Black Lives Matter, Intersectionality, and LGBTQ Rights NOW
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Dismantling Respectability: the Rise of New Womanist Communication
Journal of Communication ISSN 0021-9916 ORIGINAL ARTICLE Dismantling Respectability: The Rise of New Womanist Communication Models in the Era Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/joc/advance-article-abstract/doi/10.1093/joc/jqz005/5370149 by guest on 07 March 2019 of Black Lives Matter Allissa V. Richardson Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA 90089, USA Legacy media coverage of the Civil Rights Movement often highlighted charismatic male leaders, such as Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., while scores of Black women worked qui- etly in the background. Today’s leaders of the modern Black Lives Matter movement have turned this paradigm on its face. This case study explores the revamped communi- cation styles of four Black feminist organizers who led the early Black Lives Matter Movement of 2014: Brittany Ferrell, Alicia Garza, Brittany Packnett, and Marissa Johnson. Additionally, the study includes Ieshia Evans: a high-profile, independent, anti–police brutality activist. In a series of semi-structured interviews, the women shared that their keen textual and visual dismantling of Black respectability politics led to a mediated hyper-visibility that their forebearers never experienced. The women share the advantages and disadvantages of this approach, and weigh in on the sustain- ability of their communication methods for future Black social movements. Keywords: Black Feminism, Political Communication, Twitter, Respectability Politics, Social Movements. doi:10.1093/joc/jqz005 Brittany Ferrell remembered the tear gas most. As a frontline demonstrator during what came to be known as the Ferguson protests in August 2014, she recalled the unimaginable sting in her lungs and nose as she gasped for air. -
MIAMI UNIVERSITY the Graduate School
MIAMI UNIVERSITY The Graduate School Certificate for Approving the Dissertation We hereby approve the Dissertation of Bridget Christine Gelms Candidate for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy ______________________________________ Dr. Jason Palmeri, Director ______________________________________ Dr. Tim Lockridge, Reader ______________________________________ Dr. Michele Simmons, Reader ______________________________________ Dr. Lisa Weems, Graduate School Representative ABSTRACT VOLATILE VISIBILITY: THE EFFECTS OF ONLINE HARASSMENT ON FEMINIST CIRCULATION AND PUBLIC DISCOURSE by Bridget C. Gelms As our digital environments—in their inhabitants, communities, and cultures—have evolved, harassment, unfortunately, has become the status quo on the internet (Duggan, 2014 & 2017; Jane, 2014b). Harassment is an issue that disproportionately affects women, particularly women of color (Citron, 2014; Mantilla, 2015), LGBTQIA+ women (Herring et al., 2002; Warzel, 2016), and women who engage in social justice, civil rights, and feminist discourses (Cole, 2015; Davies, 2015; Jane, 2014a). Whitney Phillips (2015) notes that it’s politically significant to pay attention to issues of online harassment because this kind of invective calls “attention to dominant cultural mores” (p. 7). Keeping our finger on the pulse of such attitudes is imperative to understand who is excluded from digital publics and how these exclusions perpetuate racism and sexism to “preserve the internet as a space free of politics and thus free of challenge to white masculine heterosexual hegemony” (Higgin, 2013, n.p.). While rhetoric and writing as a field has a long history of examining myriad exclusionary practices that occur in public discourses, we still have much work to do in understanding how online harassment, particularly that which is gendered, manifests in digital publics and to what rhetorical effect. -
“Access”: Rhetorical Cartographies of Food
TROUBLING “ACCESS”: RHETORICAL CARTOGRAPHIES OF FOOD (IN)JUSTICE AND GENTRIFICATION by CONSTANCE GORDON B.A., San Francisco State University, 2011 M.A., University of Colorado Boulder, 2015 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Communication 2018 ii This dissertation entitled: Troubling “Access”: Rhetorical Cartographies of Food (In)Justice and Gentrification written by Constance Gordon has been approved for the Department of Communication Phaedra C. Pezzullo, Ph.D. (Committee Chair) Karen L. Ashcraft, Ph.D. Joe Bryan, Ph.D. Lisa A. Flores, Ph.D. Tiara R. Na’puti, Ph.D. Peter Simonson, Ph.D. Date The final copy of this dissertation has been examined by the signatories, and we find that both the content and form meet acceptable presentation standards of scholarly work in the above mentioned discipline. IRB Protocol #17-0431 iii Gordon, Constance (Ph.D., Communication) Troubling “Access”: Rhetorical Cartographies of Food (In)Justice and Gentrification Dissertation directed by Professor Phaedra C. Pezzullo ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the rhetorical and spatiotemporal relationships between food politics and gentrification in the contemporary U.S. developing city foodscape. Specifically, I explore a seemingly innocent, yet incredibly powerful key term for the food movement today: “access.” The concern over adequate food access for the food insecure has become a national conversation, as everyone from governments to corporations, non-profits to grassroots advocates, have organized interventions to bring healthy food to those most in need. In rapidly developing cities, however, these politics have become particularly complicated, as new food amenities often index or contribute to gentrification, including the displacement of the very people supposedly targeted for increased food access. -
MOVEMENT and SPACE MOVEMENT and SPACE Creating Dialogue on Systemic Racism from the Modern Civil Rights Movement to the Present
Creating Dialogue on Systemic Racism from the Modern Civil MOVEMENT Rights Movement to the Present AND SPACE ABOUT THE SOUTHERN POVERTY LAW CENTER The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) is a nonprofit civil rights organization founded in 1971 to combat discrimination through litigation, education and advocacy. The SPLC is a catalyst for racial justice in the South and beyond, working in partnership with com- munities to dismantle white supremacy, strengthen intersectional movements, and advance the human rights of all people. For more information about THE SOUTHERN POVERTY LAW CENTER visit splcenter.org © 2021 SOUTHERN POVERTY LAW CENTER LEE / KIRBY AP IMAGES 2 MOVEMENT AND SPACE MOVEMENT AND SPACE Creating Dialogue on Systemic Racism from the Modern Civil Rights Movement to the Present WRITTEN BY CAMILLE JACKSON AND JEFF SAPP EDITORIAL DIRECTION BY JEFF SAPP, TAFENI ENGLISH AND DAVID HODGE AP IMAGES / KIRBY LEE / KIRBY AP IMAGES 4 MOVEMENT AND SPACE TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface .................................................................................................................................................7 What Do We Mean by Movement and Space? .......................................................................8 Objectives, Enduring Understanding and Key Concepts ..................................................9 Audience, Time and Materials ................................................................................................. 10 Considerations ............................................................................................................................. -
Struggle for Power: the Ongoing Persecution of Black Movement the by U.S
STRUGGLE FOR POWER T H E ONGOING PERSECUTION O F B L A C K M O V E M E N T BY THE U.S. GOVERNMENT In the fight for Black self-determination, power, and freedom in the United States, one institution’s relentless determination to destroy Black movement is unrivaled— the United States federal government. Black resistance and power-building threaten the economic interests and white supremacist agenda that uphold the existing social order. Throughout history, when Black social movements attract the nation’s or world’s attention, or we fight our way onto the nation’s political agenda as we have today, we experience violent repression. We’re disparaged and persecuted; cast as villains in the story of American prosperity; and forced to defend ourselves and our communities against police, anti-Black policymakers, and U.S. armed forces. Last summer, on the heels of the murders of Breonna Taylor and George Floyd, millions of people mobilized to form the largest mass movement against police violence and racial injustice in U.S. history. Collective outrage spurred decentral- ized uprisings in defense of Black lives in all 50 states, with a demand to defund police and invest in Black communities. This brought global attention to aboli- tionist arguments that the only way to prevent deaths such as Mr. Floyd’s and Ms. Taylor’s is to take power and funding away from police. At the same time, the U.S federal government, in a flagrant abuse of power and at the express direction of disgraced former President Donald Trump and disgraced former Attorney General William Barr, deliberately targeted supporters of the movement to defend Black lives in order to disrupt and discourage the movement. -
Blue Lives Matter
COP FRAGILITY AND BLUE LIVES MATTER Frank Rudy Cooper* There is a new police criticism. Numerous high-profile police killings of unarmed blacks between 2012–2016 sparked the movements that came to be known as Black Lives Matter, #SayHerName, and so on. That criticism merges race-based activism with intersectional concerns about violence against women, including trans women. There is also a new police resistance to criticism. It fits within the tradition of the “Blue Wall of Silence,” but also includes a new pro-police movement known as Blue Lives Matter. The Blue Lives Matter movement makes the dubious claim that there is a war on police and counter attacks by calling for making assaults on police hate crimes akin to those address- ing attacks on historically oppressed groups. Legal scholarship has not comprehensively considered the impact of the new police criticism on the police. It is especially remiss in attending to the implications of Blue Lives Matter as police resistance to criticism. This Article is the first to do so. This Article illuminates a heretofore unrecognized source of police resistance to criticism by utilizing diversity trainer and New York Times best-selling author Robin DiAngelo’s recent theory of white fragility. “White fragility” captures many whites’ reluctance to discuss ongoing rac- ism, or even that whiteness creates a distinct set of experiences and per- spectives. White fragility is based on two myths: the ideas that one could be an unraced and purely neutral individual—false objectivity—and that only evil people perpetuate racial subordination—bad intent theory. Cop fragility is an analogous oversensitivity to criticism that blocks necessary conversations about race and policing. -
The Movement for Black Lives
Written Submission of the Movement for Black Lives To the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) Pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution 43/1 on the “Promotion and protection of the human rights and fundamental freedoms of Africans and of people of African descent against excessive use of force and other human rights violations by law enforcement officers” February 26, 2021 The Movement for Black Lives (M4BL) welcomes this opportunity to provide input for the preparation of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to be presented at the 47th session of the Human Rights Council. This submission focuses on a comprehensive national legislative proposal aimed at ending brutal and discriminatory policing in the United States and investing in a new vision of public safety—The BREATHE Act. It was written to honor all of the lives lost to police and state-sanctioned violence. We hope the OHCHR will include the Act in its recommendations to the United States. Background The Movement for Black Lives is a network of 150 organizations engaged in the Black Lives Matter movement to end state-sanctioned killings of Black Americans and the systemic oppression that condones them. It was formed in 2014 as a space for Black-led organizations around the country to develop a shared assessment of what political interventions are necessary to achieve key policy and cultural wins. It works to convene organizational leadership to create a movement-wide strategy of transformational justice in the United States. Among other goals, M4BL seeks to end the war on Black people in the United States through a multi-platform approach focusing on investing in communities and divesting from the police, providing holistic reparations to those affected by police violence, furthering economic justice, and centering community control and increasing political [i] power of those most affected by the pervasive institutional oppression in our country. -
What Is Black Lives Matter? Black Lives Matter (BLM) Is a Non-Centralized Grassroots Social Justice Movement
This document was constructed as a guide to help understand some of the complexities and nuances about the Black Lives Matter movement. As this document outlines there have been segments of BLM that have engaged in BDS activity, and we remain concerned about the Movement for Black Lives platform. That should not stop us from rallying behind the concept of BlackLivesMatter or from working with BLM activists. What Is Black Lives Matter? Black Lives Matter (BLM) is a non-centralized grassroots social justice movement. Organized by regional chapters, BLM urges society to value Black lives and recognize their marginalization. The now- international movement originated in America in 2013 following George Zimmerman’s acquittal for the death of Black teen Trayvon Martin. As details of the shooting unfolded, two Black and LGBTQ social justice leaders, Alicia Garza and Patrisse Cullors, created the hashtag #BlackLivesMatter in response to Martin’s death. The hashtag quickly spread, thereby birthing a 21st-century, millennial-driven civil rights movement. Differences within BLM Decentralized, nonhierarchical, and tech savvy, BLM differs in structure from past American civil rights groups. Each local BLM chapter, including those within the same city, is unique in their tactics: some prefer protests, while others prefer direct action strategies, like shutting down public highways. For instance, West Coast BLM leader Patrisse Cullors has endorsed the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement and participated in a “Black for Palestine” delegation to the Palestinian Territories. At the other end of the spectrum is a group called “Campaign Zero.” Unlike BLM’s more unpredictable West Coast chapters and subgroups, Campaign Zero does support engagement with the political system, and one of its leaders, DeRay Mckesson, has served as a mayoral candidate in Baltimore. -
Issue 106: Teaching Black Lives Matter ISSN: 1941-0832
Chitra Ganesh, “Blake BroCkinGton”, 2015 Issue 106: Teaching Black Lives Matter ISSN: 1941-0832 Erratum: Foster, J.A., Horowitz, S.M. & Allen, L. (2016). Changing the Subject: Archives, Technology, and Radical Counter-Narratives of Peace. Radical Teacher, 105, 11-22. doihttp://dx.doi.org/10.5195/rt.2016.280. An article in Radical Teacher 105: Archives and Radical Education included an incorrect version of Changing the Subject: Archives, Technology, and Radical Counter-Narratives of Peace by J. Ashley Foster, Sarah M. Horowitz, and Laurie Allen. The placement of two images was incorrect. A corrected version is included here. The editorial team apologizes for this error. —The Radical Teacher Editorial Board This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. This journal is published by the University Library System of the University of Pittsburgh as part of its D-Scribe Digital Publishing Program, and is cosponsored by the University of Pittsburgh Press. RADICAL TEACHER 1 http://radicalteacher.library.pitt.edu No. 100 (Fall 2014) DOI 10.5195/rt.2014.173 ISSN: 1941-0832 Changing the Subject: Archives, Technology, and Radical Counter-Narratives of Peace By J. Ashley Foster, Sarah M. Horowitz, and Laurie Allen MARCELO JUAREGUI-VOLPE’S PROJECT WAS TO CREATE THIS MIND-MAP ON OMEKA AND ADD THE QUAKER CONNECTIONS RADICAL TEACHER 2 http://radicalteacher.library.pitt.edu No. 105 (Summer 2016) DOI 10.5195/rt.2016.298 What, in any case, is a socialist feminist criticism? The been called “pacifisms past,”3 radicalizes the classroom and answer is a simple one. -
The Sanctioned Antiblackness of White Monumentality: Africological Epistemology As Compass, Black Memory, and Breaking the Colonial Map
THE SANCTIONED ANTIBLACKNESS OF WHITE MONUMENTALITY: AFRICOLOGICAL EPISTEMOLOGY AS COMPASS, BLACK MEMORY, AND BREAKING THE COLONIAL MAP A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Christopher G. Roberts May 2018 Examining Committee Members: Molefi K. Asante, Advisory Chair, Africology and African American Studies Amari Johnson, Africology and African American Studies Benjamin Talton, History Serie McDougal III, External Member, San Francisco State University © Copyright 2018 by Christopher G. Roberts All Rights Reserved ii ABSTRACT In the cities of Richmond, Virginia; Charleston South Carolina; New Orleans, Louisiana; and Baltimore, Maryland, this dissertation endeavors to find out what can be learned about the archaeology(s) of Black memory(s) through Africological Epistemic Visual Storytelling (AEVS); their silences, their hauntings, their wake work, and their healing? This project is concerned with elucidating new African memories and African knowledges that emerge from a two-tier Afrocentric analysis of Eurocentric cartography that problematizes the dual hegemony of the colonial archive of public memory and the colonial map by using an Afrocentric methodology that deploys a Black Digital Humanities research design to create an African agentic ritual archive that counters the colonial one. Additionally, this dissertation explains the importance of understanding the imperial geographic logics inherent in the hegemonically quotidian cartographies of Europe and the United States that sanction white supremacist narratives of memory and suppress spatial imaginations and memories in African communities primarily, but Native American communities as well. It is the hope of the primary researcher that from this project knowledge will be gained about how African people can use knowledge gained from analyzing select monuments/sites of memorialization for the purposes of asserting agency, resisting, and possibly breaking the supposed correctness of the colonial map. -
EDI/Anti-Racism Resources Compiled by the EDI Committee for APA Florida’S Website
EDI/anti-racism resources compiled by the EDI Committee for APA Florida’s website Books Articles/Blogs Podcasts Videos/Webinars/Websites Twitter/Instagram Follows Newsletters/Other Awareness (& How to Be an Antiracist by Ibram Working While Black Pod Save the People (Crooked LWV Diversity, Equity and @ErinLThomasPhD The Broadsheet (Fortune) Competence X. Kendi Media) Inclusion Webinars The odds have always been against @Keah_Maria raceAhead (Fortune) to Engage in So You Want to Talk About Race me. This is what being black in Code Switch (NPR) Talking about Race (The Discussion) @DisVisibility Race/Related (The New York Times) by Ijeoma Oluo America is. by Adiba Nelson National Museum of African 1619 American History & Culture The Lily (The Washington Post) White Fragility: Why It's So Hard Black people are tired of trying to Groundings for White People to Talk About explain racism by DeNeen L. Brown Parallels in Time: A History About US (The Washington Post) Racism by Robin DiAngelo Intersectionality Matters of Developmental Disabilities Dear White People…10 Ways You Talking about Race (The National (African American Policy Devil in the Grove: Thurgood Can Show Up for your Black Friends History of Harms Museum of African American Forum) Marshall, the Groveland Boys, and Colleagues by Sunshine Muse History & Culture) Mapping Inequality and the Dawn of a New America Radical Imagination How U.S. Companies Can Support Diversity & Inclusion vs. Equity & by Gilbert King Disability Justice Employees of Color Through the Throughline (NPR) Justice Housing Segregation Stamped from the Beginning: The Pandemic by Laura Morgan definitive history of racist ideas in Roberts, Courtney L. -
What Kind of Movement Is Black Lives Matter? the View from Twitter
The Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics, 4 (2019), 297–323. © The Race, Ethnicity, and Politics Section of the American Political Science Association 2019 doi:10.1017/rep.2019.17 2056-6085/19 What Kind of Movement is Black Lives Matter? The View from Twitter Alvin B. Tillery Jr. Northwestern University Abstract: This paper examines the ways that social movement organizations affili- ated with the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement use Twitter through three content analysis studies. The main finding presented in the paper is that the modal tweet generated between December 1, 2015 and October 31, 2016 was an emotional response—an expression of sadness, outrage, or despair—to police brutality and the killings of African Americans. The second key finding is that BLM organizations generated more tweets that framed the movement as a struggle for individual rights than ones that utilized frames about gender, racial, and LGBTQ identities. Finally, the paper shows that BLM activists urge their followers to pursue disruptive repertoires of contention less frequently than they encourage other political behaviors. These findings suggest that the BLM movement is intelligible through both the resource mobilization and new social movement paradigms within social movement studies. Keywords: BlackLivesMatter, Black Lives Matter movement, Black Twitter, social movements. INTRODUCTION On July 13, 2013, Patrisse Cullors, Alicia Garza, and Opal Tometi posted #BlackLivesMatter on the micro-blogging site Twitter. Cullors, Garza, and Tometi created the hashtag to protest the acquittal of George Zimmerman in the shooting death of Trayvon Martin, an unarmed African American teenager. The hashtag gained traction on the Internet throughout the remainder of 2013, as advocates for police reform utilized it to express their complex emotions in response to several high-profile cases where Address correspondence and reprint requests to: Alvin B.