, particularly given Jung’s belief that African cultures were inferior (Brooke, 2008). As such, the process of individuation and resolving of such tension may look different for Black women who are trying to contend with both Western interpretations and diasporic beliefs around the self, in relation to others.
Research Question 4. The final research questions asked whether the
Internalized Misogynoir Measure helps to illustrate the experience of Black women’s internalization of hostile attitudes, in relation to their gender-racialized identities. Black women reported finding the IMM to be an overall helpful metric in illustrating some of their experiences. As with the overall discussion, the experience of talking about the INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 117 measure elicited strong reactions. Participants noted how angry or sad they felt in seeing some of these experiences written down on paper, particularly ones which resonated with them on an individual level. What’s more, the original items on the measure that they rejected were ones that overtly reflected internalized misogynoir, such as “The images I see on TV and in movies make me ashamed of being a Black woman”. This further illustrates the point of subtlety, as items such as “People find it easier to date non-Black women” acknowledge the hostility embedded in misogynoir, while also highlighting the covert and insidious ways in which misogynoir can present itself.
Researcher Reactions
Researcher Intentions. Reflecting upon my position as a researcher, I am conscious that researchers can inhabit different roles while in engaged in qualitative research. Adler and Adler (1987) identified three roles that researchers take on: a) peripheral members who do not participate in core group activities, b) active members who are involved with activities while aligning themselves with the values and goals of the group, and c) complete members who are already a part of the group, or become fully integrated, throughout the research. My original intention was to facilitate the focus groups as a peripheral research member who did not involve myself in the key discussion. I understood this to be the best way for avoiding influencing the group members, as I wanted to abstain from interjecting my own experience into their narratives. What I did not originally account for, however, was that as a fellow Millennial
Black woman, I was automatically somewhat of an active member, if not a complete member. In asking questions, encouraging members to elaborate, and clarifying statements, I became involved with the activities of the group. While Adler and Adler INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 118 noted that acting as a complete member can facilitate acceptance by group members, they also acknowledged that there is a higher risk of role confusion. In the data collection process, I found myself considering how to respond to participants as a participant, rather than as a researcher.
The question of how to facilitate a focus group without becoming a participant is especially important, as an in-group member of the population which is being studied.
Prior to facilitating the focus groups, I was aware that, as a Millennial Black woman, I would likely relate to the experiences which were discussed. I was also forced to process whether internalized misogynoir was a phenomenon, or if I was projecting my own need for validation and understanding onto my participants. Standards for qualitative research state that, in order to answer this question, I needed to bracket my assumptions about
Black women and internalized misogynoir; yet, one could argue that my identity as a
Millennial Black woman makes it impossible for me to do so. Corbin-Dwyer and Buckle
(2009) noted that being an insider into a group does not necessarily influence the process in a negative way. Rather, it necessitates a deep awareness of personal biases and perspectives, as well as reflection on the research process. As such, while I held this role as an insider, I do not believe that it made me a more or less effective researcher.
My intended goal was ultimately to make peace with occupying an in-between space. I am aware that my personhood affects the analysis of the focus group data, and that the data itself affects my personhood as a Black woman. In this, I cannot be an outsider to the data, because I am intimately familiar with the topic, and I cannot fully be an insider either, because I am a researcher. Feminist researchers have argued that this in- between space can actually be beneficial, as it allows for a “non-hierarchical, non- INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 119 manipulative research relationship” (Reinharz, 1983, p. 594). They posit that answering participant questions, giving support, and sharing knowledge and experience makes qualitative interviewing a more natural experience for participants (Cotterill, 1992). In turn, creating that natural experience yields more fruitful and honest reflection from participants, as well as an overall richer collection of data. Therefore, I chose to operate in these focus groups as a researcher who interacted with participants from a place of equality, empowerment, and shared experience.
Reflections Post-Focus Group. Comparing my intentions prior to conducting the focus groups with how I actually facilitated, I am aware that I did follow the advice of feminist researchers. This is partially because facilitating focus groups also requires the use of clinical skills, like active listening and showing empathy. Since my clinical theoretical orientation is one that values reducing power dynamics and empowering clients, it makes sense that this sort of facilitative role would resonate with me.
Moreover, feminist therapy also acknowledges that how a counselor shows up in their personhood is just as relevant as the coping skills that they might teach. I realize that I became intimately involved in the group process, by virtue of being of similar age, gender and race to the participants.
Listening to group members discuss their experiences with internalized misogynoir was at once validating and empowering. As a similarly-aged and similarly- educated Black woman, I have had similar thoughts, feelings and experiences as the ones which they described. On both a personal and professional level, it was a comforting reminder that I was not alone in these struggles. What’s more, hearing the ways in which they resisted these messages was liberating, particularly in hearing from younger INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 120
Millennials who were already aware of how problematic some societal messages were.
Throughout the groups, I found myself not only providing commentary for clarification, but also laughing and displaying empathy at appropriate moments. In this, I recognize that I made a connection with participants, which could have had an influence on the tone of the group. As such, it is important to acknowledge that, despite my original intentions surrounding neutrality, there was likely no neutrality based on both my identities and how those influenced my reactions during the focus groups.
Given both my lack of neutrality and the ways in which the focus group felt healing for me, I am also reflecting on the ways in which focus groups can have a proactive role. Although I did not provide participants with a definition of internalized misogynoir, a proactive approach could have been to provide the definition in order to specifically have a conversation about resistance. Additionally, asking participants how they felt at the end of the focus group discussion could have been helpful in determining whether just allowing the space to discuss these topics was helpful. I am aware that part of my personal feelings of empowerment and validation came from the opportunity to simply sit and talk with other Black women. In thinking about the role of community and resistance, it is possible that providing space for Black women to receive validation, as well as to discuss methods of resistance, was healing and restorative on its own.
Collectivity and Community. In continuing to think on the role of meaning- making as it pertains to internalized misogynoir, it is also important to think about the role of community. When choosing my sample, I was aware that, in attending a predominately white institution, it was likely that participants would be familiar with one another. I was also aware that I might be familiar with some of them myself, from both INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 121 academic and social settings. In this, I knew that it would be impossible to ignore the relationships that participants may have had with one another, or with me. During the focus groups, participants generally did not make explicit reference to knowing each other, but at least two participants walked in together and implied that they were friends.
In considering the relationships amongst the participants, between myself and the participants, and our group relationship, there were implications for meaning-making.
Even in acknowledging Moya Bailey’s definition of misogynoir, there is a co- construction of meaning that takes place, both by my asking questions and the group responding to them. In some ways, this is even heightened, because each focus group was largely cohesive in their descriptions of their thoughts, experiences and feelings. While members may have differed in what they specifically experienced, at no time during the focus groups was there dissent about whether something was problematic or hurtful.
Participants may have stated that they had not had a particular experience, but they did not communicate that they thought the experience shared was false, or not harmful.
Although we did not establish group guidelines beforehand, it appeared that participants adopted a spirit of non-judgment, perhaps to validate each other’s experiences so that they would receive validation in return. Whether present before the group or something that developed in the process, it became evident throughout the course of the group that the concept of sisterhood was present. In this context, sisterhood is defined as “a collective of women bonded by similar experiences or values who take interest in understanding, supporting and uplifting each other” (hooks, 2000). This took place in various forms, as I witnessed participants validate each other’s emotions, offer solutions for how they approached situations, and demonstrate vulnerability in discussing why they INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 122 internalized certain messages. Moreover, I realize that I, too, engaged in this sisterhood through sympathetic facial expressions, appropriate laughter, and in clarifying particular points. By doing so, the participants and I created a space that was at once safe and familiar.
Despite the sisterhood displayed in the group sessions, I am also aware that the lack of vocalized dissent does not mean that dissent was not present. It is unclear whether some group members were quieter for lack of something to say, or because they did not want to disagree with the group and be ostracized. As the group leader, I encouraged all group members to speak, but did not want to specifically call participants out by asking them to offer an opinion. I recognize that my engagement in the group process through nonverbals and laughter may have also been seen as tacit approval of particular statements. I can imagine, then, how it would have been difficult for a group member with a different opinion to speak up. Added to this is the fact that I purposely did not give participants a definition of misogynoir or of internalized misogynoir. In this, the meaning created about internalized misogynoir was not one which was presented by the group leader and commented-on by the group participants. Rather, each participant presented a piece of their experience and what it meant to them, and I have combined these recitations. Were I to go back to these participants and present to them my understanding of what they said, I do not know what they would agree or disagree with.
Clinical Implications
Therapeutic Relevance. In seeking to measure and illustrate levels of internalized misogynoir, there are several relevant counseling implications at play. All of these implications are rooted in the belief that Black women cannot fully escape the INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 123 systematic oppression in society that generates misogynoir. Much like how other oppressions can be institutional, interpersonal, or internalized, misogynoir can operate in a number of ways. What’s more, internalized misogynoir can also exist in differing amounts, and even those smaller amounts of internalized misogynoir are harmful. In considering that it is difficult to be a Black woman who does not internalize some amount of misogynoir, it is also important that internalized misogynoir be thought of as a lifespan process. While Black women may internalize misogynoir more (or easier) at younger ages, it is not necessarily something that disappears upon reaching adulthood. The participants in this study are emerging adults who recognized the harmful messages and yet still struggled with them. It therefore could be argued that the process of un- internalizing misogynoir is lifelong and includes Black women learning ways in to resist internalizing misogynoir or to cope with internalized misogynoir.
The overarching benefit of the Internalized Misogynoir Measure, as it pertains to counseling, is related to multicultural ethics and the support of clients, as they unlearn internalized misogynoir. Since counselors strive to be multiculturally competent, an understanding of internalized misogynoir could help clinicians to better treat anti-Black misogyny at play in the lives of their Black women clients. From a professional perspective, it is important for practitioners to be aware of misogynoir, so that they do not perpetuate these messages within psychotherapy. Since practitioners are people who have also been socialized in Western society, it is important that they examine what messages they have received about Black women and how they have adopted them into their schemas. Moreover, doing so (and subsequently liberating themselves) may require their own personal work, through therapy and/or educating themselves outside of a therapeutic INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 124 context. This may be especially important for practitioners who are Black women and are also working through their own process of un-internalizing misogynoir.
Currently, there exists no published literature discussing misogynoir or internalized misogynoir within a psychological or counseling context. Expanding this search to theses and dissertations reveals that only 3 dissertations published since 2017 have explicitly focused on misogynoir - and even then, only within the context of women’s studies and media studies. A search for literature on “internalized gendered racism” shows that this has largely been contained to a few dissertations and one published article about Asian-American women. Thus, the research in this dissertation helps to further the work of understanding internalized misogynoir, as well as further define these critical processes that Black women can experience. As counselors, it is not uncommon for us to teach clients the importance of using specific words and phrases to name our experiences; we do a multitude of things, from giving clients emotion wheels to describe their feelings, to using phrases like “catastrophizing”, in order to describe unhelpful thought processes. Clinicians do so not only to give clients a framework for how to view their experiences, but also as a way to empower clients. Feminist and multicultural therapists, in particular, rely heavily on the ethics of social justice movements. For example, counselors may provide clients with language like “victim- blaming” and “gaslighting” as ways in which to help them to reclaim narratives about their negative experiences.
Because this research helps to further clarify misogynoir, and specifically internalized misogynoir, it also helps with how therapists can use language to help clients validate the hostility that they’ve experienced. This has implications for how seeing, INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 125 hearing and being aware of internalized misogynoir might help psychologists to intervene competently. By providing clients with language to name their experience - for instance, by introducing the word misogynoir - counselors are then able to remind clients that the problem exists within society. At the same time, therapists are able to help clients recognize the ways in which they are reflecting that hostility within and onto themselves.
The recognition of internalized misogynoir might also help guide therapists in considering what therapeutic style might be most helpful for their Black women clients.
Incorporating aspects of womanist psychology, as well as resistance theory, could be a way of addressing issues particular to Black women, through methodology specifically created for Black women. The goals of a counselor seeking to intervene with a client experiencing internalized misogynoir are then going to be multifold. Goals could be to provide a space in which clients do not experience misogynoir, help them to process internalized misogynoir in their lives, and to increase clients’ resistance strategies.
As it pertains to creating measures that look at intersectional internalized oppression, the Internalized Misogynoir Measure provides another symptomatic tool for clinicians to use with first-time clients and on an ongoing basis. Less than 7% of Black women seek therapy, and those that do may not speak of it in the same way as their white counterparts do, who may be more apt to say, “I’ve been feeling depressed or anxious”
(Ward & Heidrich, 2010). Instead, they may experience and speak about depression as physical health problems (e.g. as bodily aches and pains, or in spiritual terms such as,
“My spirit feels weary”.) What’s more, many Black women, being used to systematic oppression, may have difficulty in connecting these symptoms to the commonplace experiences, such as comments about their hair, or constantly feeling the need to be INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 126 strong (Ward & Heidrich, 2009). An internalized misogynoir measure allows for specificity in showing Black women how much they have internalized societal messages about who they are. For clients who are unable to change their circumstances, recognizing potentially-problematic thought processes and beliefs can help to provide them with the tools they need to resist internalized misogynoir.
Role of Resistance. Resistance, as it pertains to internalized misogynoir, was something that arose repeatedly in the focus group discussions without prompting from me. In each focus group, participants chose to talk at length about how they try to counter some of the negative messaging they receive from various sources. Again, given that they were not asked directly about resistance, the fact that they spontaneously talked about this topic suggests two possibilities; the first reflects intentionality and critical consciousness, in that participants recognized that these messages were violent and corrosive. Moreover, they recognized this prior to any verbal or nonverbal feedback from either the group members or myself. This suggests that respondents may have had previous conversations with other Black women about how to resist against such messaging. In the context of the focus groups, there may have been a part of participants that talked about resistance as a self-reminder of why these messages are harmful. The second possibility is related to the idea of being “woke”, defined here as “being socially conscious”. Within the last few years, popular culture, specifically among Black Americans, has put emphasis on people’s social awareness and the ability to present themselves as such. Since 2012, discussion around wokeness and hashtags such as #staywoke have promoted the idea that being socially conscious is both important and fashionable (Freelon et al., 2018). Being perceived as not woke, particularly among a group of peers, could be seen as detrimental INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 127 to a person’s image. It is possible that participants in the focus group had some level of awareness, or felt pressure that, in talking about messages they have internalized, they also needed to show that they are woke, and thus know how to resist the messages. This pressure to present oneself as woke and to know how to resist internalized misogynoir may itself be a facet of internalized misogynoir. Such a tension perpetuates the Strong
Black Woman theme, by suggesting that Black women should automatically know how to take care of, and heal themselves, without assistance from others. Counseling psychologists seeking to help Black women navigate this conflict might highlight how feeling like they need to be woke, and therefore unable to ask for assistance, is a form of suboptimal resistance.
Regardless of the reasons for discussing resistance, the fact that it so greatly permeated the conversation is an important piece of data for clinicians and future researchers. Participants listed a litany of things they do in order to resist internalized misogynoir, including surrounding themselves with positive others, and directly challenging beliefs in order to create a new self-narrative. In doing so, it sounded as though participants were utilizing what Robinson-Wood et al. (2015) and Robinson and
Ward (1991) referred to as “optimal forms of resistance”. Optimal resistance embodies a sociopolitical awareness which utilizes affective, behavioral, and cognition dimensions, and supports Black women pushing back against oppression through values of unity, self- determination, and living a purposeful life. This is in contrast to suboptimal forms of resistance, such as increased use of substances or risky sexual behavior. Although participants briefly mentioned using self-affirmations and finding community, asking INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 128
Black women explicitly about how they resist misogynoir could help provide insight into ways that clinicians may reinforce optimal forms of resistance.
Role of Social Media. Another important clinical implication of this study is the salience of social media messages. Over the last ten years, use of social media amongst adults has increased from 36% to 72%, with nearly 90% of adults aged 18-29 reporting usage of at least one social media site (Pew Research Center, 2019). It is unsurprising, therefore, that the Millennial participants in this study had strong opinions about the messaging that they receive from social media. Perhaps what was most important from their discussion were the ways in which they viewed social media as a double-edged sword. They noted that social media forces them engage with people whom they might not otherwise engage, or pushes media that they might not readily choose to consume.
Because social media is also largely left unregulated, participants can (and did) encounter both uplifting and degrading messaging on Twitter, Facebook or Instagram regarding the same topic.
Stanton et al. (2017) found that Black women with higher levels of social media use and greater endorsement of the Strong Black Woman ideal also had lower scores on self-esteem. The participants in that study also reported higher scores of other adverse mental health factors, such as psychological distress. Moreover, the Stanton study noted that participants who engaged with Black-oriented blogs also had more symptoms of anxiety and depression, as well as lower scores on well-being. These findings suggest that even respondents who chose to engage with media relevant to their identity encountered negative messaging. Therefore, it is unsurprising that participants in the focus groups on misogynoir described feeling hypervigilant and vulnerable, when INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 129 engaging with social media as a whole. The mechanisms by which social media affect
Black women, negatively or positively, are still unclear. However, the role of social media in influencing sociocultural norms needs to be studied, particularly for Millennials and Generation Z, who have grown up with this medium.
Study Limitations
Choosing IPA Over Grounded Theory. There were several qualitative methods of analysis that I could have chosen to use in analyzing the focus group data. Because a study of internalized misogynoir does not yet exist within the literature, one possible method was Grounded Theory. Grounded Theory is a methodology which looks both at experiences and other data sources in order to develop an objective understanding of the subject (Starks & Brown Trinidad, 2007). The goal of Grounded Theory, or GT, is to turn the data collected into codes, which in turn become concepts that help create the basis of a new theory (Strauss & Corbin, 1994). Since internalized misogynoir does not exist in the literature, and there is little on misogynoir itself, Grounded Theory could have been one method of informing a theory around internalized misogynoir. In turn, this could have been useful for getting an explanatory model to design the Internalized Misogynoir
Measure.
Ultimately, I chose to use Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis, for many of the same reasons that Grounded Theory is a useful approach. IPA predicates itself on understanding the subjective experiences of particular individuals. The analysis is rooted in participant accounts of a particular experience. In gaining an understanding of internalized misogynoir, I wanted to understand what a given experience is like
(phenomenology), and how people made sense of their experiences (interpretation). INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 130
Similar to GT, IPA generates codes from data gathered in qualitative approaches, with the intent of finding themes and subthemes. However, the goal in IPA is often on answering a specific research question about experiences, and not necessarily on creating a theory. Although misogynoir has not been studied in-depth, there is an existing theory, as posited by Moya Bailey, about what misogynoir is, and how it might show up. As such, I believed that IPA would be more relevant in capturing the meaning and common features of internalized misogynoir. Although I am confident in my choice, it is still possible that the use of Grounded Theory would have been more helpful in further developing a theory of internalized misogynoir.
Asking “Why” Questions. When asking participants about internalization of the messages they received, I formulated these questions as two parts: first, asking participants, “How much?” and then, “Why?” The purpose of asking participants “why” was to gain a better understanding of their rationalization behind internalizing certain messages. This not only included awareness around internalizing these messages as a result of white supremacy and patriarchy, but also what emotional and psychological reasons they had for internalizing them. The rationale behind asking a “why” question also rests on my belief that it is difficult for Black women in U.S. society to not internalize some amount of misogynoir in their lifetime. Simultaneously, I do believe that
Black women have some control over the amount that they internalize, and how they resist internalizing misogynoir. Again, as internalized misogynoir is not a dichotomous variable, and operates along a continuum, it is possible for the amount of internalized misogynoir to vary. INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 131
Although I had specific intentions when choosing to ask “why” questions, conventional guidelines around focus groups discourage formulating questions in this way. In asking “why” questions, there is often a concern that participants can feel pressure to provide answers that are socially acceptable or impersonal (Holloway &
Jefferson, 2000). Participants who feel pressured to give an acceptable answer may navigate this in various ways, including choosing only to give short answers. As a result, asking “why” questions may yield answers that are less richly-detailed. A common alternative presented to “why” questions are “how” questions, as they are thought to invite discussion around the particular situations or circumstances under which decisions were made. While I asked participants both “how” and “why”, it is possible that the use of a “why” question served to inhibit some participants’ answers. A more effective phrasing of “Why do you internalize these messages?” could have been “When you think about reasons for internalizing these messages, what comes to mind?”, or “What might be the reasons that you internalize these messages?”
Assumptions About Internalized Misogynoir. My inherent lack of neutrality in the focus groups means that I am also forced to contend with any assumptions about internalized misogynoir that I held prior to the study. As internalized misogynoir and misogynoir have not been studied in depth within the psychological literature, my definition is based on an understanding of internalized oppression and misogynoir. Up until this point, misogynoir itself has largely been defined by the creator of the term,
Moya Bailey, and expounded-upon by Trudy of the now-defunct social critique blog
GradientLair. As such, my understanding of misogynoir and internalized misogynoir was predicated largely on their work. While I attempted to bracket my understanding of INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 132 misogynoir, it is possible that my perspective still largely influences the understanding of internalized misogynoir generated by this study. This could be, in part, because my perspective on internalized misogynoir has not changed after facilitating the focus groups, but has been further solidified in hearing participants talk about their experiences.
Moreover, I also assumed that, based on the definition, internalized misogynoir can be experienced by any Black woman, regardless of other identities. This does not take into account how internalized misogynoir make look different if a person holds other marginalized identities, such as being transgender or low-income.
Other Contributing Factors. Reviewing the methodology of this study, it is possible that not providing participants a definition of misogynoir was a limitation. This raises the question of what it would have been like to give participants a definition of internalized misogynoir, and then ask if and how they had seen it manifesting in their own lives. Along similar lines, I could have chosen to define internalized misogynoir at the end of the focus group, and ask whether participants felt that this term described their experiences. Had I done so, it is unclear whether respondents would have agreed that this term best-illustrated their experiences. It is possible that participants might have even provided another term which they thought more accurately reflected the discussions.
Future Directions
Validating the Measure. As the ultimate goal of this research was to further refine the Internalized Misogynoir Measure, one of the most important next steps would be to validate this measure. One of the focus group questions in this study asked participants how much they internalized misogynoir. Although participants chose to answer with non-specific amount phrases, such as “a lot” or “not as much”, being able to INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 133 connect these qualitative descriptions to an actual scale point could be useful in detecting how much internalized misogynoir a person has. Validation could begin with gathering another sample to take the IMM, and then performing an exploratory factor analysis in order to assess factor structure and initial psychometric information. Standard procedure for an EFA should be followed, including assessing factorability of the correlation matrix beforehand, engaging in appropriation rotation, examining the scree plot, and conducting a parallel analysis to determine the potential number of extractable factors. Items which meet minimum factor loading, but do not add conceptual clarity to the scale, should be deleted. Likewise, Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficients should be examined to note levels of internal consistency among items on the factors.
It may also be helpful to explore convergent validity for this measure through measures of internalized oppression, as well as a measure of gendered racial microaggressions. Some relevant measures include the Gendered Racial
Microaggressions Scale (Lewis & Neville, 2015), as well as the Internalized Misogyny scale (Piggott, 2004). The Gendered Racial Microaggressions Scale for Black women
(GRMS) is a 26-item measure, with 4 factors related to beauty and sexual objectification, the strong Black woman stereotype, the angry Black woman stereotype, and the feelings of being silenced and marginalized. Sample items include “Someone has made me feel exotic as a Black woman” and “Someone has imitated [to me] the way they think Black women speak”. Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficients for the four factors ranged from
.74-.88, suggesting acceptable reliability. Additionally, total reliability coefficients for the frequency and stress appraisal scales were excellent, at .92 and .93, respectively. As INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 134 constructs for the IMM were based on those used in this scale, data from this measure will be used to support convergent validity for the Internalized Misogynoir Measure.
Similarly, The Internalized Misogyny Scale (IMS) is a 17-item, 3-factor measure used to assess internalized misogyny, as it pertains to distrust of women, devaluing of women, and gender bias in favor of men. Participants are asked to rate their agreement with various statements, such as “Generally, I prefer to work with women”, on a 7-point
Likert scale from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree). This is currently the only known and validated measure for internalized misogyny, and has displayed good reliability with alpha coefficients ranging from .88 (Piggott, 2004) to .90 (Szymanski et al., 2009). Using both the GRMS and IMS to validate the IMM will help to further refine the measure and establish it as a tool for clinical and research purposes.
After establishing convergent validity, the Resistance Modality Inventory
(Robinson-Wood, 2014) may be a useful scale to help determine divergent validity. The
Resistance Modality Inventory (RMI) is a 40-item instrument created to measure the construct of psychological resistance among Black women. This measure includes items which indicate both suboptimal resistance (“I feel like my daily life is a constant struggle against racism”) and optimal resistance (“I believe that the hard times in life have a purpose”). Respondents are asked to rate their agreement on a 4-point Likert scale from 1
(strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree). Cronbach’s alpha for this measure were .72 for the optimal scale and .75 for the suboptimal scale in the initial preliminary study.
Norming the Internalized Misogynoir Measure will be equally as important as establishing factor structure and both convergent and divergent validity. One of the focus group questions in this initial study asked participants how much they internalized INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 135 misogynoir. Participants gave non-specific amount answers such as “a lot”, or “not as much now”, to give a general idea of the amount of misogynoir that they saw themselves as internalizing. Norming the IMM on a sample of Black women of varying ethnicities would help to determine what levels of internalized misogynoir exist and are typical among the general population of Black women. It will be important for this quantitative data to be interpreted in conjunction with qualitative interviews, in order to gain an understanding of what scores on the IMM are related to harmful psychological and emotional effects. Doing so will help clinicians to better understand what levels of internalized misogynoir are expected from clients living in an oppressive society, and what levels constitute cause for concern.
Psychological Distress. Research has demonstrated that the experience of racial and gender discrimination is related to various types of negative mental health outcomes
(Szymanski & Stewart, 2010). The term “psychological distress” is used here to encompass the various mental health outcomes defined by unpleasant emotions and impairments in functioning. These impairments may or may not have a particular psychiatric diagnosis. In reference to Black women, the link between psychological distress and racism and sexism is one which has long since been examined in the research literature. Stevens-Watkins et al. (2014) explored a moderation model on the relationship amongst racism, sexism, and stressful events on psychological distress. These researchers demonstrated that racism and sexism are significant sources of stress for Black women that are both correlated with one another and other stressful events.
An intersectional perspective honors the relationship between internalized misogynoir and psychological distress, and might be central to the evaluation of INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 136 oppression-related psychological distress in Black women. A 2015 study by Watson and
Hunter examining the costs of the Strong Black Woman schema demonstrated that the
SBW schema predicted psychological distress among Black women, and was also associated with negative attitudes towards seeking psychological help. Although this study does not specifically look at the impact of gendered racism, the point of Black women specific schemas and outcomes on psychological distress, is well-made. With the exception of Lewis et al. (2013) and Thomas et al. (2008), most of the literature has either focused on women of color broadly, or has chosen not to focus on gendered racism and psychological distress, but instead on racism and sexism separately. Moreover, both
Carr et al. (2014) and Szymanski and Lewis (2016) found that greater experiences of racist and sexist events, or gendered racism, led to greater use of internalization as a coping mechanism. As internalized misogynoir is a form of gendered racism, it stands to reason that individuals who have higher levels of internalized misogynoir may also experience more psychological distress.
An explicit look into the relationship between internalized misogynoir and psychological distress could further help to expand-upon the negative emotional and psychological experiences that respondents in this study discussed. One method of inquiry to measure psychological distress could be the Kessler Psychological Distress
Scale (K10), which measures level of anxiety and depressive symptoms in the most recent four-week period (Kessler & Mroczek, 1994). The scale is comprised of 10 questions on psychological distress, with 5 response categories ranging from 1 (none of the time) to 5 (all of the time). Sample items include, “Did you feel tired out for no good reasons?” and “Did you feel that everything was an effort?” Bessaha (2017) conducted a INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 137 study in which they assessed the factor structure of the K6 (a truncated version of the
K10), and subsequently found that each of the models for depression, anxiety and psychological distress demonstrated good fit for an emerging adult population. Reliability tests also indicated moderate reliability with kappa and weighted kappa scores ranging from .42-.74. Given the importance of intersectionality, a more complete understanding of the relationship between internalized misogynoir and psychological distress necessitates the incorporation of resistance. It would be important to use the Resistance
Modality Inventory to see how resistance mediates or moderates the relationship between internalized misogynoir and psychological distress. This would help deepen an understanding of how resistance either explains the relationship between internalized misogynoir and psychological distress (mediator) or affects the strength of the relationship (moderation). As a whole, demonstrating a connection between internalized misogynoir and psychological distress could be useful in predicting mental health concerns, as well as how participants use optimal or suboptimal resistance strategies.
Relationship with Coping Styles. Another point of consideration when thinking about future work is whether certain factors could be related to differences in levels of internalized misogynoir. One such factor might be the coping skills that people are using to deal with negative feelings surrounding internalized oppression. The relationship between internalized oppressions and maladaptive coping styles is one which researchers have begun exploring within the last 10-15 years. Szymanski and Lewis (2016) examined how engagement and disengagement coping styles influenced the relationship between gendered racism and psychological distress. They found that two disengagement styles, detachment and internalization, uniquely mediated the relationship between gendered INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 138 racism and psychological distress. As a whole, the authors saw that greater experiences of psychological distress were related to higher levels of coping, by withdrawing and blaming oneself. This supports earlier research (e.g., Thomas et al., 2008) by emphasizing that these coping styles are not as effective in helping individuals to cope with the discrimination over time as optimal coping styles.
In a similar vein, Lewis et al. conducted a 2013 study on the strategies that Black women college students used in order to cope with gendered racial microaggressions.
They found two resistance coping strategies, one collective coping strategy, and two self- protecting coping strategies. The self-protecting coping strategies, in particular, were defined as “Being a Black Superwoman” and “Becoming Desensitized and Escaping”, both of which parallel themes found on internalized misogynoir in this study. More importantly, the authors also found that participants made choices on how they coped with microaggressions by contextualizing the agency and power that they felt that they had. That is, participants who felt as though they were in situations where they had less power (for instance, with a supervisior) tended to use more detachment and desensitization as coping styles. Considering these two studies in conjunction with
Thomas, Witherspoon and Speight’s (2008) work on gendered racism, psychological distress and coping, it may be important to consider whether individuals with higher levels of internalized misogynoir also tend to use more maladaptive coping styles.
Conclusions
The work of this initial investigation into internalized misogynoir was largely done to help form a framework for how clinicians and researchers can begin to look at this phenomenon. Although gendered racism among Black women has been investigated INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 139 for some time, this study builds upon the literature by adding to an understanding of internalized gendered racism. In many ways, this study echoes many of the same themes found by scholars of Black women over the last 30 years. Themes surrounding archetypes, respectability politics and other related topics have long since also been articulated in work on microaggressions, racial identity and intersectionality. That they are also present in a discussion of internalized misogynoir reemphasizes their truth, and also presents a different facet of consideration. Likewise, participants’ discussion of resistance echoes much of the work on Black women and optimal resistance. By providing a framework for internalized misogynoir, this study helps deepen our understanding of the ways in which internalized oppression can manifest for Black women. This can help clinicians to be cognizant of the various considerations that they should take into account when working with Black women. Although brief, this research also makes an important point about the need for continued research into the effect of social media, as well as the messages that people receive from it. Considering the developmental considerations relevant to internalized misogynoir, it will be important to understand how social media, particularly for Generation Z, influences people’s access to messages.
Black women have long been attempting to articulate who they are in a Western society which was not initially created to help or celebrate them. Although individual
Black women are responsible for their own self-work and their process of unlearning, there is also a greater societal shift that needs to occur. The rhetoric around Black women has been largely negative since this country’s conception, and to this day, the subsequent legacy of slavery and Jim Crow has not been rectified. On a sociopolitical and INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 140 sociocultural level, there needs to be a deep commitment from all of us to engage with the harsh historical realities and present-day effects. This includes coming up with concrete plans to provide reparations for Black women in ways that actively work to undo the messages that all people in this society are socialized with. The work presented here, and the participants who shared their stories, are merely one place to start along the road to social reparations. That Black women have, and will continue to, engage, survive and thrive regardless, serves as a reminder for a quote of my own creation: “The struggle is real. But so is our #magic.”
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Appendix A: Demographic Questionnaire
Please describe your current education status: ___Some high school ___Completed high school/Received GED ___Some college ___Competed college ___Some technical/trade school ___Completed technical/trade school ___Some graduate school ___Completed graduate school
Please describe your current work status (Check all that apply): ___Working full time ___Working part time ___Student ___Volunteering ___In the military ___Unemployed, laid off, or looking for work ___Staying at home with children/taking care of family ___On maternity or family leave from job ___Not working due to illness or disability ___Not applicable
What is your identified ethnicity? Please select all that apply: ___African-American ___African ___Afro-Caribbean/West Indian ___Afro-Latina ______Other (please specify)
Do you identify with any other race/ethnicity? If so, please specify: ___Yes______No
What is your mother’s (or guardian’s) identified ethnicity? Please select all that apply: ___African-American ___African ___Afro-Caribbean/West Indian ___Afro-Latina ______Other (please specify)
What is your father’s (or other guardian’s) identified ethnicity? Please select all that apply: ___African-American INTERNALIZED MISOGYNOIR MEASURE 157
___African ___Afro-Caribbean/West Indian ___Afro-Latina ______Other (please specify)
What geographical region did you primarily grow up in? ___Northeast ___Midwest ___South ___West ______Outside U.S. (please specify ______)
Please describe the racial composition of your neighborhood growing up: ___I grew up in a mostly Black neighborhood ___I grew up in a neighborhood where the majority of people were of a different race/ethnicity (please specify other race/ethnicity ______) ___I grew up in a fairly diverse neighborhood (equal number of Black people and people of at least one other race/ethnicity) (please specify other race/ethnicity ______)
Please describe the racial composition of your current social group: ___Most of my friends are Black ___Most of my friends are of a different race/ethnicity (please specify other race/ethnicity ______) ___My social group is fairly diverse (equal number of Black friends and friends of at least one other race/ethnicity) (please specify other race/ethnicity ______)
Think of a ladder, with 10 steps representing where people stand in the United States. At step 10 are people who are the best off – those who have the most money, the most education, and the most respected jobs. At step 1 are the people who are worst off – those who have the least money, least education, and the least respected jobs or no job. Where would you place yourself on this ladder?
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
What is your age? ______
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Appendix B: Original Internalized Misogynoir Measure
Scoring based on 5-point Likert Scale: 1=Strongly Disagree 2=Disagree 3=Neither Agree or Disagree 4=Agree 5=Strongly Agree
Cultural Archetypes 1. The images I see on TV and in movies make me ashamed of being a Black woman 7. Black women tend to be loud and aggressive 10. It’s a compliment to be told that I don’t act like other Black women 11. My family raised me to be a “Strong Black Woman” 14. People might think I’m “fast” or a “thot” if I dance I certain way
Silenced & Sidelined 9. Black women should support Black men instead of complaining about them 4. Some Black women are too easily offended 3. If I speak up for myself, people with think I am an angry Black woman 12. I’m worried some will challenge me if I am in a position of authority
Beauty Ideals 13. The ideal body shape includes a larger bust, narrow waist, and a larger butt 8. I feel pressure to wear hair extensions (including weaves, wigs, or braids) so that I can have long, flowing hair 5. People should only go natural if they have “good hair” 6. I would prefer for my children to be light-skinned 2. If I could, I would change the size of my nose or lips
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Appendix C Focus Group Questions
1. From where do you receive messages about Black women?
2. What messages do you receive about Black women from: a. Media entertainment (Magazines/television/movies/music) b. Social Media (Facebook, Twitter, Tumblr, blogs?) c. Family d. Peers
3. What are the most salient/common messages you’ve received about Black women? 4. How do you feel about the way Black women are represented in media and popular culture? 5. What did you think of the scale we gave you? a. What are some items you liked? Why? b. What are some items you disliked? Why? 6. Would you change any items on the scale? a. If so, what? b. If no, why not? 7. Would you add anything to the scale? a. If so, what? 8. Have you ever heard of the term misogynoir?