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A Thesis Submitted in Partial Satisfaction of the By CALIFORNIA STA'l'E UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE THE DEVELOPMENT OF f.\ CA.PI'IA!~.IST NODE OF PRODUCTION IN l'llll.i\ZONIAN PETW A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degr0e of Maste~ of Arts in by Ruth Anne M<1rgolis-·Hay3.r~o Jarma:ry, J.982 The Thesis of Ruth Margolis-Hayano is approved: Dr. Cal~ol fvJackey Dr. Keith Morton, Chairperson California State University, Northrhige ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I'd like to express my gratitude to my committee members, Drs. Kei·th Morton, Sondra Hale, and Carol l'-1ackey for their many suggestions, time 1 energy, and cooperation in helping me to complete this thesis "on time." To Dr. Gregory Truex, who spent time reading and editing a draft of the thesis and who made some very valuable suggestions for future work 1 I extend my appreciation. I'd also like to thank my husband, David, for listening t.o my many 11 thesis stories," for making many pertinent organizational and editing suggestions and for his total support in helping me keep a sense of humor during times of "thesis str:ess. 11 I also want to extend my very warm appreciation to my naren·ts and brother who encouraged my t:rips to the Punazon jungles of Peru and who understood over the years when I couldn't make family gatherings because I was working on my thesis. And, to JVlatti Gerome who spent many hours over the Christ.mas holidays typing the final draft so I could meet my deadline, I thank you. iii Table of Contents Page List of Tables, Figures, Maps v Abstract . vi Chapter One. Introduction 1 Two. Ecology of the Tropical Forest Culture 19 Three. The Effects of Extractive Economies . 43 Four. Economic Integration of the Peruvian Selva . 71 Five. The Bora 118 Six. Surnrnary and Conclusions . 155 Notes 162 References . 172 Appendix A. Effects of Resource Exploi t.ation on Indigenous Populations 191 Appendix B. Government Agencies of IntGgrat~ion . 195 iv List of Tables, Figures: and Maps Tables Page I. Yields of Major Crops on Inter­ flu"~Tial Soils 30 II. Oil Companies Exploring the I~azon Basin of Peru . 77 III. Oil Companies Exploring ·the Amazon Basin of Peru . 78 -r-.:r .1. y • Value of Extractive Production 88 \.l. Price of Plantain Stalks in 1976 90 ~7T V.J...o Urarina Estimates of Time Expended in Logging 138 VII. Working Days in the Honth of March, 1974 ... 148 VIII. Bora Non-Utilitarian Craft Produci:ion . 150 IX. Bora Utilitarian Craft Production 150 Figures I. Pyramid of Social Stratification of the Peruvian Selva 57 II. Pyramid of Socio-Economic Strati­ fication at the Local Village Level 117 M.aps I. Indigenous Language Groups in Peru . 44 II. Peru Jungle Oil 76 III. Bora Territory . 12.0 IV. Basic Village Plan of Brillo Nuevo . 129 v ABSTHAC'r THE DEVELOP-r.1ENT OF A CAPI'I'AI..IST ...MODE OF PRODUCTION IN A...MAZONIA.N PERU by Ruth Anne Hargolis-Hayano Master of Arts in Anthropology This thesis uses the premises of Dependency Theory to examine the state of historical and current social and economic changes in Amazonian Peru. Incorporation into an interdependent world system and loss of isolation caused peripheral sectors within Peru's ~~azon to replicate not only the capitalist character­ istics of the national economy, but also Peru's domi­ nated and dependent status as a satellite nation. Indigenous societies in the Peruvian Amazon have been undergoing socio-economic adaptations since the penetration of outside economic forces extracting jungle products. Because of internal colonialism, the vi national government, multi-national corporations, internal middle-men and missionaries, have brought indigenous societies out of isolationv exposed them to the demands of the world market and incorpora.ted them into the capitalist system as exploited laborers. Fieldwork among the Bora in Peru's northeast lLrnazon has demons·tra.ted the repercussions of incorpor­ ation into an interdependent world-system at the village level. The influx of historical economic intrusions resulted in their geographic relocation and a greatly diminished population. More recently, traditional Bora socio-economic relations of production have changed in order to accommodate capitalist cash­ production and labor migration. Because of this, the Bora have become a dependent, marginalized segment of Peruvian national society and they have now lost their self-sufficiency. vii Chap·ter One · lnt.roduction The anthropology now required in Latin ~~merica is not that \vhich relates ·to Indians as objects of study, but rather that which perceives the colonial situation and conunits itself to. the struggle for liberation (Declaration of Barbados for the Liberation of the Indians, Bridgetown, Barbados, January 25-30, 1971). This thesis analyzes the indigeneous responses to the introduction of capitalism in the Peruvian Amazon. On a macro-level I explore the international and national conunercial forces that have affected poli·tica.l and socio-· economic relations of the indigenous populations since the 1700's (Bodley 1975; San Ramon 1975i Uriarte 1976; varese 1972a, 1972b). On a micro-level I will outline the effects of outside contac·t and commercialism in det:er-· mining changG in the mode of product. ion of the Bora, an 1 1 et.h no .~..J..nguls• • t lC• group se·t t".J.e d J.n• ..p eru I s nort.h east:, l-'.ma :zon . .Hy analysis of Bora changes in socio-economic organization due to loss of isolation, commercialism, and the intro- duct ion of a capi talis·t market economy will supplement the few, but growing, number of case studies on this topic {e.g., Harner 1973; Johnson and Johnson 1975; 1 2 Kramer 1978; Murphy 1954; Murphy'ahd Murphy 1974; Sivert.s 1972). THEORE'riCAL APPROACH This study uses the Marxist concepts of exploi- tation, class stratification, and relations of production as they apply to the capitalist growth process. In analyzing this process in Amazonian Peru, I will also be applying the theoret.ical framework of Dependencey Theory. 'l'\vO groups of theorists ·tend to be associated with Dependency Theory: (1) the neo-Marxists exemplified by Frank (1967), Godelier (1977), Varese (1972a, 1972b), and perhaps Wallerstein (1974a, 1974b); and (2) the non- r.1arxists, for example Stavenhagen (1975), Furtado (1970), and sometimes Brookfield (1975). Some of the above ·theor ist:s have been criticized for neglecting certain significant aspects of analysis. For example, Wallerstein has been criticized for neglecting to discuss internal colonialism {Smith 1978) and Godelier has been cited as negligent in treating the issue of division of labor (Siskind 1978). Other neo-Marxists and some non-Marxists do not neglect these matters, thus creating a difficulty in dist.inguishing bet.\.veen the two groups. Because a clear differentiation between nee-Marxist and non-Marxist Dependency theorists is not always clear and has been discussed as complementary in understanding capitalism. (Smith 1978:577) I will draw from both groups, but with 3 a primary concentration on a nee-Marxist Dependency frame\vork. While 'l.·lOrking within the model of a dependent war ld­ system (Brookfield 1975) and internal colonialism (Stavenhagen 1968), in the examination of outside contact my study will apply t.he Harxist concepts of exploitation, class st.ratification, and relations of product.ion (Varese 1972a, 1972b; Wallerstein, 1974b). The above concepts will be used in interpreting the influence of capitalism on indigenous Amazonian societies. The (inter-related) concepts of exploitation, class stratification, and relations of production were no~ applied extensively to studies of Amazonian indigenous groups prior to mid-century. Until that t.iml';, 1 studies of Peru's l':..rna zon cons is ted mainly of missic~ary account.s (e.g., Figueroa 1904; Fritz 1922; Izaguirre 1922), trave­ logues (e.g., Clark 1953; Guillaume 1888; Herndon 1853; Whiffin 1915), short. descript.ive eUmograpn.ic 2.ccounts of individual groups (e.g., Casement 1912; Fejos 1943; Hardenburg 1912; Steward 1948; Wolf 1936; Woodrof:fe 1915). These were basically synchronic, isolated studies; but, they are relevant today for providing historical infor­ mation relating to social changes in the area. With the increase in international trade of raw materials after World War II Dependency Theory gained prominence as an approach to the study of Lat.in American 4 economies. It was during this time that the interde- pendent "-world-system" subsumed many small independent economies (Brookfield 1975:xi; Orlove 1977:1}. Within the frame-vmrk of an interdependent~ world-system (national and international history, the influences of capitalism, exploi-tation and colonialism) the organization of economic structures was attributed not only to isolated internal factors, but were also in strong reaction to external influences (Brookfield 1975:xi). With Dependency Theory there came a shift from terms such as "modern~ .and "traditional" (terms used by Modern­ ization Theorists such as Marion Levy [1966]) to "metro­ poli-tan" and "satellite 11 (Frank 1967:124). 'I'he latter two ·terms came to be interchangeable with "developed" and "underdeveloped'' (Furtado 1970:xvi; Peoples 1978:535~ Stavenhagen 1975). In Dependency Theory the relationship of dominance and dependence between metropolitan and satellite nations explains the continued exploitation and underdeveloped status of Third World satellites as compared to a progressive development within metropolitan nations (Orlove 1977:9). Dependency Theorists view the situation of growing developmen-t or underdevelopment as a result of colonial history. The rich nations get richers and the poor poorer and the "diffusion of skills from developed to underdeveloped nations does not by itself generate 5 economic growth» (Peoples 1978:536). Extending the colonialist relationship, Dependency Theorists profess that the relationship between metropolitan and satellite, developed and underdeveloped (or "undeveloped" [Smith 1978)) nations is replicated within the dependent or satellite country itself.
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