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Lithic tradition change in a contact context as demonstrated by an artifact assemblage from Espiritu Santo de Zuniga, Victoria, Texas (41VT11)

Robert C. Schweitzer The University of Montana

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Recommended Citation Schweitzer, Robert C., "Lithic tradition change in a contact context as demonstrated by an artifact assemblage from Espiritu Santo de Zuniga, Victoria, Texas (41VT11)" (1999). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 2856. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/2856

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LITHIC TRADITION CHANGE IN A CONTACT CONTEXT AS DEMONSTRATED BY AN ARTIFACT ASSEMBLAGE FROM ESPIRITU SANTO DE ZUNIGA, VICTORIA, TEXAS (41VT11)

By

Robert C. Schweitzer

presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the

degree of Master of Arts

The University of Montana

1998

Approved by:

airperso

Dean, Graduate School

5 - 13-99 Date UMI Number: EP36001

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ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106 -1346 Schweitzer, Robert c., Master of Arts, December 1998 Anthropology

Lithic Tradition Change In a Contact Context as Demonstrated by an Artifact Assemblage from Esplritu Santo de Zuniga, Victoria, Texas (41VT1 \

Committee Chair: Dr. William Prentiss

Abstract This study Interprets the archaeological lithic artifact assemblage recovered from 41VT11, the presumed second site of the Mission Esplritu Santo de Zuniga, In Victoria County, Texas. Specifically, chlpped-stone tools and debltage, recovered from a scatter of artifacts, designated Feature 3, are contextualIzed using a functional lithic analysis in conjunction with an understanding of historical provience and regional archaeology. If these lithic artifacts are from a protohlstoric context, then they should form an Integral part of the pattern of the early Spanish colonial period within the historical record of south Texas. These Interpretations and patterns clarify the understanding of the cultural dynamics occurring in south Texas during the Initial period of contact (1720-1750 A.D.) between native Americans and colonial Spaniards.

11 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page ABSTRACT II TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... iii LIST OF FIGURES Iv LIST OF TABLES AND APPENDICES V

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1

Thesis Outline 4

CHAPTER 2; THESIS MODEL AND EXPECTATIONS 5

Regional HIstorv

Cultural Contact and New World Mission Studies 9

The American Pandemics 13

Regional HIstorv and Lithic Technological Organization 15

CHAPTER 3; DESCRIPTION OF 41 VTl 1 FEATURE 3 EXCAVATION AND INVESTIGATIONS 18

Guerrero Points 23

CHAPTER 4; LITHIC ANALYSIS 28

ChlDoed-stone Tool Analvsis 29

Debltage Analysis 32

Discussion 39

CHAPTERS; CONCLUSIONS 42

BIBLIOGRAPHY 47 APPENDIX: 52 Ill LIST OF TABLES

Page

TABLE 1; Debltaoe Size Grade Distributions 37

TABLE 2: Exoerimental Debitaae Distributions 37

LIST OF APPENDICES

APPENDIX 1; Tool Inventory for Feature 3 52

APPENDIX 2: Debitaae Analvsis Data from Feature 3 Units 54

APPENDIX 3: Flake Summaries bv Unit 58

APPENDIX 4; Debitaae Data Summaries bv Size Grade 58 Chapter 1

introduction

The powerful culturally transformative processes that occur when two or more distinct cultural groups closely interact are studied by archaeologists to understand how and why cultures change. These processes include the selective integration of new material culture and social organization into preexisting cultural traditions. The dynamics of culture change are evident in the sites where this contact is just beginning. The Spanish colonial mission sites, in the Texas borderlands, are a primary resource for archaeological and historical data about these forces of change.

The process of the Spaniards converting the natives to Catholicism and organizing them into local labor brought many native groups under direct control of the missions and presidios. All groups involved were exposed to different subsistence strategies and another material culture. The natives organized by the Spaniards in the mission systems were particularly

influenced by both the Spanish material culture and their manner of defining social roles and organization. However, elements of indigenous traditional culture, such as lithic technology, persisted for a time after the exposure to new materials and methods, Lithic assemblages from historic contexts are an important resource for archaeologists. Stone tools continued to be used in contexts where metal was available because of cultural habit (Whittaker and Fratt 1984: 11,

I Hester 1989b; 220). Recent excavations of a scatter of bone and llthlcs designated Feature *3 at the Mission Esplritu Santo de Zuniga, Texas (41 VTl 1) provide a lithic assemblage from an area which, when investigated with comparable data from the region and period, permit an examination of some the patterns found in historic mission lithic assemblages. To make comparisons with collections from other sites of the period it must first be established that this lithic assemblage was produced and used during the period of the Mission's occupation ,1726-1748 (Walter 1997: 2).

The lithic forms are compared and contrasted with those of known mission sites of the region and time period to understand how they form part of the regional pattern. The chipped stone tools are subjected to use-wear analysis to establish evidence for the manner of use and possible functions. This use-wear analysis reveals their role in the historic economy of the mission's population. The historic economy of a group informs us of subsistence patterns and allows for inferences into possible social organization.

This study also compares the 41 VTl 1 lithic assemblage with lithics of the late prehistoric period, the Toyah horizon dating A.D. 1200 to A.D. 1500[Cuney and Perdiz projectile point typesKHester 1995; 444). Contrasts with the forms and functions of antecedent lithic traditions provide evidence about their role in the mission's economy. This comparison helps establish whether the 41 VTl 1 lithic assemblage is of pre or post contact origin. The provenance of the Feature 3 lithic assemblage is demonstrated by the feature's stratigraphy and the cultural association of artifact forms demonstrated by other known mission sites. 3

The functional differences of the 41VIII lithics from preceding forms allows for hypotheses about the patterns of dynamic processes changing the culture and economy of the 41 VTl 1 population. The hypothesis proposed is that, the end of a mobile hunter-gatherer lifestyle, replaced by the sedentary organization imposed by the Spaniards, caused a shift in functional requirements for the 41 VTl 1 lithics. The lithics recovered from

Feature 3 are used to test this model of economic change. This study states that a pattern should be found in the Feature 3 lithic assemblage and seeks to understand how it can integrated within the model of culture change found at other south Texas contact sites The lithic use-wear analysis and the formal comparison with other mission assemblages with historical records will test the hypothesis. The degree to which the hypothesis is supported by the historical and archaeological data shall determine whether the hypothesis is accepted or rejected. The hypothesis is reintegrated with the current understanding of the south Texas archaeology to establish this lithic assemblage's place in the history of the region. Thesis Outline

An outline of the hypothesis, expectations, and historical background for the study context is presented in Chapter 2. This background consists of both regional Texas archaeology and general New World contact studies. These are used to develop the model used in testing the hypothesis. The establishment of the site is discussed. This establishes the historic context in which the Feature 3 lithic artifacts are analyzed and interpreted.

The archaeological excavations and investigations in which this study's artifacts were recovered are reported in Chapter 3. A current understanding of the site and research of related sites of the area is provided.

The lithic analyses used in this study are discussed in Chapter 4. Specific expectations are established for the resultant set of data.

Presented in detail are the lithic analysis methodology and procedures . The results are presented and the implications considered. The results are compared to the model presented in this chapter and explicitly related back to the hypothesis.

The final conclusions of this study are addressed in Chapter 5. The main points of the hypothesis and their implications are discussed. The implications for other studies of both lithic technology and regional history are presented. Chapter 2 Thesis Model Outline and Expectations The hypothesis that Increased sedentism causes specific changes in lithic technology, bridges theory of lithic technology organization and patterns found in the archaeological record. This study focuses on a lithic assemblage from a contact period Spanish colonial mission to explore how and why the use of lithic technology changed from the prehistoric traditions. Parry and Kelly (1987: 285) observe that:

"During the late prehistoric and contact periods, casual flake tools were widely used throughout the world. The vast majority of chipped stone artifacts in many assemblages were unretouched flakes, and formal tools were uncommon. This was particularly true of the temperate North America, where wide areas witnessed a shift from industries dominated by bifaces and other formal tools to an almost exclusive use of informal tools struck from unstandardized cores." Parry and Kelly ( 1987:285) propose this shift as a reaction to decreased mobility. Their analysis begins with the demonstration of expedient stone tool use in various contemporary cultural contexts. Parry and Kelly then compare lithic tool attributes, such as ratio of bifaces to cores and percentages of tools with facial retouch, in precontact versus postcontact contexts. Bam forth ( 1986: 38) defines expedient tool as those which are "manufactured, used, and discarded according to the needs of the moment".

The reduction of curated biface technology associated with sedentism Is the model this assemblage is tested against. The role of lithic technology in the sedentary peoples' economy should become more expedient than the

5 6 previous curated prehistoric lithic traditions of hunting-gathering bands of south Texas.

Chipped-stone tools of this context are expected to be less sophisticated, taken through a shorter reduction sequence to achieve working form and not reworked from a long use-life. Evidence to support the model will draw from 41 VT 1 I s Feature 3 archaeological record. If a decrease in curated biface technology occured at this contact context, then it is expected that there would be a low number of small pressure or retouch flakes associated with formalized tools and high number of large cortical flakes associated with expedient cores. If there is an increase in expedient core use, then it also expected that the majority of the flakes and tools produced will have remnants of the original cortex. This is due to the fact the expedient tools are generally not reduced beyond their form (Parry and Kelly 1987:287).

Regional History A historic context is essential to understanding the events taking place in south Texas during the intial occupation of Mission Espirito Santo de

Zuniga. Little direct historical documentation is available regarding the native groups of the region, but the Spaniards did keep records of their activities. The earliest written documentation comes from Cabeza de Vaca, who was shipwrecked on the south Texas coast in 1528. While his journals are a firsthand account of the coastal groups, it is unclear which area and which groups he documents (Gilmore 1989: 232). There are also questions about the accuracy of his journal because it was written from memory years after the events took place (Nunley 1971:304). In spite of this, Cabeza de 7

Vaca’s journals are still an Important resource for Information of the proto-hlstoric South Texas coastal tribes. During subsequent years, explorations were undertaken by both French and Spanish along the coast and Inland. The Bosque-Larrlos expedition explored the Edwards Plateau of south central Texas In 1675 and the Dominguez expedition went Into west central Texas In 1683-1684 (Hester 1989a: 199). In 1685, Robert Rene Cavelier de LaSalle established a settlement, Fort St. Louis on Garcltes

Creek near Matagorda Bay. The Spaniards In Mexico felt threatened by the Increasing incursions by the French Into Texas, prompting them to send further expeditions to protect their Interests. Enrique Barroto led a Spanish expedition to locate

LaSalle's colony in 1687. An expedition sent out by Alonso de Leôn from Nuevo Leôn In 1689 was successful in locating Fort St. Louis and found It already destroyed (Gilmore 1986: 136, Hester 1989b: 199). In 1720 the Frenchman Jean Beranger explored the Texas coast. This pressured Spain to respond once again to Incursions on their claimed lands and to establish a firmer frontier or border with the French in eastern Texas. Ten missions or presidios were established at locations throughout Texas from 1680 to 1700 (Gilmore 1986: 136-7). This began the Spanish practice of stringing presidios and missions along major river drainages In south, central and north Texas to secure their Interests. The Spaniards, In 1722, sought to establish their own colony In Matagorda Bay and built a mission on the site of LaSalle's colony (Gilmore 1989: 233). This was the first location of the

Mission Esplritu Santo de Zuniga [Fig.1]. The local Indian groups were no more receptive to the Spaniards than to the French and forced them to establish their own colony in Matagorda Bay and built a mission on the site Q uadalup* 3200000- 2?

3180000- Goliad

C 3160000-

Goliad Co. "M Lavaca Bay 3140000- Refugio Co.

Esplrltu Sanlo Bay

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1. First site of Presidio la Bahia (at the locale of 4. Second site of presidio ia Bahia (Loreto; 7. Mission Rosario (41GD2) Fori St. Louis, 41VT4) 41VT8) 8. Third site (last location) of Mission Refugio 2. Approximate location of the first site of Mis- 6. Final site of Mission Esplritu Santo (41 G DI) (41RF1) Sion Esplritu Santo. g Final site of Presidio la Bahia (41GD7) 3. Second site (?) of Mission Esplritu Santo (41VT11) Figure 1: Site Location Mop From: Walter 1997 6 CO 9 Of LaSalle’s colony (Gilmore 1989: 233). This was the first location of the Mission Esplritu Santo de Zuniga [Fig. 1], The local Indian groups were no more receptive to the Spaniards than to the French and forced them to relocate the mission and presidio. The mission and presidio were moved Inland to a bluff above the Guadalupe River In 1726 (Gilmore 1986: 138). The mission and presidio existed In this location until 1749 when It was moved to Its’ third and final location along the San Antonio river In present

Goliad, Texas (Walter 1997: 17). The purposes of the move were for better land and water for cultivation, for a more strategic position for the presidio, and for the assimilation of other native groups (Walter 1997; 16).

Cultural Contact and New World Spanish Mission Studies This section explores the nature of some of the other Spanish-Native

Indian contact events th at occurred In the New World. The m ajority of the Information about these contact situations was developed through historical archaeology or social anthropological acculturation studies. Acculturation studies Investigate the Interactions and changes between two culturally distinct groups. This Interaction comes In the form of Individuals exchanging parts of their culture. For the purposes of this paper, the term cultural Item will Indicate both material Items and Ideas. The transmission of cultural Items works between both of the cultures Involved In the Interaction (Farnsworth 1992: 23). Acculturation can occur between two groups whose cultures are equal In their degrees of complexity or power, but Is most obvious where a more powerful group controls the contact situation (Foster 1960: 7). This situation Is clearly evident In the contact s ite s In the New World. 10

Traditional acculturation studies have given rise to the Idea of donor

and recipient cultures. Donor cultures are viewed as the culture with more complexity and can control, to some extent, the nature of cultural transmission (Foster 1960; 7). The recipient cultures are generally seen as socially weak groups In stressful situations. However, evidence from the Florida mission site of San Luis de Tallmall, suggests that the Spaniards and Indians there were not In a domlnatlon-reslstance relationship, but one

of accomodation and Interdependence (McEwan 1991:55).

The character of the Interactions between the donor group and the recipient group also plays a role In how cultures are transformed through contact. In Paraguay, the Spanish explorers were welcomed as allies by the

Guarani people and the Spaniards, who were In need of Indigenous support, made the welcome mutual (Service 1954: 19). This resulted In an alliance

between the two groups, and for a time, there existed an equality between them (Service 1954: 19). Some groups, conversely, are able to resist elements of a different culture because they have no need for them. The

Pueblo Revolt of 1680 put a temporary halt to the Christian misslonlzatlon of the Southwest (Lomawalma 1989: 96). The revolt used traditional Institutions to reject exotic Intrusions. This Is also an example of how the

nature of the recipient affects the character of the contact. Deagan found

evidence of the continuation of native ceramic traditions for 200 years

after Initial contact with Europeans (1990: 308). What causes some elements to be assimilated and others not to be? Elements which are redundant or which are perceived as a threat to existing Institutions are resisted and not readily Incorporated Into an existing culture. Each culture

filters outside Influences according to Its own unique belief systems. 11 The proximity of the two groups to each other and to their respective cultural core' values also Influences the processes of cultural Interaction. These factors Influence the disposition of the cultures In contact. In the colonization of the New World the physical proximity of the Spanish and native groups was relatively close. The Spaniards purposely sought Inhabited areas to set up colonies. The native groups they encountered were only loosely affHated with each other and offered little organized resistance. The example of the Spaniards In Paraguay Illustrates the effects of a cultural core's proximity from their colonies. Their need for aid due to their loss of men In combat with Indian groups, combined with the fact that they were half a world away from Spain, led them to be very cooperative with the native Guarani tribe (Service 1954; 21). The character of the Initial Interaction would surely have been different had help from other Spaniards been readily available.

The Spaniards had different goals In different areas. In most of the New World In the 16th century, the Spaniards were searching for mineral resources. They only Intended to be around temporarily and did not establish any enculturatlon Institutions until the mid to late 16th century (Service 1954: 7). It Is reported that the Spaniards In some areas did take native wives and concubines thereby decreasing the native males opportunity to have offspring (Service 1954: 55). In Paraguay, over time, the mestizo population Increased and the pure Spanish and Guarani decreased. This pronounced Integration was due to several elements of both cultures. The

Indians had a tradition of polygyny and of using marital ties to cement military alliances (Service 1954: 33). The first Spanish explorers were all men who were encouraged to take wives so as not to Insult the Guarani 12

(Service 1954: 32). The purpose of the Spanish missions and presidios in Texas was to establish and protect the Spanish interests from French encroachment. This not only included military interests but a program of "social, political and economic domination and control of vast new lands inhabited by peoples whose llfeways differed greatly from European concepts of social, political, economic and religious behavior" (Eaton 1989:246). The presidios offered protection from competing native groups and a semi-reliable food source for those who remained at the Missions (Eaton 1989: 247). In the early period of Spanish expansion into Texas, the Spaniards themselves were also forced to change certain cultural traditions to survive in the new cultural and physical environment and were probably nearly as affected, culturally, by these new circumstances as the natives they encountered. In the early part of this occupation the Spaniards only had tenuous control of the area and may have had to rely on friendly natives who occupied the mission. They may not have been in a position, early on, to force their cultural values upon the Indians. Other forts and missions [LaSalle's Fort, Matagorda Presidio] had been destroyed and the Europeans killed due to unfavorable relations between the groups (Gilmore 1986: 138,

Hester 1989a: 200).

At the time of the missions establishment the Aranama and Tamique Indians were trapped geographically between two expanding European powers and other hostile Indian groups (Hester 1989a: 194). The culture was already in a state of stress prior to contact and may have used the Spanish occupation as as means to gain power and influence in the area. Spanish cattle and crops would have provided a less mobile subsistence sources and 13

Spanish guns and fortifications would have provided protection from neighboring Indigenous peoples.

The American Pandemics The Impact of Introduced disease on Indigenous peoples prior to European colonization deserves discussion. Research Indicates that European diseases made a major Impact on the native peoples of the Americas, beginning In the early 1500’s and continuing through the 1800’s. Scholars believe that disease preceded actual physical contact between Europeans and the Inland tribes (Hester 1989b; 213, Denevan 1992: 370). William Denevan cites population decline In the New World between 1492 and 1650 to have been 74 to 90 percent of the original population (1992:371). Hundreds of cultural groups disappeared as a result of contact and conquest

(Butzer 1992.351) A population decline of this magnitude would have many untold cultural effects on those affected. If these estimates are even partially correct, then the people present when the mission was established would have been

In a state of cultural flux. Their cultural Institutions must have been stressed to the point of change after losing such a large percentage of their population. Social Institutions regulate and buffer a society through changes [social, political, economic, technological, ideological, environmental]. These social institutions act on Individuals, the community, and the larger envlronmentlsoclal and environmental] These processes display aspects of both static and dynamic forces. The static forces are those that seek to reproduce themselves In each new generation of a cultural community. The dynamic forces are those able to accommodate the M needs of the community members during times of stress. The Franciscan priest's ability to diagnose and, perhaps, more successfully treat an introduced disease may have been viewed as favorable by the native population. With the failure of their own ethnomedical/religious systems to successfully cope with disease, natives might have been more favorably disposed towards accepting some help offered by the missionaries. The mission region of south Texas was subject to the American pandemics (Hester 1989b: 213). Did the Spanish encounter these groups after they had already adjusted to the lower population or were they still in a state of cultural transformation independent of Spanish influence? K. Lightfoot (1995: 203) comments that this division between the precontact and post-contact populations often results in different theoretical methodologies being employed to interpret them. Prehistoric and historic archaeology frequently employ different methods of investigation. This study combines the investigative tools of both perspectives.

Regional History and Lithic Technologial Organization History provides evidence about economic and social changes the Spaniards introduced to the peoples of the New World. These changes affected native cultural systems to different degrees. The historical documentation offers evidence about the character of the contact, the agenda of one of the participant groups, the Spaniards, and reveals what specific changes the Spaniards offered the native people. These specific changes included economic items such as domestic cattle, technological items such as metal tools, and social changes such as an organized sedentary agricultural community, These changes in economy and social 15 structure should be reflected In different lithic assemblages being found between the late prehistoric and the post contact sites. The lithic technological organization can directly reflect some of the most Important economic activities of a people.

Koldehoffs (1987: 155) Study of Eastern Woodlands biface production, reported that biface and curated technologies production decreased through time with an Increase In expedient tool making as a direct result of a decrease In residential mobility. There Is also a similar pattern occurring

In lithic assemblages at Spanish colonial mission sites, where previously mobile groups were settling at missions (Fox 1979:37; Hester 1977: 11; Whittaker 1984: 16). Hester comments about the lack of clarity as to the cont1nu1ty(or lack of) of native culture Into the mission period of Southern Texas (1995: 450). Archaeological work at south Texas missions reveals that the stone tool technology was related to, but different than, the technology of the Late Prehistoric period (Fox 1979; Hard 1995; 49). The work of Parry and Kelly (1987) relates a similar pattern of change In lithics occurIng throughout North America and In other parts of the world. This study expects the lithics found In 41 VTl I s Feature 3 to conform to this overall pattern of change from curated biface technology using prepared cores to flake tools using expedient core reduction.

There are few written records as to how lithics were manufactured and used, nor do researchers have Information about how long the Inhabitants of the missions continued their use (Hester 1989:223). Hard et al. (1995:49) report that the Spanish themselves may have been forced for a time to rely on lithics because they lacked Iron (1995: 49). They cite letters from a Spanish Governor of Texas; 16

" Letters from Governor Antonio Martinez to his superiors during the early 1800's repeatedly begged for more Iron, claiming that all available Iron In the settlement had already been melted down for use In repairing cannon and small arms. If Iron was at such a premium, then many small tools, such as knives and scrapers of various kinds, might have been made of chert " (1995: 49).

The scarcity of metal on the Spanish frontier helps explain the continued occurrence of chlpped-stone tools at the Texas mission sites. If iron was not commonly available, as a trade good accessible to the natives or to the Spaniards themselves, then chlpped-stone tools had to persist. Whittaker and Fratt report that the lithic assemblages from Arizona missions are:

"... generally unsophisticated, but the traditional lithic tools are suitable for filling continuing needs. They are as servlcable for many functions as scarce and expensive metal tools, and could have supplemented the Imported tool kits of the Spanish as well as serving the lower class native population" (1984; 16).

The lack of Iron appears to have been a common problem along the expanding frontier of the Spanish New World. The Spanish Influence and presence can be reflected In chipped stone tool technology. Spanish gunflints made of native chert are one demonstration of the use of local resources by the Spanish population. No llthlcs resembling gunf lints were recovered from 41 VTl 1.

Whittaker and Fratt (1984: 16) also comment on the "unsophisticated" lithic tools of the Arizona Spanish missions. A similar pattern also appears

In the lithic assemblages of the Spanish missions of Texas, including the 17 unusual, finely formed Guerrero points. These points differ from the rest of the lithic assemblage In the fine pressure flaking Imparted by their manufacture. These point types[sma11 triangular to lanceolate] are reported to have been present throughout the Southwest from the time when the bow and arrow were Introduced (Whittaker and Fratt 1984 16). If this lack of continuity In prehistoric economies and lithic traditions was experienced at 41 VTl 1, then the lithic assemblage should reflect the change. Chapter 3

Description of 41 VTl I Feature 3 investigations The second location of the Mission Esplritu Santo de Zuniga Is set atop a bluff above the Guadalupe river outside Victoria, Texas [Fig. 1 and Fig. 2] (Walter 1997: 16). The Presidio La Bahia, with associated fields and soldiers to protect the mission, was located on a bluff across the river

(Walter 1997; 16), The current owners acquired the land in 1994 and sought to preserve and record the site (Walter 1997; 32) The excavations at the second site of the Mission Esplritu Santo, were conducted by Tamara Walter in conjunction with Dr, Thomas Hester, with the aid of local volunteers and University of Texas students. In the summer of 1995 survey work, shovel testing and limited test excavations were undertaken to determine the extent of the site. The main feature of the site is the standing ruin of the church [Fig. 2]. Artifacts from several time periods were found in the area surrounding the structure. The artifacts focused on in this study are those recovered from the excavations conducted in the Summer and Fall of 1995. The work was primarily conducted as a salvage operation because impending construction could adversely impact the site. The owner of the land wished to cut through part of the site with a bulldozer. Excavations in the fall of 1995 focused on a feature projected to be most heavily impacted, a scatter of bone, lithics and ceramics. The area investigated was generalized as Area B of the site [Fig. 2]. The midden', was originally found in the summer 1995, and when two 1x1 meter units [95-6,95-9] were

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STRUCTURE I: 6.5 % 6.5 METERS (WALL THICKNESS 0.70 m ) STRUCTURE M: 7.5 % 5 5 METERS 20 40 SO m (WALL THICKNESS 0.75 m ) ST1 SHOVEL TEST 111 TEST UNIT

Figure 2: Site Map From: Walter 1997: 33 20

Figure 3: Feature 3 Excovolion Block with Debitage Distribution

Flake Distribution by Unit

Percentanye of total count of flakes

5-10% 20 10-15% 15-20% 20-25% 18 17 25-30%^

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I Moderate compacted» pay cliy loam with dense caliche nod- II Heavily compacted brown/daik brown clay loam. lOYR 4/3 ules. lOYR d/1 ♦Bone fragments

Figure 4: Profile of Test Units 95-6 and 95-7. Area B; Feature 3. 21 opened, It was then designated Feature 3 by the excavators fPIg, 31 The fall midden excavation was divided Into eight Ixl meter units and one ,5x,5 meter unit Walter (1997: 42) reports that these units were adequate to describe 75% of Feature 3. Walter (1997: 45) reports the overburden as having ranged In thickness from 5 to 21 cm. The midden cultural level was directly beneath this overburden and continued to sterile levels. All material found In the midden was excavated as a single cultural level. Each unit varied In Its terminal depth ranging from 27 to 36 cm below ground surface [Fig. 4]. FIne-screen [one-slxteen Inch mesh] samples were obtained

from the southwest quadrant of each unit. These samples revealed 115 shell fragments, three projectile points and one glass bead (Walter 1997: 47). The bead Is a piece of small round green glass and can only be associated with a post contact context (Walter 1997: 109). It is presumed

that this bead represents either trade or gifts between the Spaniards and the natives (Walter 1997: 111).

The ceramics recovered from Feature 3 consisted of 1053 sherds of bone-tempered pottery, The fragments were too small and Irregular to distinguish any pottery forms, however, the bone-tempered pottery Is typical of the ceramics from the late prehistoric Toyah horizon (Walter 1997: 113). This marks the native groups of the mission with a direct affiliation In some aspects of material culture with prehistoric groups.

Walter (1997) provides detailed Information about the excavations from the summer and fall of 1995.

The historical records Indicate that the Spanish introduced cattle to the region of Southern Texas (Gilmore 1986: 139). The herding and containment of large amounts of livestock was an entirely new phenomenon In the native 22 economy. Natives still had access to local resources, but they did not rely on them exclusively due to the addition of agricultural products and domestic cattle to their economy. The faunal remains In the midden and historical accounts from other missions of the area substantiate that the natives continued to use local resources In their subsistence patterns (Hester 1989: 223; deFrance 1996: 13; Walter 1997: 122). 11,533 bone fragments were recovered from the Feature 3 excavations (Walter 1997:

47). They consisted of a mixture of both native species and Bovldae bone; the latter are presumed to have been domestic cattle (deFrance 1996:5).

There was a wide variety of native species recovered from Feature 3 Including bear, rabbit, oppossum, goat, and turtle among others (deFrance 1996:5) It Is unclear whether this resulted from a shortage of Introduced domestic species or a cultural preference for wild game. Estimates of mission populations and cattle on the mission may be compared with the ratio of hide processing Hthlcs found to Indicate how Important the

Introduced cattle were for the native economy. The evidence of the burning of the midden Hthlcs can be compared with the percentages of burnt bone to determine If the midden was evenly burned. The debitage was quantified by observable thermal fracturing and color alteration. It shows a relatively even burning through the units, ranging from 16% to 32%. Walter (1997:

101 ) thinks that some human activity caused the burning In the midden. The burning of the midden may have been a sanitary step for the mission occupants to reduce the smell from the animal remains. If this midden represents a singular, short term event, then the quantity of Hthlcs and bone could Indicate a significant event In the lives of these people.

Inferences as to the population of the site during the event could be drawn 23 from the quantities of bone and tools found. If an estimate of the number of cattle at the mission was available, one could gauge how significant the slaughter and processing of the animals may have been to the lives of these people. If the bone is not burned as evenly as the lithics It might suggest multiple uses of the midden. Evidence from the bone analysis shows that metal tools were primarily responsible for the butchering marks (Walter 1997: 95), Metal tool butchering marks were found on 90 pieces of bone and 58 more had butchering marks of either stone or metal (Walter 1997; 92). These marks were found on identified Bovldae and unidentified mammal bone. Neither the historical nor archaeological record provide evidence as to whether the native groups at the mission had access to metal tools. Walter (1997: 47) reports that the midden clearly contains both native and Spanish components, but not a prehistoric component. The mixing of the two components so closely related to the same economic activity [subsistence! suggests that the natives had some access to metal tools and used them during animal carcass processing.

Guerrero Points Three complete projectile points and two broken point fragments displaying Guerrero point characteristics were recovered from the midden [Table 1; Fig. 5]. The Guerrero point Is a small, triangular to lanceolate bifacial projectile point with a concave base (Hester 1989:220) Hester suggests that they first appeared at historic sites in southern Texas by the

1730’s ( 1989:221 ). The most diagnostic cultural lithics from Feature 3 are the Guerrero points. Hester (1989: 222) feels that this projectile point 24

"attests to the Importance of hunting and to the fact that the Spanish guns had not gotten Into the hands of the mission Indians". He finds that there Is no clear prehistoric cultural affiliation linking Guerrero to the mission Indians. The fact that they are found at all of the historic native sites and appear after sustained Spanish contact might suggest that this point style was generated from an Independent mission culture (Hester 1989:220).

Guerrero points are associated only with historic Indian sites and appear at nearly all south Texas mission sites (Hester 1989:220). Their presence In the midden and the absence of other types (prehistoric points were collected elsewhere on the site) clearly Indicates that Feature J Is associated exclusively with the historic mission. The evidence of the metal butchering marks, bone-temper ceramics, the distinctive Guerrero projectile point, the one trade bead from the sealed context, and the lack of any prehistoric llthic material In Feature 3 Indicates Its direct association with the Spanish mission occupation. The pottery found within the context of the midden also suggests some persistant cultural ties with the culture of the Toyah horizon. If the style of pottery found In Feature 3 Is seen as an extentlon of the ceramics produced by the cultures of the Toyah horizon, then the sudden shift In the llthic tradition becomes all the more distinct. Figure 5: Chipped-stone Tools from Feature f 3

'■%m. f B

D E

27 Key to Figure 5: Feature *3 Chipped-stone Tools

Kg^ Lfit£ Tool Type i M Vertical A Length B Width Weight Edoe Notes (gms.)

A 379 Retouched 95-6 22cmbd 50.3 50.5 29.1 >45" unifacial retouch Flake almg 1 edge

B 336 Retouched 95-6 36 cmbd 49.3 24.7 7.6 >45" unifacial retouch Flake alof^ 1 edge, fro cortex

C 508 Retouched 95-18 17 cmbd 66.0 37.2 30.3 >45* low grade chert Flake no retouch

D 469B Guerrero 95-11 Fine Screen 24.3 12.5 0.8 <45* fine pressure Point flaking, broken

E 469A Guerrero 95-11 FineScreoi 21.4 9.5 0,6 <45* fine pressure point flaking, complete

F 295B Guerrero 9 5 -6 /9 Fine Screen 39.3 11.5 1.3 <45* fine pressure Point flying, complete

G 497 Proximal 95-16 14cmbd 32.5 14,7 2.5 <45* size and shape Point Frag. simila* to Guerrero

H 399 Projectile 95-6 21 cmbd 40.5 14.2 2.8 <45* unifacial retwjch Point unfinished point?

I 397 Retouched 95-6 24 cmbd 41.4 33.2 14.7 >45* unifacial retouch Flake along 1 edge

J 295C Retouched 9 5 -6 /9 FineScreai 53.2 38.3 10.7 >45* unifacial retouch Flake along 1 edge

K 305 Retouched 95-9 28 cmbd 50.7 36.3 18,0 >45* unifacial retouch Flake alof% 2 edges

L 471 Retouched 95-11 20 cmbd 81.8 66.5 138.1 >45* unifacial retouch Flake along 1 edge li 473 Retouched 95-12 Fine Screen 38.7 38.9 18.2 <45* unifacial retouch Flake alcrog 1 edge

N 487 Retouched 95-13 28.5 cmbd 50.7 49.3 27.3 =45* unifacial retouch Flake along I edge Chapter Four

Llthic Analysis

Introduction This chapter explores the role of the Feature 3 lithics in the economy of the mission indians. This is accomplished through lithic use-wear analysis and an analysis of the debitage. The hypotheses outlined in Chapter 1 are tested through the analysis of the Feature 3 lithic assemblage. The analyses examine the tools for evidence of their role in the economic activities of the mission population. These patterns are compared to the expectations established by the hypothesis model. The assemblage is ideal for this task due to its clear provenance solely within the mission occupation. It was during this period that the previously mobile hunting and gathering bands of south Texas were first settled around the mission (Hester 1989b; 217; Walter 1997: 15). The tools are expected to follow the same pattern experienced throughout the southwest Spanish frontier, becoming less complex and less finely formed.

Chipped-stone tools are used for a wide variety of technological, social, and economic activities. These activities are reflected In different levels in the lithics themselves. The form, edge angle, style, use-wear, and flake scars are attributes used the make interpretations about the lithic artifacts and the people who used them. There are many approaches, methods, techniques from which one can analyze a site’s llthic assemblage. The one chosen depends on the question the researcher has in mind. These

26 29 perspectives form the context through which cultural information about the lithics is generated. This study uses the Feature 3 chipped-stone tool assemblage to understand the historical economy of the mission population. The chipped stone tools are compared formally and functionally with prehistoric forms of the region to gain insight into the subsistence/economic changes that the populations underwent. The chipped-stone tools of 41VT11’s Feature 3 should provide important insights about the developments and context of the missionization of the native population. Chipped-stone Tool Analysis Lithics were categorized as chipped-stone tools on the basis of observable edge modification. The edge modification could be from either use-wear or from intentional edge retouch. All identified tools showed evidence of intentional edge retouch, no used unmodified flakes were found. A total of 28 tools were examined for their morphological traits; size, edge angle, weight [Appendix 1]. Tool size was measured to the nearest tenth of a millimeter using calipers to gain the maximum length along two axes. Edge angles are described as either greater or less than 45*. measured objectively along two axes. Weight was measured to the nearest tenth of a gram on a standard triple-beam laboratory scale. The use-wear analysis was performed using a Bausch & Lomb 10X dissection microscope. Studies consulted for the use-wear analysis include: Ahler ( 1979), Frison ( 1979), Hayden ( 1979), Keely ( 1980), Hayden, Franco and Spafford ( 1996) Hayden and Kamminga ( 1979), Vaughan ( 1985), and

Whittaker (1994). I primarily used the microscope to look for indications of grinding, smoothing, polish, crushing, wear striations and edge 30

Step-fracturing along the working surfaces of the chipped-stone tools. I used both normal and oblique light while making my observations. The degree to which these Indicators are present gives some Idea as the the amount of work the tool performed during use. A strong polish with striations parallel to the direction of use are found on tools used to work dry animal hides (Ahler 1979: 305; Hayden 1979: 213). This sort of wear can Indicate a fairly long use-life. A light polish can Indicate of tools use to deflesh fresh hides (Hayden 1979: 225). The forms are expected to be less refined In their reduction when compared with prehistoric forms. The reduction of curated biface technology associated with sedentlsm Is the model this assemblage Is tested against. Chipped-stone tools of this context are expected to be less sophisticated, taken through a shorter reduction sequence to achieve working form and not reworked from a long use-life.

Tools The majority of the tools recovered were created by reducing a flake struck from an unprepared stream cobble flake. Nineteen of the chipped-stone tools are unifacially worked retouched flakes [Appendix 1 ;

Fig. 5]. Thirteen of these have original cortex and appear to have been made by producing large flakes from stream washed chert cobbles. Walter reports that chert cobbles were locally available from the Guadalupe River (Walter, personal communication). Only on three of the scrapers has all cortex been removed, lot ^ 299, 336, 483b. These three pieces are smaller than the others, showing a higher degree of flaking to achieve their form than the other chipped-stone tools. Parry and Kelly (1987:296) note that the adoption of expedient core technology did not Indicate a complete abandonment of formal tools altogether:

"Every assemblage Included both formal and Informal tools, even those Industries with the greatest emphasis on expedient core reduction retained at least a few formal tools that were produced by specialists. Rather, the shift was one of emphasis, with the proportion of formal tools decreasing but never vanishing."

None of the tools examined had grinding marks or notches that would have been associated with haftlng. The working edges of all the chipped-stone tools had step-fracturing and smoothing and rounding of the working edge flake scar ridges. Some displayed It to a higher degree than others, possibly Indicating a longer-use life; however, none of the scrapers displayed evidence of either heavy use or extensive reworking. The ventral side of the scrapers(the unworked Inside edge of a unifacial scraper) did appear to have a light polish and the edges were slightly rounded. None of the tools examined from Feature 3 demonstrated striations, heavy polish, or heat treating. This lack of wear suggests that the chipped-stone tools were expedient, which were quickly fashioned and disposed of. If the chipped-stone tools were used In green hide preparation, the heavy polish and striations associated with dry hides would not be so manifest on the lithics (Ahler 1979: 322).

Two bifaclally worked chipped-stone tools [*483B,48IC] were recovered from Feature 3 Tool ^4836 [See appendix.] did show use-wear evidence of edge damage, crushing, possibly associated with Its use as a cutting tool.

Tool 481C did not demonstrate any significant use-wear. Except for the three decortlcal pieces, none of the chipped-stone tools displayed evidence 32 of further reworking beyond the Initial form. This lack of reworking combined with the lack of heavy use-wear suggests that these tools were used for a short period then discarded Into the midden. The materials are similar both In technology of manufacture, materials used, and form to those described by researchers working at other missions of the same period In South Texas (Hester 1995, 1989b, 1979, Fox 1979, Gilmore 1989). Fox reports that the cobble flake scrapers which are representative of missions of the period are "characterized by edges which have been altered by the removal of small flakes but only to the extent that most of the original Interior and exterior surfaces of the flakes can still be recognized" ( 1979: 21) There was a distinct change In form from the Late Prehistoric to the mission period. The Late Prehistoric scrapers were standardized "neat end scrapers on flakes and blades'", whereas the scrapers of the mission period vary In form[Flgs. 6 and 7] (Hester 1979: 11). The cores at most localities "seem to have been made on chert cobbles"" and used for "careless flake production" (Hester 1979: 11). No traditional form was produced, only flakes with a suitable edges for defleshing hides. The wide variety of forms and the lack of further working attests to the expedient nature of these tools. The difference In the appearance of the three decortlcal scrapers may represent an Individual with more experience or closer cultural ties to traditional llthic reduction techniques.

Debitage Analysis The debitage form and pattern of deposition can reveal Information about the llthic technologies employed and the focus of the llthic reduction activities. The debitage recovered from the midden can be reveal whether It 33 came from the manufacture of the recovered chipped-stone tools or If it represents other tool forms not present in Feature 3. This adds to the data concerning the economy of the Feature 3 lithics and the people who made them.

The two techniques of debitage analysis I considered were Sullivan and Rozen’s (1985) individual flake analysis and Stanley Ahler's (1975,1989) mass analysis. Ahler's methodology allowed for use of the entire debitage sample in a relatively short amount of time. Individual flake analysis is a time consuming technique for defining lithic reduction sequences (Sullivan and Rozen 1985: 773-774). This information can also be generated through the use of Ahler's (1989: 87-89) mass analysis techniques. Mass analysis reveals, in the most general terms, the techniques used in the lithic reduction. For the purposes of this study, mass-analysis was the most effective for generating a broad pattern of the lithic reductive techniques used in the debitage's creation. Mass analysis allowed for the use of the entire debitage collection from Feature ^3 (n= 1623 pieces). That produced a more complete representation than sampling a percentage for individual flake analysis might have.

Mass Analysis of Debitage This study compares the lithic reduction techniques as evidenced by the debitage and the chipped-stone tools themselves to discover whether the tools result from debitage of the midden. This is accomplished by a comparison of percentages of the different size grades with those generated by experimental lithic reduction. This study does not seek to infer the actual tool forms or types resultant from the flakes reduction sequence 34 using this methodology. The debitage information is to gain an understanding of the reductive stages which these flakes represent. Following Ahler's methods, the debitage was graded through U.S. Standard Geologic Sieves [Appendix 2]. I used the same screen sizes to isolate each size grade found in each unit of the feature; Grade 1-1 inch, Grade 2-5 inch, Grade 3- No. 3.5, Grade 4-No. 7, Grade 5-No. 16. The raw material was relatively uniform, consisting of local stream-worn chert cobbles. I recorded the total weight of flakes, total count of flakes, and a count of cortical flakes for the size grades 1 through 4 [Appendix 2] (Ahler 1989:

101). These variables were converted to percentages of the total and are used to document flake size distribution, relative cortex frequency and frequency ratios [Appendix 3]. The debitage data were organized by size grade [Appendix 4] to gain a pattern of reduction. This is based on the simple assumption that large flakes are most generally produced early in any lithic reduction sequence. The debitage pieces then get smaller in size as chipped-stone is worked to its final form. These variables were then compared to those of the experimental replicative debitage in an attempt to determine the typical reduction technique of the midden lithics [Fig. 6 and 5a]. The major problem with this comparison is that the midden lithics may represent a number of different reduction techniques. The resultant debitage would have become mixed upon its deposition and the information gathered represents the aggregate techniques, not the singular one produced by the analysis. The smallest debitage contains the lithic material which may illustrate the manufacture of the finely pressure-flaked lanceolate points found in the

Feature 3. Ahler's method has trouble in dealing with the smallest size 35 grade, 56 5, in that most archaeological recovery methods are not designed to capture the smallest flakes. This is due to the common practice of screening the majority of materials through one-quarter inch screen. The materials from the midden units were screened using one-eighth inch mesh, which allowed for greater recovery of small debitage. Ahler's (1989) data eliminates the use of size grade 5 for the mass analysis. I recorded all the information for size grade 5 debitage [Appendix 4] but it is not used in the analysis. I recorded the number of burned flakes in each size grade. This was done to find the distribution and frequency of burned and non-burned flakes for each unit. During the washing and cataloguing of the lithics the number of burned lithics appeared significant. If there had been heat treatment of the chert prior to tool manufacture,then the chipped-stone tools are not representative of the burned flakes, as none but the points appears to have been heat treated. If the materials had been burned after deposition in the midden, then it may indicate burning of the scatter for possibly sanitary reasons. Ahler's method of analyzing debitage is based on the flaking properties of specific lithic resources, which are not identical to the 41VT11 assemblage. His analysis is based on the use of particular types of lithic materiaUKnife River Flint, Peoria Chert, Quartzite) in a series of experimental replications. These experimental debitage assemblages are meant to be compared with archaeological samples of the same material. It is uncertain whether the flaking properties of the 41VT11 chert is significantly different from the chert used in Ahler’s experiments. My use of Ahler's research assumes that the 41VT11 lithic properties are similar 36 enough that comparisons with his methods are valid, The material from 41VIII is a homogenous crypto-crystalline chert, from which uniform flakes are easily obtained and is very similar in this attribute to Knife River Flint. The comparisons this study makes are only used in the most basic terms of lithic reduction sequences. This study needs only an understanding of the general reduction technique that the debitage represents.

The debitage information was organized by unit [Appendix 3] to understand the spatial distribution. The flakes show an uneven distribution throughout the excavation block. This is possibly indicative of different activity areas around the midden. The flakes changes in density through space suggest two possible areas of focused activity [Fig. 3], The highest density of flakes occurs in unit 95-18 and the two units 95-6 and 95-9. It is difficult to interpret the true meaning of these two higher debitage concentrations without an intense spatial study of the complete artifact collection from Feature 3. The percentage of burnt flakes is also relatively even within the midden, ranging from a low of 16% to a high of 32%. A sample of the faunal remains indicated 10% of the bone showed evidence of having been burnt (Walter 1997: 101). The higher percentage of burnt flakes to burnt bone may indicate that thermal alteration of some of chipped-stone tool occurred prior to reduction. The distribution and percentages of these different-sized flakes indicates their place in the chipped-stone tool production and the degree of work which the tool underwent. 37

Table 5: Summary of Appendix 4 Data

Feature 3 Debitage Size Grade Distributions:

SGI SG2 SG3 SG4 Percentage of total sample by weight: 41% 39% 19% 1% Percentage of total count: 1% 12% 47% 26% Percentage of flakes with cortex: 90% 50% 19% 6% Percentage of burned flakes: 14% 28% 32% 25%

The distribution of these attributes Is compared with the results of Ahler's experimental stud1es( 1975, 1989) [Fig. 6 and 6a]. The experiments that most closely offered results similar to my debitage analysis are offered In Table 6.

Table 6: Results of Experimental Debitage Production (from Ahler 1989. Tables 2 and 3)

Knife River Flint Biface Reduction Sequence Hard Hammer Cobble Testing SGI SG2 SG3. ..SG4 Percentage of total sample by weight: 40.4% 43.4% 14.3% 1.9% Percentage of total count: 5.0% 10.7% 24.6% 59.7% Percentage of flakes with cortex: 100% 100% 95.8% 78.7%

Knife River Flint Flake Production/Core Reduction Hard Hammer Freehand Random Flake Production 561 562 563 564 Percentage of total sample by weight; 29.0% 43.5% 21.8% 5.7% Percentage of total count. 0.7% 5.5% 22.5% 71.3% Percentage of flakes with cortex. 98.1% 86.7% 68.0% 42.5%

Peoria Chert Biface Reduction Sequence Hard Hammer Stage 1 Flake Blank ProductlonCfrom Stable and Dunn: 1984) 561 562 563 564 Percentage of total sample by weight: 44.9% 32.2% 17.7% 5.0% Percentage of total count: 1.7% 6.1% 23.5% 158.7% 38

The results presented In Table 6 are of the replicative experiments whose debitage quantities most closely resemble those found In Feature 3, These percentages are used to gauge the general trend of llthic reduction. The number of cortical flakes found In Feature 3 does not correspond exactly with Ahler's results, but It gives a good Indication of the degree of reduction the midden Hthlcs underwent. This Is Illustrated by the comparison of the midden debitage with Ahler's results for the hard-hammer cobble testing [Fig. 6 and 6a]. Ahler's sample has a considerably higher percentage of cortical flakes than the midden sample. This study does not suggest that the midden debitage Is the result of cobble testing, but that cobble testing would result In a similar pattern of debitage creation as would the on-slte manufacture of cobble flake tools.

Figure 6: Feature 3 Debitage S ize Grade Percentage Distributions by Weight

Percentag» Distribution *00 by Weight qq _

60 - 40 20 <1% 0 2 3 4 5 Size Grade 39

Figure 6a: Experimental S ize Grade Percentage Distribution by Weight From: Ahler 1989: 107

EXPERIMENTS

7 8 10 13 • 0 0 %- 12 14 6 II rs%- 5 0 %- J * 5 % _E 0 %- 2 J * J 1 2 S Cf««e Cr««e C rtse C re te CHorl CoOblfl SH 8M 5M WH SM p p pm End Emd A fro# Emd Scrop«r S ero p tf Poim# ScropOf Prod Prod Prod Prod Prod Prod Pftm or

Discussion The ratios of size-graded flakes changes the further a chipped-stone tool goes through a reduction sequence. A larger count ratio of small to large flakes would indicate a longer reduction sequence and a lower count ratio of small to large flakes demonstrates a shorter reduction sequence. The

interpretation these ratios often becomes muddled should the midden

debitage represent the manufacture of large, short reduction sequence tools suitable for the preparation of hides, as well as small finely flaked points. The manufacture of the projectile points is not represented in any

significant quantity by the Feature 3 debitage recovered [Size Grade 5=13%

by count]. The lack of a large number of the smaller size grade flakes

suggests that the quantity of flakes needed to delineate their manufacture

was not recovered in the fine screen samples or they were manufactured elsewhere before their deposition.

These experimental data form an overall guideline for general

comparison. The published experiments that most closely resemble the 40 Esplritu Santo data are of early reduction sequences that Involve random flake production or cobble testing. These stages involve no pressure flaking or further reduction of the lithics. The other experiments of the reductive stages replicative data demonstrated a considerably higher number of

smaller flakes with less cortex. The results of the debitage mass analysis appears to be consistent with the variety of tools, excepting the projectile points, found in the feature. The debitage analysis Indicates that the debitage is the direct result of the local manufacture of the unifacial cobble flake tools found. These cobble flake tools can be created relatively early

in any reduction technique. The local chert cobbles underwent hard-hammer percussion to remove a large flake. This flake was then unifacial ly worked to obtain a steep edge, greater than 45*, along one side. This steep edge angle is closely associated with tools used for the preparation, scraping, and defleshing of animal hides (Hayden 1979: 213). The use-wear analysis and the edge morphology suggest this was the intended function for the chipped-stone tools found in Feature 3. The lack of crushing marking along the working edge discounts their having been used as hacking tools for disarticulation or marrow extraction. Analysis of the Feature 3 bone butchery marks demonstrates that the majority of the hack marks were produced by metal tools (Walter 1997: 93). Their close association with the animal bone in this scatter suggests that these chipped-stone tools were employed upon the animals and not for some other purpose. This is supported by the faunal evidence from the midden which contains both native wild game and large introduced or native ungulates (deFrance 1995: 13). The presence of native game suggests that outside food resources, besides the introduced cattle, were used for subsistence from time to time. 41 The lithic assemblage from Feature 3 demonstrates the expectations of the hypothesis. Debitage from the largest two flake size-grades 1 and 2, formed 80% of the total sample by weight. 90% of size grade 1 flakes and 50% of size grade 2 had cortex remaining. The high percentage of large flakes with cortex over small flakes without cortex indicates a focus on expedient flake tool technology. The lithic analysis demonstrates that these tools can be considered expedient and quite different from the forms

which preceded them historically. Major cultural traits associated with the Toyah horizon include Perdiz pointslFig. 7], beveled knives, flake perforators, small end scrapers, bone tempered pottery,ceramic figurines, and marine and freshwater shell ornaments (Hester 1995:444) The prehistoric hunting-gathering people of south Texas followed a cross-cultural lithic organizational pattern in their immediate adoption of expedient flake tools when becoming sedentary around the Mission Espiritu Santo de Zuniga.

Figure 7. Artifacts of the Toyah Horizon from Southern Texas: a-b, Perdiz points; c-e, end scrapers; f , beveled knife; perforator made on fl^ e; h-1 flake blade knives.(Hester 1995; 445) ♦ t f Chapter Five

Conclusions The groups that came into contact in south Texas were both being

influenced to varying degrees by one anothers* material and social culture.

The Spaniards had to adjust to coping with a new environment without the direct support of other Europeans. While the region they moved into was new, the environment would not have been entirely unfamiliar. The

Spaniards had occupied central and northern Mexico for some time and the environment of the region surrounding the Espiritu Santo mission was not overly different from that of northern Mexico. The Priests and Soldiers coming from this area would have had some idea about the preparations necessary to move into Texas and establish a permanent presence.

The natives had to cope with cultural transition brought on by epidemic disease and the missionization goals of the Spaniards. The indigenous hunter-gathering group's economy was rapidly organized by the Spaniards

into a sedentary agriculturally-focused economy. Organizational patterns regarding missionization of the natives imposed this sedentary lifestyle.

There were different levels of information exchange between the groups

involved and much newly introduced cultural information was selectively adopted. The lack of new elements such as metal tools may be a reflection of the scarcity of metal for the inhabitants of the period, the fact that the site has a history of private collecting with metal detectors, or an indication that they may not have as functionally useful as the lithic technology (Walter 1997: 118). If metal was a rare resource then the

42 43 continuation of llthic technology into the mission period could be interpreted not as native resistance to a new way, but as a lack of anything to replace it.

The stone tools associated with midden are a reflection of the newly arrived Spaniards influence in lifestyle and economy of the Mission Indians. The concentration of the cattle and the restrictions of the Spaniard on the Indians' previous mobile, hunter-gatherer lifestyle led to changes in economy. This new native perspective regarding their subsistence is shown by an examination of the tools from Feature 3. Careful scraper production which required specific preparatory steps of prehistoric peoples was replaced by hastily prepared edges on split stream cobbles. The lack of hafting or deep use-wear abrasions or polish would indicate slight use of the tool, most probably on green hides. The apparent lack of any hafting marks suggests that the tool was not to be used long enough to warrant the time needed to haft it. The impact of disease upon the populations before the physical arrival of the Spaniards should not be underestimated. Disease led to the cultural collapse of numerous recorded groups, it must be assumed that it had as major an impact on poorly or undocumented groups. If a culture undergoes that severe of a population loss, particularly the elderly who are more susceptible, then the continuity of beliefs, behaviors that a culture shares are either lost or undergoes significant transformation. The lithics recovered from the mission midden give no indication of a continuous cultural affiliation other than that of the mission culture of the area. The most cultural diagnostic lithics from the midden are the Guerrero points. Hester feels that the presence of these projectile points "attests to the 44 importance of hunting and to the fact that the Spanish guns had not gotten into the hands of the mission IndiansX 1989; 222). The research he provides states that there is no clear prehistoric cultural affiliation linking them to the mission Indians. The fact that they are found at all of the historic indians sites and appear after the Spaniards had been in the area for some time might suggest that this point style was generated from an independent mission culture (Hester 1989: 220). It is important to note that no gunflints have been found on the site. This suggests that the Spaniards with weapons may have confined to the Presidio.

The historic records indicated that the Spaniards introduced cattle to the Mission site (Walter 1997: 7). The herding and containment of large amounts of livestock was an entirely new phenomenon for the native economy. Access to local resources was still available to the inhabitants, but they were required to rely on them less because of the stability of pastured cattle. The faunal remains in the midden and historical accounts from other missions of the area substantiate the fact the the natives continued to use local resources in their subsistence patterns (Hester 1989; 223, deFrance 1996: 13). It is unclear whether this was due to a shortage of introduced domestic species or whether there was a cultural preference for wild game. The lithics produced and deposited at the midden reflect the processing of these resources. The mixing of the Spanish metal for butchering and the native lithics for processing suggests some form of cooperation between the groups. The lithics deposited in the Espiritu Santo mission are a result of many different historical and cultural process interacting in a particular context. The mission was established as a direct result of threats of French 45 incursion Into lands the Spaniards had claimed for themselves. The remaining native peoples which had survived epidemic disease and competition from other hostile groups were further affected by the

Spaniards missionization ideal. The native groups traditional lifestyles were diffuse among the remaining peoples, making them more easily influenced by the Spanish. The change in economy and subsistence from independent, mobile hunting-gathering bands to sedentary, dependent and culturally intermixed groups is reflected by the lithics of Feature 3. The exclusive use of the local chert resources suggests a lack of traveling or trading for exotic lithic material. The chipped stone tool assemblage examined is similar in form and features to other known Spanish missions of this early contact period[early 1700's]. This assemblage also conforms to the overall pattern of expedient tool use increasing with sedentism that was displayed throughout North America both in pre and post contact contexts (Parry and Kelly 1987: 285).

The lithics represent the changes in native culture at ttie time of contact, not entirely traditional' and not the Colonial culture which was to follow. The Espiritu Santo mission lithics are indicative of this transition, while they follow some similar manufacturing techniques, they are clearly different than those forms which preceded them. The cultures encountered by these first Spanish may have had little in common with their pre-historic precedents due to the devastation brought on by disease so that the change in form may not be so much due to the Spaniards influence so much that they may represent a cultural collapse shortly before the Spaniards arrived. This does not suggest, however, that the groups of natives the Spaniards encountered were existing in a cultural vacuum. 46 waiting for the Spanish to arrive and give' them a new culture. The llthic tools from Feature 3 are Indicative of a culture undergoing a change In economic and social organization. The tool and debltage analyses Indicate a focus on expedient tools manufactured from unstandardized cores and consisting primarily of unretouched flakes. This change In lithics fulfilled the expectations of the hypothesis presented by this study. There Is much room for alternate Interpretation of archaeological data.

The more data that Is available the more complete the Interpretation about the people behind the artifacts. The lithics found In this scatter of bone found at Mission Espiritu Santo form an Important chapter In the historic 'text' as well as the archaeological record. They provide evidence as to the changing economy and organization of the native peoples of the mission.

This furthers the understanding of the native context of early Texas history.

The events occurring at this mission location are similar to the pattern of events that happened throughout the world during Initial European contact and early colonialism. The changes In mobility brought about by the Europeans through the missionization caused a reorganization of llthic technology and the development of a unique style. This can be related to further llthic studies of how changes In llthic technology organization reflects changes In subsistence and economic organization. Bibliography

Ahler, Stanley 1989 Mass Analysis of Flaking Debris: Studying the Forest Rather than the Tree. In Alternative Approaches to Lithic Analysis, edited by Donald 0. Henry and George Odell. Archaælogical Papers of the American Anthropological Association Number 1 : Tempe p. 85-118. 1979 Functional Analysis of Nonobsidian Chipped Slone Artifacts: Terms, Variables, and Quantification, in Alternative Approaches to Lithic Use-Wear Analysis. Academic Press: New York p. 301-328. 1975 Pattern and Variety in Exterded Coalescent Lithic Technology Ph D Dissertation, University of Missouri-Columbia, Ann Arbor: Univo'sity Microfilms.

Bamforth, Douglas 1986 Technological Efficiency and Tool Curation. Americ»i Antiouitv. v. 51( 1 ) p. 38-50.

Bradley, Bruce 1975 Lithic Reduction Sequences; A Glossary and Discussion. In Lithic Technology: Mddno and Using Stone Tools, ed. Earl Swanson, Mouton Publishers: Par is p. 5-15.

Butzer Karl 1992 The Americas before and after 1492: An Introduction to Current Geographical Research. Annals of the Association of American Geooræhers. 82(3), p. 345-368. deFrance, Susan D. 1996 The Zooarchaeology of the Espiritu Santo Mission (41VT11 ): the 1995 Field Season. Unpublished Paper. Department of Anthrr^logy, University of Montana, Missoula

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Appendix 1: Tool Inventory for Mission Espiritu Santo Feature *3

Tool Type Unit Horizontal Vertical Length Width Thick. Weight Edge Notes (mm) (mm)(mm) (gms.)

Retouched 95-11 level bag cultural level 46.0 32.6 9.0 16.8 vary unifacial retouch Flake along 3 edges

Retouched 95-11 N.55 E.78 20 cmbd 81.8 66.5 29.0 138.1 >45* unifacial retouch Flake along 1 edge

Guerrero 95-11 SW Quad Ocmbd 21.4 9.5 3.0 0.6 <45* fine pressure point flaking, complete

Guerrero 95-11 SW Quad Ocmbd 24.3 12.5 3.0 0.8 <45* fine pressure Point flaking, broken

Retouched 95-12 level bag cultural level 38.7 38.9 7.0 18.2 <45* unifacial retouch Flake along 1 edge

Retouched 95-13 N. 17 E.44 28.5 cmbd 50.7 49.3 14.0 27.3 =45* unifacial retouch Flake alwig 1 edge

Retouched 95-13 level bag cultural level 45.0 48.0 8.0 16.2 >45* unifacial retcwch Flake almg 1 edge

Biface 95-13 level bag cultural level 34.7 21.9 6.0 5.0 <45* bifacial retouch cutting use-wear

Biface 95-14 level bag cultural level 24.0 52.5 10.0 13.1 <45* bifacial retouch along I edge, unique mat.

Retouched95-14 level bag cultural level 27.7 44.7 10.0 15.0 >45* unifacial retouch Flake along I edge

Retouched95-14 level bag cultural level 45.5 37.0 12.0 16.3 >45* unifacial retouch Flake along 1 edge

Retouched95-14 N.97 E. 14 27 cmbd 56.6 33.1 13.0 23.0 vary unifacial retmich Flake alcmg I edge

Retouched95-15 N.03 E.47 19 cmbd 63.6 52.0 18.0 84.2 >45* unifacial retouch Flake along 1 edge 52 53

Proximal 95-16 N.62 E. 14 14 cmbd 32.5 14.7 4.0 2.5 <45* size and shape Projectile similar' to Guerrero Point Frag.

Retouched 95-16 N.68 E.94 20 cmbd 56.2 68.7 28.0 111.0 >45* no retouch Flake possible chopper

Retouched 95-17 N.05 E.OO 18 cmbd 57.2 42.3 18.0 43.0 <45* unifacial retouch Flake along 1 edge

Retouched 95-17 N.20 E.25 16 cmbd 50.0 26.5 4.0 8.4 <45* uni facial retouch Flake possible flake tool

Retouched95-17 N.35 E.87 4 cmbd 20.6 28.6 5.0 3 6 >45* unifacial retouch Flake along 1 edge

Utilized 95-18 level bag 17 cmbd 66.0 37.2 11.0 30.3 >45* low g'ade chert Flake ra retouch

Retouched 95-6 N.63 E.32 22 cmbd 50.3 50.5 10.0 29.1 >45* unifacial retouch Flake along I edge

Retouched 95-6 N.64 E.40 36 cmbd 49.3 24.7 5.0 7.6 >45* unifacial retouch Flake along 1 edge, no cortex

Retouched95-6 N.78E.70 22 cmbd 27.7 32.3 5.0 5.1 >45* unifacial retouch Flake along I edge, no cortex

Projectile95-6 N.80E.06 21 cmbd 40.5 14.2 4.0 2.8 <45* unifacial retoucii Point unfinished fwint

Guerrero 6/9 level bag cultural level 39.311.5 3.0 1.3 <45* fine pressure Point flaking, complete

Retouched 6/9 level bag cultural level 53.238.3 6.0 10.7 >45* unifacial retouch Flake along 1 edge

Retouched 95-9 level bag 28 cmbd 50.7 36.3 8.0 18.0 >45* unifacial retouch Flake almg 2 edges

Retouched 95-9 level bag 23.7 cmbd 41.4 33.2 10.0 14.7 >45* unifacial retouch Flake along 1 edge

Guerrero 95-9 level bag cultural level 26.411.6 3.0 1.0 <45* brdcen tip and Point base 54 The debltage data Is presented In Its’ raw form as well as summarized. It Is broken down by both size grade and by unit to gain ratios, frequencies and simple distributional relationships. The Implications and discussion of the data are presented In chapter three.

Appendix ^2

Debltage analysis data from units contained within Feature 3.

Unit Ud SIzeGr ^Flakes Cortex NoCrtx Burnt Weloht(qm)

95-12 473 1 2 2 0 0 92.7

95-12 473 2 8 5 3 1 32.8 95-12 473 3 39 6 33 13 24 95-12 473 4 4 1 3 2 6 95-12 534 3 8 0 8 4 2.5 95-12 534 4 20 0 20 7 1.2

95-12 534 5 24 0 24 2 .2 95-14 481 1 2 2 0 1 130.4 9 5 -1 4 481 2 17 6 11 7 60.2 95-14 481 3 44 11 33 19 37.4 95-14 481 4 7 0 7 2 .8

95-15 492 1 1 1 0 0 34.2 95-15 493 1 1 1 0 0 15.8

95-15 493 2 8 3 5 2 24.1

95-15 493 3 25 4 21 5 15.4

95-15 535 3 4 1 3 2 2.5 55 m i Lfii Size6r ^Flakes CortexNoCrtx Burnt WeiotitCofn) 95-15 535 4 8 0 8 1 .4

95-15 535 5 5 0 5 2 .1 95-17 501 2 1 0 1 0 6.1 95-17 501 1 2 1 1 0 79.8 95-17 501 2 23 12 11 8 106.3 95-17 501 3 90 12 78 25 48.7

95-17 501 4 7 0 7 2 9

95-17 531 2 1 1 0 0 3 95-17 531 3 29 3 26 10 11.4

95-17 531 4 72 5 67 19 5.3

95-17 531 5 33 0 33 13 .5 95-18 500 1 3 3 0 1 178.9 95-18 500 2 31 18 13 11 146

95-18 500 3 143 19 124 59 82

95-18 500 4 14 1 13 2 1.2 95-18 536 1 1 1 0 0 57.9 95-18 536 2 4 2 2 1 19.4

95-18 536 3 9 2 7 5 4.3

95-18 536 4 36 2 34 10 2.1

95-18 536 5 35 0 35 11 .6

95-18 500 1 3 3 0 1 179

95-18 500 2 28 16 12 10 139

95-18 500 3 126 26 100 35 88.6

95-18 500 4 51 5 46 14 4.1

95-18 536 1 1 1 0 0 57.9

95-18 536 2 4 2 2 0 19.4 56 Unit Lot SlZÊj6r Cortex NoCrtx Burnt Weioht(um) 95-18 536 3 9 4 5 b 4.3 95-18 536 4 8 0 8 2 .1 95-18 536 5 36 2 34 7 .5 9 5 -6 /9 0 2 25 13 8 143 9 5 -6 /9 0 3 59 43 16 35.7 9 5 -6 /9 0 4 22 20 5 2.2 95-9 318 1 0 0 43 95-6 343 2 0 0 5.3 95-9 328 2 0 0 5.8 95-9 304 2 0 0 5.2 95-6 296 1 0 1 0 22.8 95-9 392 1 0 0 47.2

95-9 383 2 0 0 6.1 95-6 387 2 0 0 4.4 95-6 356 3 0 0 .3 95-9 357 3 0 0 .5 95-6/9 537 2 0 0 1.5 95-6/9 537 3 39 8 31 9 14.1

95-6/9 537 4 10 7 103 22 7.1 95-6/9 537 5 37 2 35 4 .5 95-16 502 2 0 6 4 2 56.9

95-16 502 3 9 7 12 6 17.2 95-16 502 4 6 0 6 1 .5

95-16 532 3 2 1 1 1.2 95-16 532 4 5 0 2 .5 57 ma Lfit SizeGr *Flakes Cortex NoCrtx Burnt We*oht(om) 95-16 532 5 6 0 6 0 .1 95-20 509 1 1 1 0 0 18.7 95-20 509 2 1 0 1 0 5. 95-20 509 3 15 4 11 4 6.4

95- 470 2 19 7 12 3 92.7 95-1 470 3 52 8 44 9 24.3 95-1 470 4 4 0 4 1 .7 95-1 469 2 3 0 3 0 7 95-1 469 3 11 3 8 4 3.9

95-1 469 4 34 1 33 7 1.6 95-1 469 5 23 0 23 0 .3 95-13 483 2 11 5 6 3 32.8

95-13 483 3 39 6 33 10 19 95-13 483 4 1 0 1 0 0 95-13 486 1 1 1 0 0 18.6 95-13 533 3 3 2 1 3 .9 95-13 533 4 9 0 9 3 .5 95-13 533 5 9 0 9 4 . 1 9 5 -1 4 527 4 6 0 9 4 .7 9 5 -1 4 527 5 3 0 3 0 .1 58 Appendix ^3 Flake Summaries by Unit

^Flakes Cortex NoCortSK Burnt WfijghllBiirnl IToini CoMnl 95-6 4 2 2 0 32.8 0% ¥r 95-6/Ç 293 47 246 64 204.1 22% 19% 95-9 6 5 1 0 107,8 17% * 95-11 146 19 127 24 130.5 16% 9% 95-12 105 14 91 29 154.0 28% 6% 95-13 73 14 59 23 71.9 32% 4% 95-14 79 19 63 33 229.6 42% 5% 95-15 52 10 42 12 92.5 23% 3% 95-16 48 14 34 12 76.4 25% 3% 258 34 224 77 262.0 30% 16% 542 107 435 175 985.3 32% 33% 95-20 17 5 12 4 30.4 24% 1%

*Note: 95-6 and 95-9 added to the 95-6/9 data due to the fact that most of them are already lumped together.

Appendix *A Debltage Data Summaries by Size Grade for Feature *3

Size Grade One

Unit kfit f F U t e Cortex NocrtxBurnt WeiQht(am) 95-12 473 2 2 0 0 92.7

95-14 481 2 2 0 1 130.4

95-15 492 1 1 0 0 34.2 95-15 493 1 1 0 0 15.8

95-17 501 2 1 1 0 79.8 95-18 500 3 3 0 1 178.9 59 uoii Lfit Noertx Rwrnt Weiaht(Qw) 95-18 536 I 1 0 0 57.9

95-18 500 3 3 0 1 179 95-18 536 1 1 0 0 57.9 95-9 318 1 1 0 0 43 95-6 296 1 0 1 0 22.8 95-9 392 1 1 0 0 47.2

95-20 509 1 1 0 0 18.7 95-13 486 1 1 0 0 18.6

Totals: 21 ISl 2 3 976.9

Size Grade Two Unit Lot «Flakes Cortex NocrtxBurnt Weiqhttgm) 95-12 473 8 5 3 1 32.8 9 5-14 481 17 6 11 7 60.2

95-15 493 8 3 5 2 24.1 95-17 501 1 0 1 0 6.1

95-17 501 23 12 11 8 106,3

95-17 531 1 1 0 0 3 95-18 500 31 18 13 11 146 95-18 536 4 2 2 1 19.4

95-18 500 28 16 12 10 139

95-18 536 4 2 2 0 19,4

9 5 -6 /9 0 25 12 13 8 143

95-6 343 1 1 0 0 5.3

95-9 328 1 1 0 0 5.8 60

Unit Lot jokes Cortex Nocrtx Burnt WeiohtCmn) 95-9 304 1 1 0 0 5.2 95-9 383 1 1 0 0 6.1 95-6 387 I 1 0 0 4.4

95-6/9 537 1 0 1 0 1.5

95-16 502 10 6 4 2 56.9

95-20 509 1 0 1 0 5.3 95-11 470 19 7 12 3 92.7

95-11 469 3 0 3 0 7

95-13 483 11 5 6 3 32,8

Totals: 2ÛÛ JM IM 56 9 22 J

Size Grade Three

Unit Lot «Flakes CortsK Nocrtx Burnt Wsight(qm) 95-12 473 39 6 33 13 24

95-12 534 8 0 8 4 2.5

9 5-14 481 44 11 33 19 37.4 95-15 493 25 4 21 5 15.4

95-15 535 4 1 3 2 2.5 95-17 501 90 12 78 25 48.7

95-17 531 29 3 26 10 11.4 95-18 500 143 19 124 59 82

95-18 536 9 2 7 5 4.3 95-18 500 126 26 100 35 88.6

95-18 536 9 4 5 6 4.3 61

Udü Lfil *^F1akes Cfidfix. Noprtx Biirnt Waiqht(qw) 9 5 -6 /9 0 59 16 43 16 35.7

95-6 356 1 0 1 0 .3 95-9 357 1 0 1 0 .5 95-6/9 537 39 8 31 9 14) 95-16 502 19 7 12 6 17.2 95-16 532 2 1 1 1 1.2

95-20 509 15 4 11 4 6.4

95-11 470 52 8 44 9 24.3

95-11 469 11 3 8 4 3.9 95-13 483 39 6 33 10 19

95-13 533 3 2 1 3 .9

T o ta ls : ZÊZ 6 2 â 2 ^ 444.6

Size Grade Four

Uidl Lfil fFMfis Cortex Nocrtx BurntWetoht(om) 95-12 473 4 1 3 2 .6 95-12 534 20 0 20 7 1.2 95-14 481 7 0 7 2 .8 95-15 535 8 0 8 1 ,4

95-17 501 7 0 7 2 -9 95-17 531 72 5 67 19 5.3 95-18 500 14 1 13 2 1.2 95-18 536 36 2 34 10 2.1

95-18 500 51 5 46 14 4.1

95-18 536 8 0 8 2 .1 Unit Lfil ^Flakes Cortex Nocrtx Burnt Welaht(om) 95-6/9 0 22 2 20 5 2.2 95-6/9 537 110 7 103 22 7.1

95-16 502 6 0 6 1 .5 95-16 532 5 0 5 2 .5 95-11 470 4 0 4 1 .7

95-11 469 34 1 33 7 1.6

95-13 483 1 0 1 0 0 95-13 533 9 0 9 3 .5

95 -1 4 527 6 0 9 4 .7 T o ta ls : 424 2 4 40? m 30.5

Size Grade Five

Unit Lfil £L1fikffî Cfitlfix HfiPd2 Biurol 95-12 534 24 0 24 2 .2 95-15 535 5 0 5 2 .1 95-17 531 33 0 33 13 .5

95-18 536 35 0 35 11 .6 95-18 536 36 2 34 7 .5

95-6/9 537 37 2 35 4 .5 95-16 532 6 0 6 0 .1

95-11 469 23 0 23 0 .3 95-13 533 9 0 9 4 .1 95-14 527 3 0 3 0 .1

Totals: 211 4 2fiZ 43 i û