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Volume 46, Number 42 2012

Journal of The Society for Historical Archaeology

J. W. JOSEPH, Editor

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Front Matter - 46(2) for print.indd i 9/7/12 9:28 AM Historical Archaeology is indexed in the following publications: Abstracts of Anthropology; America: History and Life; Anthropological Literature; Art and Archaeology Technical Abstracts; Arts and Humanities Index; British Archaeological Abstracts; Current Contents/ Arts and Humanities; Historical Abstracts; Humanities Index; and International Bibliography of the Social Sciences.

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The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences–Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. Contents Volume 46, No. 4, 2012

MEMORIAL

RODERICK SPRAGUE 1933–2012 1

ARTICLES

“Their Houses are Ancient and Ordinary”: Archaeology and Connecticut’s Eighteenth-Century Domestic Architecture Ross K. Harper 8

Evaluating Spanish Colonial Alternative Economies in the Archaeological Record Amanda D. Roberts Thompson 48

Pueblo Potsherds to Silver Spoons: A Case Study in Historical Archaeology from New Mexico Melissa Payne 70

Hard Labor and Hostile Encounters: What Human Remains Reveal about Institutional Violence and Chinese Immigrants Living in Carlin, Nevada (1885–1923) Ryan P. Harrod, Jennifer L. Thompson, and Debra L. Martin 85

Mapping the Complexities of Race on the Landscape of the Colonial Caribbean, United States Virgin Islands, 1770–1917 Margaret C. Wood 112

Marronage Perspective for Historical Archaeology in the United States Daniel O. Sayers 135

A Conversation with Ronald L. Michael Daniel G. Roberts 162

REVIEWS

Edited by Richard Veit

Reviews are posted on the Society for Historical Archaeology website at

Carver: Making Archaeology Happen: Design versus Dogma Ian Burrow 185

Emery and Wooldridge: St Pancras Burial Ground: Excavations for St Pancras International, the London Terminus of High Speed 1, 2002–3 Adam R. Heinrich 187

Ferguson: God’s Fields: Landscape, Religion, and Race in Moravian Wachovia Gabrielle Lanier 189

Heath and Gary (editors): Jefferson’s Poplar Forest: Unearthing a Virginia Plantation Michael J. Gall 191

James: Virginia City: Secrets of a Western Past Molly E. Swords 193 King and Sayer (editors): The Archaeology of Post-Medieval Religion Scott D. Stull 195

Madsen and White: Chinese Export Porcelains Linda Rosenfeld Pomper 198

McCartney: Jordan’s Point, Virginia: Archaeology in Perspective Prehistoric to Modern Times Tabitha Hilliard 200

Monroe and Ogundiran (editors): Power and Landscape in Atlantic West Africa: Archaeological Perspectives Liza Gijanto 202

Shackel: New Philadelphia: An Archaeology of Race in the Heartland Carol McDavid 205

Urban and Schortman: Archaeological Theory in Practice Katherine Ambry Linhein Muller 207

Van Wormer, Wade, Walter, and Arter: An Isolated Frontier Outpost: Historical and Archaeological Investigations of the Carrizo Creek Stage Station Leslie C. Stewart-Abernathy 209

Voss and Casella (editors): The Archaeology of Colonialism: Intimate Encounters and Sexual Effects Suzanne M. Spencer-Wood 212 Memorial

Roderick Sprague 1933–2012

Recently the SHA lost one of its founders, and the greater anthropological community had to say farewell to a special person. You begin to realize how special the person was when the chief of a Native American tribal government appears at his memorial service to express what he had meant to the tribe’s people and the importance of his friendship. Roderick Sprague was born on 18 February 1933, in Albany, Oregon, and died on 20 August 2012, in Moscow, Idaho, following several years of debilitating health. He was the youngest of three children of Roderick Sprague and Mary Willis Sprague (both deceased). He is survived by two older sisters: Anne Geaudreau of Oldtown, Idaho, and Arda Rutherford of Prescott, Arizona; his wife, Linda Ferguson Sprague, Moscow; and four children: Roderick IV and Katherine K. Sprague (her partner Tabitha) from a previous marriage, and Frederick L. Sprague (his wife Dawn and son Jack) and Alexander W. Sprague (his wife Rebecca and son Phineas) from his current marriage. Rick Sprague lived most of his life in Idaho, Washington, and Oregon, although part of his youth had been fondly spent in North Dakota, where his father was a federal agricultural agent. He received his bachelor’s and master’s degrees in anthropology from Washington State University, served two years in the U. S. Army (honorably discharged with the rank of E-5), and received his Ph.D. in anthropology from the University of Arizona, Tucson. He worked at Washington State University as a research archaeologist for three years before going to the University of Idaho in 1967 as an assistant professor of anthropology. Within a year and a half of his arrival he became chairman of the Department of Sociology/Anthropology and director of the Laboratory of Anthropol- ogy. After 12½ years the two positions became too much for one person and the two units were separated. He chose to remain the director of the Laboratory of Anthropology, but continued to teach anthropology part-time, including summer archaeological field schools. He spent a sabbatical

Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(4):1–7. Permission to reprint required. 2 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) year in 1986–1987 teaching at Inner Mongolia University as the first participant in the University of Idaho’s exchange with that institution. Rick did field work in Idaho, Washington, Oregon, Alaska, Arizona, Montana, and Prince Edward Island. He received both the University of Idaho Library Faculty Award for Outstanding Service and the Sigma Xi Published Research Paper Faculty Award in 1986, and the Phi Kappa Phi Distinguished Faculty Award for Research in 1996. In 2000 he was honored with the J. C. Har- rington Medal, the highest international award in historical archaeology, and in 2004 he received the Carol Ruppé Service Award, both given by the Society for Historical Archaeology. He currently remains the only member to receive both of these awards and the only member to serve two terms as president of the society. During his career Rick published over 130 scientific papers, articles, and book reviews, and also authored over 100 unpublished reports to agencies, specializing in historical archaeology, culture- change theory, and artifact analysis, including such areas as glass trade beads and buttons. He conducted research and burial excavations at the request of 10 different American Indian tribal governments in the Plateau, Great Basin, and Northwest Coast, with repatriation a standard procedure many years prior to the enactment of the federal Native American Grave Protection and Repatriation Act. Legal work for five different Northwest tribes and two tribes outside of the area involved testimony in Fifth District Federal Court on five occasions, including one case before the U.S. Supreme Court, as well as testimony before various state and federal legislative bodies. Editorial duties involved 40 years as senior coeditor for the Journal of Northwest Anthropology (JONA, formerly Northwest Anthropological Research Notes), 96 of the 98 issues of the University of Idaho Anthropological Reports, 20 years as review editor for Historical Archaeology, as well as serving on numerous editorial advisory boards. Rick was extremely proud of his volunteer service to the Society for Historical Archaeology. Following is a list of offices, committee positions, and contributions he made to the society.

Offices and Committees

Regional Coordinator for Research, Northwest, 1968–1977 General Program Chairman, 2nd annual meeting, 1969, Tucson Director, 1970–1971 Secretary-Treasurer, 1971–1974 (a three-year term plus a “Truman” year to put the Secretary-Treasurer and Editor on different three-year cycles) President, 1976 (plus the usual President-Elect and Past-President positions) Historical Archaeology Reviews Editor, 1977–1997 Editorial Board Member, 1977–2008 Parliamentarian, 1984–2008 Archivist, 1987–1998 President, 1990 (plus the usual President-Elect and Past-President positions) Associate Copy Editor, 2002–2008 Committees—far too many to list but history committee at the time of his death

Additionally, he spent five “long” years preparing the Cotter bibliography for posting onthe SHA website. After retirement Rick continued to live in Moscow, Idaho, with his wife Linda. He was designated professor emeritus of anthropology and director emeritus of the Laboratory of Anthropology at the University of Idaho. He continued to conduct research and serve as an expert witness for Northwest tribes. Besides so generously giving of his time and integrity to the SHA and JONA, Rick was pas- sionate about supporting and keeping track of the careers of his many graduate students. Only a couple of months prior to his death, as his health was in serious decline, he took steps to ensure that one of his early graduate students, Karlis Karklins, was nominated for the SHA Carol Ruppé Memorial—Roderick Sprague 1933–2013 3

Distinguished Service Award. He also faithfully attended paper presentations of his former students at professional meetings. Rick was a friendly and fun-loving person. He had time to talk to all who wanted to talk to him. I remember him many times finishing a conversation with one person and walking over toa friend to ask whether they knew the person with whom he had been talking. He never hesitated to talk to a stranger and help that person in any way he could. He enjoyed social conversation, and little delighted him more than being able to sit down with former students and/or friends, have a beer or two, and discuss just about any subject. Rick felt strongly that his Historical Archaeology memorial not include material that had previously been published concerning his life and work. Having been an editor and copy editor for many years he simply believed that it was unnecessary to repeat what had already been said. Additional information may be found in Sprague (1994), Karklins (2000), Michael (2004), Allen and Michael (2008), and Stapp (2009).

References

Allen, Rebecca, and Ronald L. Michael 2008 Forty Years of Historical Archaeology, 1967–2007. Historical Archaeology 42(2):8–16.

Karklins, Karlis 2000 J. C. Harrington Award 2000: Roderick Sprague. Historical Archaeology 34(4):1–6.

Michael, Ronn 2004 Carol V. Ruppé Distinguished Service Award: Roderick Sprague. Historical Archaeology 38(4):8–9.

Sprague, Roderick 1994 Bead Typology: The Development of a Concept. In Pioneers in Historical Archaeology: Breaking New Ground, Stanley South, editor, pp. 85–100. Plenum Press, New York, NY.

Stapp, Darby C. 2009 An Interview with Roderick Sprague. Historical Archaeology 43(2):135–149.

Bibliography

*Major, important, or influential works.

Bies, Michael, and Roderick Sprague 1979 San Juan Island Artifact Summary 1977 and 1978. In Miscellaneous San Juan Island Reports, 1977–1978, pp. 75–100. University of Idaho Anthropological Manuscript Series, No. 54. Moscow.

Boreson, Keo, Craig E. Holstine, Grover S. Krantz, and Roderick Sprague 1985 The Burials at 45CH296, Chelan County, Washington. Eastern Washington University Reports in Archaeology and History, No. 100-40. Cheney.

Ferguson, Linda, Mary Giddings, Duane Marti, and Roderick Sprague 1975 Three Late Wagons from 45 SJ 295, the Hudson’s Bay Company Bellevue Farm Site, San Juan Island, Washington. In Miscellaneous San Juan Island Reports 1971–1973, pp. 223–243. University of Idaho Anthropological Research Manuscript Series, No. 16. Moscow.

Fielder, George, and Roderick Sprague 1974 Test Excavations at the Coeur d’Alene Mission of the Sacred Heart, Cataldo, Idaho, 1973. University of Idaho Anthropological Research Manuscript Series, No. 13. Moscow.

Gunselman, Cheryl, and Roderick Sprague 2003 *A Buried Promise: The Jefferson Peace Medal. Journal of Northwest Anthropology 37(1):53–90.

Gurcke, Karl, Michael Bies, Thomas M. J. Mulinski, Roderick Sprague, Caroline Carley, Julia Longenecker, and Priscilla Wegars 1982 Nez Perce National Historical Park Archaeological Excavations, 1979–1980. University of Idaho Anthropological Research Manuscript Series, No. 70. Moscow. 4 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

Karklins, Karlis, and Roderick Sprague 1972 Glass Trade Beads in North America: An Annotated Bibliography. Historical Archaeology 6:87–101. 1980 *A Bibliography of Glass Trade Beads in North America. South Fork Press, Moscow, ID. 1987 A Bibliography of Glass Trade Beads in North America, First Supplement. Promontory Press, Ottawa, ON.

Lahren, S. L., and Roderick Sprague 1994a Final Report for the Multi-phase Testing for California Bar Site, Lemhi County, Idaho. Report to Meridian Gold Company, Salmon, MT, from Lahren Associates, Dillon, MT. 1994b Leesburg, Idaho Stabilization Project: Archaeological Excavation for Concrete Stabilization Pads. Report to Meridian Gold Company, Salmon, MT, from Lahren Associates, Dillon, MT.

Lohse, E. S., and Roderick Sprague 1998 *History of Research. In Handbook of the American Indians, Vol. 12, Plateau, Deward E. Walker, Jr., editor, pp. 8–28. Washington, DC.

Pavesic, Max G., Mark G. Plew, and Roderick Sprague 1979 A Bibliography of Idaho Archaeology, 1889–1976. Northwest Anthropological Research Notes, Memoir No. 5. Moscow.

Robinson, William J., and Roderick Sprague 1965 *Disposal of the Dead at Point of Pines, Arizona. American Antiquity 30(4):442–453.

Rodeffer, Michael J., Stephanie H. Rodeffer, and Roderick Sprague 1972 Nez Perce Grave Removal Project. University of Idaho Anthropological Research Manuscript Series, No. 5. Moscow.

Sappington, Robert Lee, and Roderick Sprague 1989 Archaeological Investigations at Lyon’s Ferry State Park, on the Lower Snake River, Franklin County, Washington. Report to U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, Walla Walla District, Walla Walla, WA, from Laboratory of Anthropology, University of Idaho, Moscow.

Sprague, Roderick 1960a Archaeology of the Sun Lakes Area of Central Washington. Washington State University, Laboratory of Anthropology, Report of Investigations, No. 6. Pullman. 1960b Burial Patterns of the Lower Snake River Region. In Archaeological Excavations in the Ice Harbor Reservoir, 1959, R. D. Daugherty, author, pp. 4–11. Washington State University, Laboratory of Anthropology, Report of Investigations, No. 3. Pullman. 1961 Review of The Archaeologist’s Notebook. Kiva 27(2):31–32. 1963 Glass Beads. In Highway Salvage Archeology, Lava Beds, National Monument: Final Report, B. K. Swartz, author, pp. 90–91. Manuscript, National Park Service, Tucson, AZ. 1964 Inventory of Prehistoric Southwestern Copper Bells: Additions and Corrections I. Kiva 30(4):18–24. 1965 Descriptive Archaeology of the Palus Burial Site. Washington State University, Laboratory of Anthropology, Report of Investigations, No. 32. Pullman. 1967a *A Preliminary Bibliography of Washington Archaeology. Northwest Anthropological Research Notes 1(1). Reprinted 1968 in Washington State University, Laboratory of Anthropology, Report of Investigations, No. 43. Pullman. 1967b Post-1800 Historical Indian Sites [Dallas organizational meeting]. Historical Archaeology 1:70. 1968a *The Meaning of Palouse and the Identification of the Palloat Pallah Indians. Idaho Yesterdays 12(2):22–27. 1968b Papers Presented at the First Twenty Annual Meetings of the Northwest Anthropological Conference, 1948–1967. Northwest Anthropological Research Notes 2(1):123–134. 1968c A Suggested Typology and Nomenclature for Burial Analysis. American Antiquity 33(4):479–485. 1969 Excavations at the Roma Site, Prince Edward Island, 1968. University of Idaho Anthropological Research Manuscripts Series, No. 1. Moscow. 1970a *Editorial on Sasquatch. Northwest Anthropological Research Notes 4(2):127–128. 1971a Addendum on Beads. In A Bison Jump in the Upper Salmon River Valley of Eastern Idaho, B. Robert Butler, author, p. 13. Tebiwa 14(1):4–32. 1971b Annotated Bibliography of Lake Roosevelt Archaeology. Washington Archaeologist 15(1):2–24. 1971c Burial Pattern Relationships between the Columbia and Canadian Plateaus. In Aboriginal Man and Environments on the Plateau of Northwest America, Arnoud H. Stryd and Rachel A. Smith, editors, pp. 183–196. Students’ Press, Calgary, AL. 1971d Review of Astor Fort Okanogan. American Anthropologist 73(4):934–935. 1971e Review of Canadian Historic Sites: Occasional Papers in Archaeology and History. Historical Archaeology 5:128–129. 1972a The first of 90 University of Idaho, Laboratory of Anthropology,Letter Reports, produced every year from 1972 to 1998. 1972b Glass Trade Beads. In The Archaeology of Pass Creek Valley, Waterton Lakes National Park, Brian O. K. Reeves, author, pp. 252–253. National Historic Sites Service, Manuscript Report, No. 61. Ottawa, ON. 1972c Mission San Antonio Glass Trade Beads. In Excavations at Tes-haya, Donald M. Howard, author. Monterey County Archaeological Society Quarterly 2(1). Carmel, CA. Memorial—Roderick Sprague 1933–2013 5

1973a *Chapter 9. The Pacific Northwest. InThe Development of North American Archaeology, James Fitting, editor, pp. 250–285. Doubleday, New York, NY. 1973b Location of the Pig Incident, San Juan Island, In Miscellaneous San Juan Reports, 1970–1972, pp. 17–38. University of Idaho Anthropological Research Manuscript Series, No. 7. Moscow. 1974 *American Indians and American Archaeology [invited editorial]. American Antiquity 39(1):1–2. 1975a *The Development of Historical Archaeology in the Pacific Northwest.Northwest Anthropological Research Notes 9(1):6–19. 1975b Recommendations for Historical Archaeology at Fort Egbert, Alaska. University of Idaho Anthropological Research Manuscript Series, No. 18. Moscow. 1975c Review of Historical Archaeology in Northwestern North America. Historical Archaeology 9:90–91. 1976 The Submerged Finds from the Prehistoric Component, English Camp, San Juan Island, Washington. In The Excavation of Water-Saturated Archaeological Sites (Wet Sites) on the Northwest Coast of North America, pp. 78–85. National Museum of Man, Archaeological Survey of Canada Mercury Series, No. 50. Ottawa, ON. 1977 The Field Notes of Arthur G. Colley, San Juan Island, 1919–1926. In Miscellaneous San Juan Island Reports 1912–1926, 1975, pp. 63–69. University of Idaho Anthropological Research Manuscript Series, No. 38. Moscow. 1978a Nez Perce Grave Recovery, Lower Granite Dam Reservoir, 1973–78. University of Idaho Anthropological Research Manuscript Series, No. 47. Moscow. 1978b Review of Kanaka Village/Vancouver Barracks, 1974. Pacific Northwest Quarterly 69(4):189–190. 1979 The First Archaeological Excavation in Whitman County was Historic. Bunchgrass Historian 7(1):23–24. Colfax, WA. 1980a Metal Cleaning for Whom: Archaeologist, Curator, or Descendants. Idaho Archaeologist 4(2):7–8. 1980b The Relationship between the Carved Stone Heads of the Columbia River and the Sasquatch. In Manlike Monsters on Trial, M. Halpin and M. M. Ames, editors, pp. 229–234. University of British Columbia Press, Vancouver. 1981 *A Functional Classification for Artifacts from 19th and 20th Century Historical Sites. North American Archaeologist 2(3):251–261. 1982a Bibliographies of Greater Northwest Archaeology. Quarterly Review of Archaeology 4(1):6–7. 1982b The Preservation of Written and Printed Archaeological Records. Northwest Anthropological Research Notes 16(2):206–211. 1983a Rock Art Studies on the Columbia River. Quarterly Review of Archaeology 4(3):2. 1983b *Tile Bead Manufacturing. In Proceedings of the 1982 Glass Trade Bead Conference, Charles F. Hayes III, editor, pp. 167–172. Rochester Museum and Science Center, Research Records, No. 16, Rochester, NY. 1984a *A Check List of Columbia Basin Papers. Northwest Anthropological Research Notes 18(2):256–259. 1984b The Father of Oregon Prehistory on Film. Quarterly Review of Archaeology 5(2):16. 1984c Glass Trade Beads. In A Nineteenth Century Ute Burial from Northeastern Utah, Richard E. Fike and H. Blaine Phillips II, editors, pp. 69–70. Utah Bureau of Land Management, Cultural Resource Series, No. 16. Salt Lake City. 1985a *Glass Trade Beads: A Progress Report. Historical Archaeology 19(2):87–105. Reprinted in 1991 and 2000 in Approaches to Material Culture Research for Historical Archaeology, Society for Historical Archaeology, Ann Arbor, MI. 1985b Historic Artifact Analysis. In Phase II Testing of Four Sites on Cassimer Bar and Testing and Evaluation of Site 45 OK 74, Denise Carlevato, author. Report to Douglas County PUD, Wenatchee, WA, from Western Heritage, Inc., Olympia, WA. 1985c Identification of Archeological Research Topics and Questions for the Downtown Seattle Transit Project [project participant]. Report to Parsons, Brinckerhoff, Quade, & Douglas, Seattle, WA, from Hart Crowser and Associates, Seattle. 1986a *Ng Ka Py Vessel Terminology. Asian Comparative Collection Newsletter 4(2):insert. 1986b A Possible Prosser T-Hole Bead from Japan. Bead Forum 8:10–11. 1986c Review of Adobe Walls. Pacific Historian 30(3):81. 1987a The Descriptive Archaeology of Nat Cave, 45-GR-100. Tebiwa 23:1–8. 1987b *Participant contribution to Proceedings of the Conference on Reburial Issues. Society for American Archaeology and Society of Professional Archeologists, Washington, DC. 1987c *Plateau Shamanism and Marcus Whitman. Idaho Yesterdays 31(1&2):55–56. 1988a Bead Analysis, a Contribution to Archaeological Testing at Ice House Lake, Rick Minor, author, pp. 52–55. Heritage Research Associates Report, No. 76. Eugene, OR. 1988b Bead Analysis, Appendix B. In Further Archaeological Testing at 45SA16, Skamania County, Washington, Rick Minor, author, pp. 45–49. Heritage Research Associates Report, No. 67. Eugene OR. 1988c More on Tile Beads. Bead Forum 13:3–4. 1989a The Fenstermaker Bead Collection. Bead Forum 14:6–8. 1989b Glass Trade Beads. In Curation Manual for the Archaeological Collections from 45AS11, North Bonneville, Washington, Kathryn Toepel, editor, pp. 75–80. Heritage Research Associates Report, No. 81. Eugene, OR. 1989c Review of A Study of Five Historic Cemeteries at Choke Canyon Reservoir, Texas. Historical Archaeology 22(2):131–132. 1989d Review of The History of Beads from 30,000 B.C. to the Present. Beads 1:95–96. 1989e Rock Art Studies on the Columbia River. In The Interpretation of Prehistory: Essays from the Pages of the Quarterly Review of Archaeology, pp. 146–148. Review of Archaeology 10(1):146–148. 1989f The Structure of Anthropological Research Units. Thunderbird 9(4):2–3. Corvallis, OR. 1990a *Archaeological Footnotes. In Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, Vol. 7, Gary E. Moulton, editor. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln. 1990b Glass Trade Beads. In An Overview of Investigations at 45SA11: Archaeology in the Columbia Gorge, Rick Minor et al., authors, pp. 156–158. Heritage Research Associates Report, No. 83. Eugene, OR. 6 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

1990c Historical Archaeology and the Chinese of Silver City. In They Came to Owyhee, Owyhee Outpost #21, Dale M. Grey, editor, pp. 47–55. Owyhee County Historical Society, Murphy, ID. 1990d Obituary of Alfred W. Bowers. Anthropology Newsletter 31(8):5. 1991a *A Bibliography of James A. Teit. Northwest Anthropological Research Notes 25(1):103–115. 1991b Ceramic Cones [I]. Asian Comparative Collection Newsletter 8(3):5–6. 1991c Description of Glass Beads, 10-CW-4. In Archaeological Investigations at the Clearwater Fish Hatchery Site (10-CW-4), North Fork of the Clearwater River, North Central Idaho, Robert Lee Sappington, author, pp. 86–87. University of Idaho Anthropological Reports, No. 91. Moscow. 1991d Foreword. In Mandan Social and Ceremonial Organization, 2nd edition, Alfred W. Bowers, author, pp. iii–v. University of Idaho Press, Moscow. 1992 Review of Scientific Research in Early Chinese Glass. Beads4:69–72. 1993a A 1937 Government View of Indian Beadworking Ability. Bead Forum 22:11–13. 1993b *American Indian Burial and Repatriation in the Southern Plateau with Special Reference to Northern Idaho. Idaho Archaeologist 16(2):3–13. 1993c Chinese Cones: II. Asian Comparative Collection Newsletter 10(3):5. 1994a *Bead Typology: The Development of a Concept. In Pioneers in Historical Archaeology: Breaking New Ground, Stanley South, editor, pp. 85–100. Plenum Press, New York, NY. 1994b Glass Bead Inventory. Appendix C. In An Assessment of Archaeological Resources within the Proposed Sahhalie Condominiums Project Area, Seaside, Clatsop County, Oregon, Rick Minor, author, pp. 116–120. Heritage Research Associates Report, No. 167. Eugene, OR. 1994c A Note from 1887 on Glass Beadmaking. Bead Forum 24:5–6. 1995a Chinese Cones: III. Asian Comparative Collection Newsletter 12(2):6. 1995b Classification of Historic Trade Beads. In Archaeology of the Cape Creek Shell Midden, Cape Perpetua Scenic Area, Central Oregon Coast, Rick Minor and Ruth L. Greenspan, authors, pp. 107–111. Coastal Prehistory Program, University of Oregon, Eugene. 1995c Classification of Glass Beads. In Archaeological Investigations for the Port of Siuslaw Norpal Street Project, Florence, Oregon, Rick Minor, author, pp. 27–30, 65–82. Heritage Research Associates Report, No. 182. Eugene, OR. 1996 *An Anthropological Summary of the Coeur d’Alene Tribe’s Occupation of the Coeur d’Alene Lake Area. Manuscript, Coeur d’Alene Tribe, Plummer, Idaho. Written testimony in Coeur d’Alene Tribe vs. State of Idaho, District Court, Coeur d’Alene, ID. 1997a The Historic Period. In Results of Archaeological Investigations at Kam’-nak-ka, Kooskia National Fish Hatchery, Middle Fork of the Clearwater River, Northcentral Idaho, R. Lee Sappington, author. University of Idaho Anthropological Reports, No. 98. Moscow. 1997b Review of The Sasquatch in Alberta. Cryptozoology 16. 1998a *The Literature and Locations of the Phoenix Button. Historical Archaeology 32(2):56–77 1998b *Palouse [Palus]. In Handbook of the American Indians, Vol. 12, Plateau, Deward E. Walker, Jr., editor, pp. 352–359. Washington, DC. 1999a *An Anthropological Summary of the Dependence of the Coeur d’Alene Tribe upon Coeur d’Alene Lake. Manuscript, Coeur d’Alene Tribe, Plummer, Idaho. Written Testimony in United States vs. ASARCO et al., District Court, Coeur d’Alene, ID. 1999b *Ceramic Cones: IV and Final. Asian Comparative Collection Newsletter 16(2):insert. 1999c A Review of Stability of Southern Plateau Burial Practices [The Ancient One/Kennewick Man]. Manuscript, Confederated Tribes of the Umatilla Indian Reservation, Cultural Resources Protection Program, Mission, OR. 2000 Exposure Route Footnotes for Coeur d’Alene Subsistence Scenario. Report to Coeur d’Alene Tribal Council, Plummer, ID, from Terragraphics Environmental Engineering, Moscow, ID. 2001a *An Extended Bibliography of Anthropology and Historical Archaeology for the Pre-1943 Hanford/White Bluffs Area. Pacific Northwest National Laboratory Report, No. 13948. Richland,WA. 2001b *Testimony before NAGPRA Committee, 18 November, Cambridge, MA, on the Relationship of Spirit Cave Man to the Fallon Paiute-Shoshone Tribe in the Area of Burial Practices. Decision favorable [BLM thus far has refused to obey the decision]. 2002 *China or Prosser Button Identification and Dating.Historical Archaeology 36(2):111–127. 2004 *Incised Dentalium Shell Beads in the Plateau Culture Area. Beads 16:51–68 [published 2007]. 2005a *Burial Terminology: A Guide for Researchers. AltaMira Press, Lanham, MD. 2005b *Canoes and Other Water Craft of the Coeur d’Alene. Journal of Northwest Anthropology 39(1):41–62. 2005c Northwest Graduate Studies Concerning Beads. Bead Forum 46:3–5. 2006 A Glass Bead Rattlesnake Bracelet. Bead Forum 48:5–6. 2007 A Glass Bead Rattlesnake Bracelet [Reprint in color of original in Bead Forum 48:6]. Bead Forum 50:insert. 2008 *Coeur d’Alene Burials. Journal of Northwest Anthropology 42(1):71–84.

Sprague, Roderick (editor) 1970b George L. Howe and the Antiquarian. Northwest Anthropological Research Notes 4(2):166–222. 1971f Field Notes and Correspondence of the 1901 Columbia Museum Expedition by Merton L. Miller to the Columbia Plateau. Northwest Anthropological Research Notes 5(2):201–232. 1983c *San Juan Archaeology, 2 vols. University of Idaho, Laboratory of Anthropology, Moscow, ID. Memorial—Roderick Sprague 1933–2013 7

Sprague, Roderick, and Walter H. Birkby 1970 Miscellaneous Columbia Plateau Burials. Tebiwa 13(1):1–32. 1973 Burials Recovered from the Narrows Site (45OK11), Columbia River Washington. University of Idaho Anthropological Research Manuscript Series, No. 11. Moscow.

Sprague, Roderick, and John D. Combes 1966 Excavations in the Little Goose and Lower Granite Dam Reservoirs, 1965. Washington State University, Laboratory of Anthropology, Report of Investigations, No. 37. Pullman.

Sprague, Roderick, and An Jiayao 1990 *Observations on Problems in Researching the Contemporary Glass Bead Industry of Northern China. Beads 2:5–13.

Sprague, Roderick, and Grover S. Krantz (editors) 1977 The Scientist Looks at the Sasquatch. University of Idaho Press, Moscow. 1979 The Scientist Looks at the Sasquatch, II. University of Idaho Press, Moscow.

Sprague, Roderick, and Daniel S. Meatte 1992 The Idaho Archaeological Conference, 1973–1991. Northwest Anthropological Research Notes 26(1):57–71.

Sprague, Roderick, and Jay Miller 1979 Burial Relocation Survey, Chief Joseph Reservoir, 1977–78. University of Idaho Anthropological Research Manuscript Series, No. 51. Moscow.

Sprague, Roderick, and Thomas M. J. Mulinski 1980 Ancestral Burial Relocations, Chief Joseph Dam, 1979. University of Idaho Anthropological Manuscript Series, No. 63. Moscow.

Sprague, Roderick, and Michael J. Rodeffer 1989 The Bloody Point Archaeological Investigations. Overland Journal 7(3):26–28.

Sprague, Roderick, and Aldo Signori 1963 *Inventory of Prehistoric Southwestern Copper Bells. Kiva 28(4):1–20.

Striker, Michael, and Roderick Sprague 1993 *Excavations at the Warren Chinese Mining Camp Site, 1989–1992. University of Idaho Anthropological Reports, No. 94. Moscow.

Turnipseed, Donna, Michael Striker, and Roderick Sprague 1994 Florence Tells Her Secrets. University of Idaho Anthropological Reports, No. 96. Moscow.

Walker, Deward E., Jr., and Roderick Sprague 1998 *History until 1846. In Handbook of the American Indians, Vol. 12, Plateau, Deward E. Walker, Jr., editor, pp. 138–148. Washington, DC.

Wegars, Priscilla, and Roderick Sprague 1981 Archaeological Salvage of the Joso Trestle Construction Camp, 45-FR-51, Lower Monumental Project. University of Idaho Anthropological Research Manuscript Series, No. 65. Moscow.

Wegars, Priscilla, Roderick Sprague, and Thomas M. J. Mulinski 1983c Miscellaneous Burial Recovery in Eastern Washington, 1981. University of Idaho Anthropological Research Manuscript Series, No. 76. Moscow.

Sprague’s bibliography also includes ca. 100 manuscripts, but in his written instructions to me, the bibliography presented here is “as complete as I would want it for SHA.” Those ca. 100 works are archived at the Fort Walla Walla Museum, Walla Walla, Washington.

Ronn L. Michael 8

Ross K. Harper The houses and landscapes that Dwight saw are nearly all gone. Remnants of earlier houses can “Their Houses are Ancient sometimes be found hidden within the fabric of old standing houses that subsumed or overbuilt and Ordinary”: Archaeology smaller dwellings. Archaeological remains of and Connecticut’s Eighteenth- houses are a separate important source of data on early architecture. Century Domestic Architecture Extensive archaeological investigations at six ABSTRACT 18th-century homesteads and a number of smaller surveys open new windows into Connecticut’s The 18th-century houses that dot Connecticut’s landscape have fascinating architectural past, including the dis- come to be the very symbols of the state’s colonial past. Recent covery of house forms that no longer exist, archaeological investigations at the buried remains of six period such as the West Country cross-passage house homesteads indicate that Connecticut’s domestic architecture was far more varied and dynamic than conventionally believed. and the one-room end-chimney type. Important Excavations revealed the continuation of ancient English house early house-construction techniques were also forms, including small one-room end-chimney and long and discovered, including post-in-ground (earthfast), narrow cross-passage types. The excavations also provide new “splayed-foot foundation,” and “foundation- information on construction techniques, household material on-ground.” Each homestead site was part of culture, food storage, and everyday lifeways of Connecticut’s middling sort, who formed the largest population sector, but a multiphased cultural resources management about whom little is known from documentary sources. project that included extensive historical background research and large-scale data recovery In short, a “house,” wherever it may be, is an endur- excavations. ing thing, and it bears perpetual witness to the slow pace of civilizations, of cultures bent on preserving, Methodology maintaining and repeating (Braudel 1992). All of the homestead excavations began with Introduction basic documentary research, including historical Connecticut is fortunate to have many stand- maps, land deeds, probate records, censuses, tax ing old houses. Recent archaeological exca- rolls, military records, town histories, and so vations, however, have discovered that the forth. Although land deeds can be used to recon- common center-chimney saltbox, single-bay struct land-ownership sequences of parcels, they or “I,” and standard five-bay houses are not rarely indicated where a house site was actually an accurate representation of the 18th-century located. In New England, 18th-century maps that domestic architectural landscape of Connecticut. show the precise locations of houses are exceed- Connecticut’s early period houses were far more ingly rare. Therefore, archaeological reconnais- varied and diverse, and included ancient English sance surveys were conducted and 50 × 50 cm house forms and construction techniques that shovel-test pits were placed at 15 m intervals persisted well into the 18th century, far longer within the project areas to locate evidence of his- than conventionally believed. This continuity can torical occupation. The sites include the Sprague in part be attributed to Connecticut’s cultural House in Andover, the Daniels House in Water- conservatism, the “land of steady habits,” as ford, and the Goodsell House in North Branford, it was often called, based on enduring English which were entirely buried under open and active cultural traditions. When traveling through Con- agricultural fields (Figure 1). The Story House necticut in 1800, Yale president and early histo- in Preston was in thick woods covered with fill rian of Connecticut Timothy Dwight noted that and trash, and the Benedict House in Wilton “[t]he town of Branford is destitute of beauty. was found in a lawn covered with roadside fill The situation is unpleasant, and the houses are along a busy interstate. The Cady-Copp House chiefly ancient and ordinary” (Dwight 1969:359). in Putnam is a standing ca. 1745 house that was

Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(4):8–47. Accepted for publication 25 October 2011. Permission to reprint required. ross k. harper—”Their Houses are Ancient and Ordinary” 9

FIGURE 1. Map of the state of Connecticut showing locations of towns discussed in the text. (Map by author, 2012.) last occupied in the 1920s and was never fitted around the footprint of the house and yards. At with modern utilities. At each of the five home- the completion of the hand excavations at the stead sites where there was no standing house, buried house sites, the remaining plowzone or the reconnaissance subsurface testing revealed fill was carefully removed with a large excava- distinct concentrations of 18th-century domestic tor equipped with a smooth landscaping blade in and architectural material culture. Each site was order to expose outlying features at the top of then tested through an intensive archaeological the subsoil. Excavations at the Cady-Copp House survey in which test pits were excavated across included a long linear block where drains were the site on a 5 m interval grid. More intensive to be installed, as well as selected 1 m2 units primary research was also undertaken to gather around the outside of the foundation walls. After all possible documentary information about each the artifacts were cleaned, conserved, and inven- site. The intensive survey collected enough data toried, artifact distributions were plotted using to demonstrate that each site possessed excellent a Surfer program, which proved to be highly integrity and met the criteria for listing in the effective in revealing the locations of middens, National Register of Historic Places. activity areas, walls, house footprints, building Because the buried house sites could not be sequences, and room functions. A detailed report avoided by the planned construction projects, of each excavation was prepared. each underwent large-scale data-recovery exca- Prior to these six excavations few in-depth vations. Blocks of 1 m2 units were strategically household-level archaeological investigations placed to locate and expose the area in and had been conducted in Connecticut. Most were 10 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) limited to minimal testing around a standing reflected a “startling conservatism” of earlier house and outbuildings that typically preceded forms (Cummings 1979, 1993:1,8–10). small construction projects, such as the installa- Architectural historians Isham and Brown tion of handicapped access ramps or septic sys- (1900) and Kelly (1924) organized early Con- tems. Most of the investigations were conducted necticut domestic architecture into several phases at house museums associated with affluent per- based on a small sample of surviving period sons who played important roles in the early houses. Among the earliest forms, which all fol- history of Connecticut (Harper 2006:109–130). lowed English derivations, was the “one-room Very few investigations had been done at the end-chimney type” that was a story and a half, houses of Connecticut’s “middling sort,” people or one over one. These houses consisted of who made up the majority of the population. a main room or “hall,” a large end fireplace, This paper uses data from the six excavated and a small vestibule or “porch” next to the house sites, other small-scale house excava- fireplace with stairs leading to the second floor. tions, and a variety of historical documents to Noted examples of the one-room end-chimney develop an ethnographic account of the domestic type include the first phase of the 1664 Thomas architecture and lifeways of Connecticut’s 18th- Lee House in East Lyme (Figure 2a) and the century middling sort. (controversially dated) first phase of the ca. 1678 Hempstead House in New London. The ca. Connecticut’s Early 1690 Norton House in Guilford (demolished in Domestic Architecture 1921) also started as a one-room end-chimney plan (Figures 2b and 3). The first phase of the Connecticut’s first settlements of Hartford, ca. 1723 Huntington House in Scotland (the Windsor, and Wethersfield were founded in birthplace of Governor Samuel Huntington) also 1635–1636, but very little early period archi- began as a one-room end-chimney type with tecture has survived (Figure 1). The first houses a second story (Stachiw 1999). As families of many of the early colonists are believed to increased in size and became more established, have been small and simple wood-framed huts the one-room hall was often expanded to a two- or hovels. As families became established, these room dwelling with a central fireplace, making first expedient dwellings were abandoned for a quintessential hall-and-parlor central-fireplace more substantial structures. Built in 1635, the house. Some houses were then expanded again John Talcott House in Hartford was described with a lean-to built across the back of the house, by his son as starting as a single-room “kitchen, which typically functioned as a kitchen with a which was first on the west side of the chim- pantry. The building sequences of the Thomas ney.” Several years later a room was added to Lee and Huntington houses show this develop- the east side of the house and the “chimneys ment, while the Norton House later had a kitchen were built,” perhaps implying that a wood- lean-to attached to the back of the hall (Figures and-daub flue was replaced with a center stone 2a, b, and 3) (Isham and Brown 1900; Kelly fireplace that divided the two rooms (Isham 1924; Garvan 1951; Cummings 1994:192–233; and Brown 1900:12–15; Kelly 1924:5–6). The Stachiw 1999). much-rebuilt 1639 stone Whitfield House in In the 17th century houses were also being Guilford is the only standing first-generation built with the two-room central-chimney plan at house remaining in Connecticut (Cummings once, and by the end of the century houses were 1994:192). Through rigorous review of land- also being constructed following the two-room deed records and dendrochronology, architectural central-fireplace plan with a back lean-to asan historian Abbott Lowell Cummings determined integral part of the structure. Such houses were that only seven houses in Connecticut can be usually associated with the wealthiest and most confidently dated to the 17th century, most progressive owners (Cummings 1994:216). This of which have undergone extensive alterations type of house has come to be called a “saltbox” over time. According to Cummings, Connecticut or, particularly in Connecticut, a “breakback” experienced its first building boom in the early (Larkin 2006:78). Significantly, the familiar large- 18th century. Massachusetts Bay had already framed center-chimney and single-bay or “I” undergone such a boom in the 1680s, which house and standard five-bay house types did not ross k. harper—”Their Houses are Ancient and Ordinary” 11

modest affairs, and have traditionally been overlooked by architectural historians as they “did not fit either the prosperity of the early nineteenth century or the sentimental ideals of recent antiquarians” (Garvan 1951:127–129). Using old photograph collections, tax records (which often listed fireplaces after 1790), and fieldwork, cultural geographer Thomas R. Lewis determined that small houses or “cottages” were prevalent in Connecticut throughout the 1650–1850 period. Also referred to as “cots,” “huts,” or “hovels” in historical records, Lewis determined that early cottages were typically made with one square room or bay (16 ft.), and an end chimney, and were rarely larger than 28 × 21 ft. in plan; they were often expanded into the two-room, center-chimney plan. While traveling through northeastern Connecticut in 1771, (second president) John Adams came across a parson and old acquaintance of his. “He lives in little, mean looking hutt,” Adams recorded in his diary (Buel and McNulty 1999:32). The introduction and distribution of the squared- log house or cabin in Connecticut is unclear, though like in the rest of the British colonies it was likely uncommon in the early period of settlement (Shurtleff 1939). There is evidence of log houses in Connecticut in the 18th century. The ca. 1780–1800 James Bennett log house in Easton, which was demolished in 1937, had a single 13 × 17 ft. room, a compacted-dirt floor, and a pitched roof. One described in Windsor in 1794 was 30 ft. long and “where the logs crossed, they were notched together, and nailed; and the interstices were plastered with loam” (St. George 1998:360–362). By the mid-18th century, as Yankees migrated to the wilderness regions of northern New England, New York, and the Mid- west, the log house became a common and “often absolutely necessary” dwelling of the frontier. Yale FIGURE 2. Plan of the (a) 1664 Thomas Lee House and (b) ca. 1690 Norton House (Kelly 1924). (Courtesy of Dover president and minister Timothy Dwight noted that Publications, New York, NY.) Plans of two (c, d) West County log houses were constructed “only to shelter their (Devon) cross-passage houses with three rooms and a families until they can erect better habitations,” fireplace abutting the cross passage, redrawn from Barley though he considered them “no ornaments to the (1961). (Courtesy of Routledge Publishers, London, UK.) landscape.” During a round trip from New Haven to Vermont in May 1810 Dwight counted only 37 log houses, which he described as typically become common until after the mid-18th century having two rooms with a stone chimney in the (Lewis 1980:23–27). (The “bay” is a standard middle, indicating that the basic center-chimney, building measurement typically equal to 16 ft.) hall-and-parlor plan was being used. The log- Many of the 17th- and 18th-century houses house interiors were finished in a plain, coarse, built in Connecticut were quite small and and “indifferent manner” (Dwight 1969:84,326). 12 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

FIGURE 3. Early photograph from Kelly (1924) of the ca. 1690 Norton House in Guildford, demolished in 1921. (Courtesy of Dover Publications, New York, NY.)

Another architectural form that came into New as a less improved and less artificial structure, England in the early period was the long and since the realm of beasts was viewed as unclean narrow cross-passage house, which often integrated and debasing to the reason of man” (St. George elements of upland and lowland architectural tra- 1986:338–339). To the author’s knowledge, no ditions of Britain, particularly the placement of standing cross-passage houses have survived in fireplaces. Cross-passage houses were widespread the Americas. in England when colonization began and were also A number of long and narrow house forms have brought to the New World, including Plymouth also been found by archaeologists in northern New (St. George 1998:17–25; Beaudry et al. 2003:161). England, Massachusetts, and in the Chesapeake Cross-passage houses were related to the “long- region. In Maine several 17th-century long and house” tradition of long and narrow houses with narrow houses have been discovered and partially a large byre or shippen on one end for keeping excavated, most of which were built, at least in the family’s cows. A drain for cow urine typically part, of post-in-ground or earthfast construction, ran the length of the room, exiting outside. The and had large stone fireplaces. Examples include byre was separated from the rest of the house a 20 × 65 ft. structure built ca. 1654 at Arrowsic; by a cross passage running perpendicular through an 80 × 20 ft. structure at the 1649–1676 Nehu- the midsection. By the 17th century, however, mkeag trading post that had a 6 × 30 ft. wood- the cows were usually removed from the house lined cellar; and the ca. 1639–1646 James Phips into a separate cow house, and the byre was site, which measured 15 × 72 ft. A large ell was typically converted into service or storage rooms. added to the Phips House, likely another dwelling, If the long-house or “byre-and-dwelling” were which measured 20 × 60 ft. (Baker et al. 1992). ever built in New England it is yet unknown, Several intriguing 17th-century houses were and “no doubt was also seen by Puritan yeomen excavated in eastern Massachusetts long ago ross k. harper—”Their Houses are Ancient and Ordinary” 13 using archaic excavation methods and record- the drawing as a cross-passage house approxi- ing. The house plans were interpreted by James mately 16 × 70 ft. with a central hall and a Deetz as possible early long-houses with byres. fireplace abutting a cross-passage opposite a These include the 1627 John Alden House site kitchen. On the other end of the hall is a heated in Duxbury; the Miles Standish House, also in parlor with a buttery. The house was surrounded Duxbury; and in Plymouth, the “RM” site, so by a courtyard. The plan and layout was typical named from the initials scratched on the end of of cross-passage houses in the southwest region a seal-top spoon (Deetz 1977:95–97, 1979:54–58, of the West Country (Carson 2012). 1996:125–164). The excavation methods, how- Carson and Alcock have made a comprehensive ever, leave a variety of unanswered questions as and detailed study of West Country architecture to the nature of the structures and the features and farms based on standing buildings and house and artifacts that were found. Reexamination and estate surveys, which often described house of these sites by Beaudry and George indicates layouts in considerable detail (Carson and Alcock that the available evidence is not conclusive, 2007). West Country houses of a larger size were though they were likely not long-houses with typically made with a basic three-room plan and byres. “If the site plans can be interpreted as cross passage that was often located behind the representing cross-passage houses, our knowledge central or main fireplace; this was the traditional of the social context in which these structures position of the main fireplace in West Country functioned brings us closer to an understanding houses (Barley 1961:110–111). Most of these of the homelife and domestic relations of the houses were made with stone walls, had wattle- earliest colonial settlers” (Beaudry and George and-daub or stud-and-panel room partitions, and 1987:26). thatched or slate roofs. The basic rooms typically Another reinterpretation of what is believed to included a parlor, a hall at the center of the be the ca. 1675–1700 Josiah Winslow House in house, and the cross passage running perpen- Marshfield, Massachusetts, excavated by Henry dicular through the house. The third main room Hornblower in 1941, proposes that the house was typically a service room or pantry (storage), was a two-story double-pile hall-and-parlor house or a kitchen (Barley 1961:108–122; Carson and (Beaudry et al. 2003:155–185). It has also been Alcock 2007:23–42) (Figures 2c, d, and 8). proposed that the 1627 Alden House had started Not only did early Connecticut houses resemble as a small single-cell house that was intermit- their English antecedents, they still maintained tently added to by subsequent generations, much of their English regionalism. Cummings becoming a “rambling vernacular form” akin to noted that the early period of Connecticut settle- the standing Fairbanks House in Dedham, Mas- ment was marked by the admixture of carpenters sachusetts (Beaudry et al. 2003:176). Although and joiners of differing English backgrounds, the available information on these early Mas- who continually moved from one community to sachusetts Bay Colony houses is incomplete and another (Cummings 1994:192–233). For example, often problematic, Deetz brought to the attention he notes the 1707–1720 Stanley-Whitman House of archaeologists their need go beyond conven- in Farmington with its heavy frame and front tional wisdom and search for undocumented overhang ornamented with pedestal drops, which houses, including long and narrow house forms, presents an overall profile and spatial dimensions with ephemeral remains or “visibility” in the indicative of East Anglia. The 1711–1721 But- ground. Other long and narrow houses found tolph Williams House in Wethersfield displays a by archaeologists outside New England include slender roof frame and a fireplace made entirely a ca. 1621 “longhouse” at Martin’s Hundred of brick, traditions which came early into the in Virginia that measured 60 × 15 ft. and was Massachusetts Bay Colony and also had origins interpreted by Ivor Noël Hume as having four in East Anglia. The massive stone fireplaces typi- bays with a byre at one end and a fireplace at cal of Connecticut’s 18th-century houses are more the other (Noël Hume 1982:187–192). of a Midlands tradition. The English regionalism In Connecticut, the ca. 1641 Desborough- of Connecticut’s early architecture was noted by Rossiter House in Guilford was recorded in a ca. English agriculturalist William Strickland, who 1651 plan drawing of the house and grounds (St. traveled through much of Connecticut in 1794 and George 1998:17–25). St. George has interpreted recorded his observations: 14 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

In the country I have lately passed through, are many border during the guerrilla-style conflict between old fashioned houses the residences of the first settlers; New England colonists and the “Eastern Indians” resembling such as may occasionally be still seen in Eng- land, with much ornamental brickwork, about the chim- known as Lovewell’s War or Greylock’s War. It neys, cornices, windows etc; and with casement-windows, was the responsibility of militia captains to pay with pains of various shapes, a style now disused in both their men and to inspect each man’s weapon and countries, but general about 150 years since. These add to ammunition, and to ensure they were in working the resemblance which many parts of this country have to many parts of England (Strickland 1971:209). order (Marcus 1966:219). After the war ended, Captain Sprague returned to his farm and contin- Sprague Site, ca. 1705 to ca. 1750s ued in public service as a Lebanon Selectman in 1727 and 1733. He represented Lebanon in the Site History General Assembly in 1729 and was a deacon in the North Society Church (Trumbull and Hoadley The Sprague homestead site was settled by 1850–1890[7]:221). In 1743 he was one of the Ephraim Sprague in about 1705 in the town of petitioners for a separate Andover parish (Trum- Lebanon (now Andover). Incorporated only five bull and Hoadley 1850–1890[8]:536). Eleven years years earlier, Lebanon was in the interior fron- later, on 1 November 1754, he made out his will tier, and Ephraim, who arrived with his father and died soon thereafter of “consumption” at age and brother, was among the earliest European 69, according to his minister Eleazer Wheelock American settlers. The site is well situated in a (Wheelock 1971). sheltered valley near the confluence of the Hop During his lifetime Captain Sprague established River and small brook then called Sprague Brook. a sizable estate; on his deathbed he willed lands, Ephraim Sprague was born on 15 March 1685 monies, and goods to his children and grandchil- in Duxbury, Massachusetts, and was the fourth dren (Connecticut State Archives [CSA] 1754). generation of Spragues in America (Sprague 1913; To his “dearly beloved wife” Mary he bequeathed Harper 2005; Harper and Harper 2007; Harper and part of the house and cellar and a third of the Clouette 2010b). The first member of the family farm’s income. To his eldest son Perez he left 7 to settle in America was Francis Sprague, a tav- ac. of land and his wearing apparel; to his son erner who left England in 1623 and immigrated Peleg he waived a £50 bond; and to his married to Plymouth, Massachusetts. The Spragues were daughters Betty and Irena he left most of the early settlers of nearby Duxbury, and Francis’s household goods to be divided between them. son John Sprague (Ephraim Sprague’s grandfather) To his young grandson Ephraim Sprague III he was also the proprietor of a tavern; he was killed bequeathed full ownership of the farm, including in Pierce’s Fight in Rhode Island in 1676 during the “utensils for husbandry” and livestock, which King Philip’s War (Sprague 1913; Tilton 1918:76). he was to inherit when he reached 21 years of In 1703, John Sprague’s son John, then listed as age. (The captain’s eldest son, Ephraim Sprague a “mariner,” sold all of his Duxbury property and II, had predeceased him several years earlier.) moved with his family, including his sons Ephraim Captain Sprague’s probate lists various household and Benjamin, to the new town of Lebanon, and farm items such as books, clothing, bedding, Connecticut. Soon after his arrival in Lebanon, a loom, livestock, a mare and colt, and a saddle. Ephraim acquired land for his own farmstead and His will and probate contained a few luxury items in about 1704 married a woman of a prominent including a beaver hat, a cane, pewter plates, and local family named Deborah Woodworth. They a white muslin handkerchief. had at least eight children together before Deborah died in about 1727. Ephraim later married again, Findings to a woman named Mary. Along with his farming activities Ephraim The remains of the Sprague homestead were Sprague had a long and distinguished career in discovered buried in an agricultural field during public service. In May of 1724 Ephraim was an archaeological reconnaissance survey preced- elected captain of the North Parish (or Lebanon ing a road construction project (Figure 4). The Crank Society) trainband. The following year Cap- reconnaissance survey recovered concentrations tain Sprague and his militia company patrolled the of 18th-century domestic artifacts in a pattern Connecticut and Hampshire County, Massachusetts suggestive of a homestead, though no structural ross k. harper—”Their Houses are Ancient and Ordinary” 15 remains were identified then. The intensified across the project area and discovered a feature archaeological survey and data recovery that on a small rise that further excavation revealed followed included the excavation of 198 test to be a 16 × 16 ft. fieldstone-lined cellar with pits and 271, 1 m2 units; a total of 211,291 a stone-step bulkhead entrance (Figure 5). The artifacts were recovered. The intensified survey sand-and-gravel floor of the cellar was 4 ft. 11 took the form of a 5 m interval grid of test pits in. below the ground surface. The cellar had

FIGURE 4. Phase II and III archaeological site plan of the Sprague site. (Drawing by PAST/AHS, 2007.) 16 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) been filled in with household debris, fireplace commonly called in the 18th century. Born stones, and field cobbles, and covered with in West Hartford, Connecticut, in 1758, Noah topsoil. Here, a wide variety of household arti- Webster, in the first American dictionary, defined facts and food remains were recovered, includ- “sauce” as “in New England, culinary vegetables ing tools, horse tack, a set of table knives and roots eaten with flesh” (Webster 1828). In and forks, pockets of eggshells, and concen- Ephraim Sprague’s will he bequeathed “all my trated masses of carbonized potatoes (Solanum provisions, viz., corn of all sorts, meat, sauces tuberosum), maize (Zea mays), and oats (Avena of all sorts, with two swine now a-fatting” to sativa). A wide variety of wild and domesticated his young grandson Ephraim Sprague III (CSA animal remains were identified (Harper 2008a). 1754). At the Betsey Prince site, a late-18th- to There were large quantities of melted liquor- early-19th-century African American house on bottle glass and ceramics including milk pans, Long Island, a similar “storage pit” was also an entire white salt-glazed stoneware tea set found dug into the cellar floor (LoRusso 1998). with a scratch-blue creamer, a delftware punch Sometimes sauce pits were dug on the outside bowl, and an English yellow slipware posset of the house. Various historical accounts in pot. Most vessels were burnt. Concentrations of New England, including farming manuals, dia- melted window glass at the center of the south ries, and daybooks mention this once-common wall indicated a window in the vicinity. practice of storing root vegetables, including Within the floor of the south cellar was potatoes, in holes in the ground, also called found a series of seven distinct basin-shaped “caves” or “tombs” (Harper et al. 2001:13–15; features. Interpreted as food-storage or “sauce” Harper and Harper 2007). In New Hampshire pits, these holes were used to store a variety they were simply called “sassholes” in the of root vegetables or “sauce,” as they were vernacular (Hastings 1990:141). Based on these

FIGURE 5. The Sprague House south cellar after excavation. The ash stain to the north is the central fireplace. The camera is facing northeast. (Photo by PAST/AHS, 2007.) ross k. harper—”Their Houses are Ancient and Ordinary” 17 and other such features at other household cellar, this cellar was simply dug out, and the sites in Connecticut (discussed below), sauce walls were unlined and sloped inward. The east pits were typically 2 to 4 ft. across, 2 to 3 half of the cellar was substantially deeper (3 ft. ft. deep, with smooth sides and shaped like an 7 in. below surface) than the west half (23 in. inverted bell with a rounded bottom. Sauce pits below ground surface). Entrance to the cellar were commonly lined with straw or boards, and was likely through a trapdoor in the floor, prob- then mounded over with salt hay, earth, and ably on the east side of the room. manure for insulation (Deane 1790:228; Long A small corner fireplace feature, measuring 1960:36–41). An extract from an 1857 edition 4 × 4 ft., projected off the northwest corner of the New England Farmer journal describes of the north cellar. The fireplace feature was this once common practice: exceptionally charcoal rich and extended about 2 ft. below the ground surface. The fireplace In olden times, most of the farmers’ cellars were base rested on a natural hard cobble bed, unlike dark––rendering it necessary to take a light in order to the soft sandy soils of the rest of the site. Most see, and guide the cider tap at noon-day. In these days, of the fireplace stones had been removed and cellars were generally small, making it necessary for farmers to winter many of their potatoes, oftentimes in tossed in the cellar hole to fill it or had been holes. I remember well how much better the potatoes carried away to be reused. The recovery of were when taken from the hole opened in the spring, a few red-brick fragments suggests the chim- than from the cellar (Sheldon 1857:524). neys had been only “topped out” with bricks above the roofline, giving the appearance of Grains such as maize, oats, wheat, and barley a brick chimney, a common practice in early were primarily stored high and dry in the garret Connecticut houses (Kelly 1924:71–72). Three of the house or in a specially made “Cribb of types of mortar were used to build and point Corn,” such as the one Joshua Hempstead of the fireplaces: shellfish and coral, limestone, and New London mentioned in his diary in 1724 clay. The house was built with basic hardware (Hempstead 1901:143). In the winter, the outer including hand-wrought nails, leaded (came) walls of cellars were insulated with various casement windows with green and blue-green dry materials such as leaves or seaweed, a panes or quarrels, pintles, and large iron strap technique called “banking” (Harper and Harper hinges (Figure 6). 2007; Harper 2010b). The large stone-lined Outside the two cellars no evidence of a sub- south cellar, sauce pits, and the great quantities grade stone foundation or postholes indicative of of ceramics, including milk pans, liquor bottles, earthfast construction was found at the Sprague utensils, and food remains indicate the room site, indicating that the house sills had likely above the cellar was a pantry or service room, been laid on a fieldstone foundation or pads that perhaps with a small dairy. sat directly on the ground surface, a technique Six feet north of the cellar was a 9 × 7½ ft. that dates back to the 13th century in England fireplace feature filled with ash, small fragments (Carson et al. 1981:136–138). This distinctive of animal bone and fish scales, dressed field- “foundation-on-ground” construction technique stones, and many hearth-related artifacts such has been documented at several standing 18th- as straight pins, thimbles, European flint strike- century houses in Connecticut, including at a-lights, and glass beads. The fireplace feature the ca. 1745 Cady-Copp House in Putnam reached a depth of 2 ft. 8 in. below the ground (discussed below). Features found outside the surface. The deep footing appears to be related Sprague House include a stone-lined well mea- to the need for a large and stabilizing fireplace suring 8 ft. 2½ in. in diameter (the shaft was 2 base in the soft sandy soils of the site. Most of ft. in diameter) about 19½ ft. east of the south the fireplace stones had been removed to facili- cellar, an open-air hearth 16 ft. off the southeast tate plowing over this buried feature; and many corner of the south cellar (not a fireplace), and had likely been reused elsewhere. Some black- a large household midden approximately 50 ft. ened and fire-degraded (and unusable) dressed southeast of the house and bordered by a stone stones from the flue and firebox had been tossed wall. Based on these features and artifact distri- into the cellar. Evidence of a second cellar was butions, the area east of the house was likely the discovered 64 ft. to the north. Unlike the south yard and a high-activity area (Figures 4 and 7a). 18 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

FIGURE 6. Typical architectural artifacts from the Sprague site, top left to right: four pieces of limestone, shell mortar with brick impression, hand-wrought rose-head nail, green and blue-green window glass, three fragments of window lead (came), a pintle, and three fragments of strap hinges. (Photo by PAST/AHS, 2007.)

The many carbonized, melted, and burned heir to the homestead, Ephraim Sprague III, sold household artifacts discovered in the bottom of out and left Lebanon. The presence of large the south cellar were in a distinctive burned quantities of potatoes and grains suggests the layer that included thick concentrations of ash fire occurred in winter. Why the house remains and carbonized wooden boards across the cellar had been filled in and abandoned so quickly floor. Large pockets of ash and carbonized wood may be related to New England Puritan beliefs were also found in the north cellar indicating that fire was “a sign of God’s displeasure with the Sprague House had burned in a catastrophic sinful people” and was “a powerful symbol of fire, after which the house was abandoned and judgment, punishment, and cleansing, apocalyptic the cellars and other open features were quickly deliverance” (St. George 1998:247). filled in. The combination of carbonization and An interpretation of the Sprague House plan the abundance of ash, which made the acidic is illustrated in Figure 7a. The plan was first soils more alkaline, resulted in extraordinary projected with a cross passage between the artifact and ecofact preservation. Because many north cellar (parlor) and hall with a separate ceramic vessels were burned and broken and kitchen and pantry at the south end of the dropped to the cellar floors, cross-mending was house. A revised plan has been developed particularly productive. A record relating to pre- with Cary Carson, which follows that of a cisely when the house burned down has not been more-typical West Country cross-passage house found, but based on the latest-dated ceramics, (Carson 2012). This includes an 8 ft. wide cross kaolin tobacco pipes, coins, and other diagnostic passage between the pantry at the south end artifacts from the site, the fire appears to have of the house, abutting a large central fireplace occurred in the 1750s, about the time when the with a firebox facing the hall at the center of ross k. harper—”Their Houses are Ancient and Ordinary” 19

FIGURE 7. Interpretations of the Sprague House plan (a) and the Daniels House plan (b), showing features and projected walls and rooms. (Drawing by PAST/AHS, 2007.) 20 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) the house. Fewer artifacts were recovered from the northern end (Figure 7a). For example, the this area, indicating living space (and not refuse general layout of the Sprague House is similar disposal). Although projected to be a bit longer to the Old Rectory cross-passage house located than a typical West Country hall, the extra in the village of Lovington, Somerset, England space may have been created to accommodate (Figure 8). The house has stone walls with a the Sprague’s loom. thatched roof, is one-and-a-half stories high, North of the hall was a large room heated by and was first built with three main rooms anda a small fireplace in the northwest corner. With cross passage. The original late-medieval house the walls projected around the dug cellar and consisted of a central hall flanked by service fireplace, the room was approximately 20 ×20 rooms (black walls) and dates to ca. 1500. The ft. in size. A corner firebox was not especially hall fireplace stack, associated stairs, and upper common in 18th-century Connecticut, but it was floors were inserted ca. 1550. The west service done. Examples include the ca. 1760s Governor room was likely extended soon after, and a large Jonathan Trumbull Jr. House in Lebanon (Harper gable fireplace was built, creating the parlor. 2006) and the ca. 1765 Cady-Copp House in Then the east service room also had a fireplace Putnam (discussed below). Some of the artifact added, and the parlor fireplace stack was then types from the Sprague’s parlor include wild- and domestic-animal bone, drinking vessels such as tankards, eating utensils, kaolin tobacco pipes, and a pair of ember tongs. This room is interpreted as the parlor. Although a house could evolve and become an elongated pastiche from multigenerational additions of rooms, the long and narrow cross- passage plan of the Sprague House is based on a number of factors. Unlike the houses excavated in Massachusetts using antiquarian methods discussed above, the Sprague site was excavated by professional archaeologists using modern recovery techniques, including hand-excavated 50 × 50 cm quads within 1 m2 units on a grid over a large area. Surfer-program distributions of domestic and architectural artifacts show concentrations around the footprint of the house, within the filled cellar and fireplace features, and in outdoor midden areas. Because the house had burned and was rapidly filled in and abandoned, the locations of artifacts and features reveal room functions. The interpretation of the Sprague House as a typical three-room and cross-passage house of the West Country of England is not based merely on its long and narrow dimensions. This interpretation is derived from the locations and orientations of the cellars, fireplaces and other features, the artifact distributions, and by direct comparisons FIGURE 8. Plan and structure drawing of the Old Rectory to similar cross-passage houses in southeastern cross-passage house, village of Lovington, Somerset, England. England. The original house (solid black) dates to ca. 1500 The projected Sprague House plan included and consisted of a central hall and two service rooms. The a pantry, a central cross passage with an abut- hall fireplace was inserted ca. 1550, and the parlor and service-room fireplaces were added thereafter. The north ting fireplace, central hall, and heated pantry, wing with a kitchen, then bakery, was added in the early measuring approximately 70 ft. long, 16 ft. 17th century (Somerset and South Avon Vernacular Building wide through the main body, and 20 ft. wide at Research Group 1986:55–56). (Redrawn by author, 2012.) ross k. harper—”Their Houses are Ancient and Ordinary” 21 reduced in size. The kitchen wing, which later originally part of New London until it split off in functioned as a bakery, was added in the early 1801 (Harper and Clouette 2007; Harper 2010a). 17th century (Somerset and South Avon Vernac- The site is 3 mi. from Long Island Sound, 1 ular Building Research Group 1986:55–56). This mi. from the headwaters of the Niantic River, basic parlor, hall, cross-passage, and unheated and 3 mi. from the center of New London, service room layout was typical in the West a major deep-harbor port at the mouth of the Country of England, from where the Spragues Thames River. The first settler on the homestead derived their basic house plan. By the 17th was Thomas Daniels, whose grandfather John century, an unheated service room below the Daniels left England for New London in about cross passage was becoming uncommon among 1663 (Caulkins 1895:351–352). Thomas Daniels’s West Country farmers, and fireplaces, ovens, and father, also named John, married Agnes Baker in bacon chambers were typically added, thereby New London in 1685, and Thomas was born on converting the service rooms into workspace 22 January 1690. The construction of the Daniels suitable for heavy-duty food preparation, with House was serendipitously recorded in the diary everyday cooking conducted in the hall fireplace of Thomas Daniels’s neighbor Joshua Hempstead, (Figure 2c, d) (Carson 2012). Significantly, the which he kept daily from 1711 to 1758. Hemp- open-air hearth outside the Spragues’ pantry stead noted on 12 May 1712 that “I was att work (near the well) appears to have functioned att ye meeting house & Tho Daniels all day: as a heat source for such heavy-duty kitchen Boarding it,” and then on 28 May he wrote that activities. An outside hearth may simply have “I worked att the meeting house & Tho Daniels been a practical choice for the Spragues, who Shingeling & bording &c” (Hempstead 1901:9–10). needed a large fire and work area for the wide These entries indicate precisely when the Daniels variety of messy and labor-intensive tasks so House was built. On 2 July 1712 Thomas married common to frontier and rural households, such Hannah Keeney, the daughter of John Keeney, a as butchering livestock, rendering tallow and prominent local farmer with large landholdings. lard, dyeing yarn and cloth, laundry, and so on. The following year Thomas purchased his 22 ac. The added heat of a fieldstone fireplace in the lot from his father-in-law for £20 (New London pantry may have been seen by the Spragues as Land Records [NLLR]1713:303). creating an unsuitable environment for storing On 17 March 1735 Joshua Hempstead noted root vegetables, or “sauce,” and other foods that in his diary that “Thomas Daniels aged 40 odd, required stable cool temperatures and humid- Son of Jno Daniels Buried. He died yesterday ity year round. In other words, the heat from with a pleurisy, Sick not one week” (Hempstead a fieldstone fireplace would have caused the 1901:287). Thomas Daniels was a middling-sort potatoes to sprout prematurely or rot. farmer, who at the time of his death had accu- West Country cross-passage houses often had mulated a respectable farm of some 67 ac. of a heated parlor at the “head” of the house. This land, with “houses,” “fences,” and an “orchard” room provided an important space for Captain (NLLR 1716:89, 1717:152). His probate inventory Sprague to meet privately with militia officers, lists various household and farming possessions, church officials, and other distinguished guests including furniture, utensils, carpentry tools, a in his important military and social positions. gun, livestock, and farming implements, but little The Spragues had assumed positions in life in terms of luxury items beyond some pewter among the “better sort” and had, in effect, spoons and plates. Among Thomas’s most valuable created their own West Country house on the assets were his three “yoke of oxen” and other Connecticut frontier, although Captain Sprague livestock (CSA 1735). had likely never been to England. Following Thomas’s death his children inherited his estate, but they deeded the property to Daniels Site, 1712 to ca. 1770s Matthew Stewart, a prosperous local merchant and land speculator, with the proviso that Thomas’s Site History widow Hannah be allowed her lifetime dower’s right to live in the house until her death. On The near-coastal Daniels homestead site is 17 May 1744 Hempstead recorded “the Widow located in the town of Waterford, which was Hannah Daniels died (she was a Keeney, age near 22 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

50) I suppose. Buried on Saturday” (Hempstead wood that rotted away, or the entrance was merely 1901:425). Another deed that year described the a ramp. The cellar’s dirt floor was 3 ft. 9½ in. Daniels land as “with a mansion house, fences and below the ground surface, and at the northern end fruit trees” (NLLR 1744:325, 1749:138). (The term of the cellar the floor had been dug down another “mansion house” was a common holdover from 6 in. to serve as a sump to collect water seep- Norman French influence and simply denoted a age. The cellar was filled with two artifact-rich building people lived in, as opposed to other types strata of soil with mean ceramic dates of 1737 of “houses”: cow house, outhouse, warehouse, and 1738, indicating it was quickly filled with etc.) A probate inventory filed for Hannah in New artifact-laden soil (including midden soils) from London listed her few possessions, including her around the house. Eight feet from the cellar was wearing apparel, bedding, some cooking and serv- the remains of a fireplace feature that comprised ing utensils, domesticated animals, and her “lining one to two courses of carefully stacked fieldstone wheel” (CSA 1744). At the time Matthew Stewart placed just into the subsoil. The fireplace feature purchased the Daniels property he was amassing was 2 ft. below the ground surface and approxi- large landholdings in New London County. By the mately 4 ft. in diameter, though the original base late 1750s, however, Stewart found himself facing dimensions were likely square or rectangular and bankruptcy after losing several vessels to French larger. Around the fireplace feature was a dense privateers during the Seven Years’ War (Caulkins concentration of shell-mortar fragments. The 1895:474). To pay his debts he sold his holdings recovery of a few red-brick fragments suggest the in a grand “Scheme of a Lottery” in 1759. The chimney had been topped out with brick above archaeological data indicate the Daniels House the roofline. was occupied until about the 1770s, but it is not An interpretation of the Daniels House is illus- known who resided at the homestead after Hannah trated in Figure 7b. The Daniels House seems to died in 1744. The inhabitants may have won the have started as a basic one-room end-chimney land in the lottery or perhaps were tenants who type and is projected to have measured 16 × leased the house and land. 28 ft. No evidence for a foundation was discovered, indicating the house was built using the Findings foundation-on-ground construction technique, so when the house was abandoned and converted The buried remnants of the Daniels homestead into agricultural field, the fieldstones supporting site were discovered during an archaeological the sills were removed. Surfer-plot distributions survey for a proposed new interchange off a of ceramics, kaolin-pipe fragments, bone, and major interstate highway (Figures 7b and 9). nails showed artifact concentrations in the cellar, The remains of the house were on a small rise middens, and along the outer walls of the house entirely buried in an agricultural field immediately (Harper and Clouette 2007; Harper 2010a). adjacent to a large highway embankment that was In the western half of the house were a series of built in the 1950s (Figure 10). The embankment 27 postholes where an earthfast or post-in-ground covers a colonial-era road that once linked the addition had been appended to the original 1712 towns of Lyme and New London. The initial house. Concentrations of creamware (1762–1820) reconnaissance survey picked up material culture and Jackfield (1745–1790) ceramics, 4/64 in. stem- evidence of an 18th-century domestic occupation. bore diameter kaolin-pipe stems (1750–1800), and Intensified archaeological testing with 61 test pits other artifacts in and around the postholes indicate at 5 m intervals found no features but, neverthe- that the earthfast addition postdates Hannah’s death less, produced a dense assemblage of 18th-century in 1744. The postholes were characterized by very domestic and architectural artifacts, indicating that dark circular stains, typically 8–10 in. in diameter, a house had once stood within the project area. and extending anywhere from a few inches to a The following data recovery included 218, 1 m2 foot and a half down into the subsoil. Some of units. A total of 173,391 artifacts were recovered, the postholes still had small shim stones on the as were multiple features. The first feature discov- sides and bottoms to stabilize the posts. There ered was a 16 × 8 ft. fieldstone-lined cellar with were certainly more posts associated with the a bulkhead entrance. There were no stone stairs addition, but the postholes had been obliterated in the bulkhead; the steps were either made of by plowing after the home lot was abandoned. ross k. harper—”Their Houses are Ancient and Ordinary” 23

FIGURE 9. Phase II and III archaeological site plan of the Daniels site. (Drawing by PAST/AHS, 2007.)

FIGURE 10. The Daniels site during excavation. Photograph is taken from atop an artificial highway embankment. The cellar hole is to the left. The camera is facing south. (Photo by PAST/AHS, 2007.) 24 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

Some posts were shallow because of the extremely Within the earthfast addition was a dug, rocky soils at the site. The posts appear to have oval-shaped, subfloor pit measuring 9 ft. 10 been of the puncheon-post variety, which were in. × 5 ft. 3 in. The west side of the feature simply driven into the ground or set into augured was considerably deeper than the east side, holes. Puncheon-post architecture was the most basin shaped, and reached 2 ft. 6 in. below the primitive type of earthfast construction, with the ground surface. It was likely used to store food. outside of the upright posts planed flat and the The location of the subfloor pit and various clapboards simply nailed to the posts (Carson et hearth-related artifacts recovered from within, al. 1981:148). That earthfast construction was used including glass beads, a thimble, straight pins, in such a stony area and at such a late date (post- European flint strike-a-lights, and fragments 1744) seems somewhat remarkable and suggests a of calcined bone suggest the nearby fireplace need or desire for economy. Perhaps the addition may have been expanded into an H-shaped was built by a person of limited means who won type with a firebox added to the post-in-ground the house in the lottery, or perhaps it was built room, making the house a basic hall-and-parlor by tenants who did not want to make substantial plan. A post-in-ground lean-to addition was also improvements to a home they did not own. It added to the back (south) of the house; this seems likely that the house, by this time, was a post-Daniels structure was used as a blacksmith modest, even rundown structure. Post-in-ground shop/nailery, evidenced by dense concentrations construction was easy and expedient. of slag, scrap iron, scale, nail rods, and espe- The Daniels House appears to be the first cially nails. Two large middens were found in archaeological evidence for post-in-ground con- the south yard, and a shell midden was located struction in Connecticut, but it may not have to the west of the house. been altogether uncommon. In 1704 Sarah Kemble Outside the house were three sauce-pit fea- Knight, while traveling from Boston to New tures. One sauce pit was 2 ft. off the east end York, made an important observation of a house of the cellar; circular in plan and basin-shaped, in which she stayed, located on the east bank of it measured 4 ft. 8 in. in diameter and extended the Pawcatuck River (the border between Rhode 2 ft. 5 in. below the ground surface. It dates Island and Connecticut), less than 20 mi. from to the Daniels occupation of 1712–1744. After New London: being used to store root vegetables, the hole was filled with household refuse. Two more This little Hutt was one of the wretchedest I ever saw sauce pits were found 13 ft. and 23 ft. south a habitation for human creatures. It was suported with of the cellar and date to the Daniels and post- shores enclosed with clapbords, laid on Lengthways, and so much asunder, that the Light come throu’ every Daniels time periods. where; the doore tyed on with a cord in the ye place of hinges; The floor the bear earth; no windows but such Goodsell Site: “Old House” ca. 1725 to ca. 1775 as the thin covering afforded, nor any furniture but a and “New House” ca. 1750 to ca. 1797 Bedd with a glass Bottle hanging at the head on’t; an earthan cupp, a small pewter bason, A Bord with sticks to stand on, instead of a table, and a block or two in ye Site History corner instead of chairs. The family were the old man, his wife and two Children; and all every part being the The Goodsell homestead site is in the coastal picture of poverty. Notwithstanding both the Hutt and its uplands in the town of North Branford (part of Inhabitance were very clean and tydee: to the crossing the Old Proverb, that bare walls make giddy hows-wifes Branford until 1831) at the intersection of two (Knight 1825:23–24). 18th-century roads, 9 mi. north of Long Island Sound, and 8.25 mi. from the port of New Madam Knight’s description of the walls Haven (Harper et al. 2007; Harper 2008b). One “suported with shores enclosed with clapbords,” hundred and ninety feet to the east is a small that is, upright posts with clapboards nailed on, unnamed brook. Samuel Goodsell was born in seems analogous to the Daniels House. The East Haven in 1710 and was the son of Samuel earthfast addition was approximately 16 × 19 Goodsell Sr., a farmer of some social distinc- ft., which would have made the house, after tion who held various public offices, including the Daniels occupation, approximately 47 × 16 three terms as a selectman for the town of East ft. overall in size. Haven. Goodsell Sr. was the son of Thomas ross k. harper—”Their Houses are Ancient and Ordinary” 25

Goodsell, one of the original proprietors of her widowed mother Lydia at the homestead Branford in 1667 (Dodd 1824). Samuel Goodsell until Martha died in 1792. The land records Sr. acquired several tracts of land in Branford indicate that Lydia, by then well into her 80s, as a result of his father’s proprietor’s rights and died around 1797, and that before her death the purchased additional land from a local farmer children had sold most of the homestead lands named Jonathan Foot in 1732, which he later to a local farmer named James Smith, though gave to his son Samuel (Branford Land Records subject to her dower rights. In 1798 no house 1732:316–317). In about 1737 Samuel Goodsell is listed in the federal tax records for Lydia’s married Mary Hotchkiss; he had likely settled heirs or James Smith, indicating both houses on the homestead by that time. The couple had were gone or at least unoccupied by this time. four children together, Samuel, Mary, Deborah, The dower rights were released by daughter and Levi, but their mother died young in about Deborah in 1799, and thereafter no house is 1745, and Samuel then married a widow named mentioned in the deeds. Lydia Cooper and had two more children, Lydia and Martha. Findings Samuel’s life was cut short when he was “killed by a log at a sawmill” on 25 Novem- The remains of the Goodsell homestead site ber 1751 at the age of 41. Samuel had owned were discovered buried in the realignment of a a one-third interest in the sawmill, which was road intersection (Figure 11). Like at the Sprague probably located on the nearby Muddy River and Daniels sites, the Goodsell House remains (now Pine River). A probate inventory filed after were found buried and hidden on a small rise in Samuel’s death provides details of his real and an agricultural field. The intensified archaeological personal estate (CSA 1752). His lands included survey and data-recovery phases on the Goodsell 38 ac. plus another 14 ac. nearby that was his site included the excavation of 174 test pits and share from his mother’s widow’s dower. His 126, 1 m2 units. A total of 30,767 artifacts was holdings included a “New House,” an “Old recovered. A feature first discovered in a test pit House,” a large barn, an orchard, livestock, vari- during the intensive survey phase was expanded ous farming implements, a cider mill, beehives, to reveal a stone-lined cellar in the southern beds and bedding, clothes, a sword, a gun and part of the site (Figures 12 and 13b). The cellar powder horns, linen and woolen wheels, and a was 16 × 13 ft. in size, and the dirt floor was loom. Samuel’s estate reflects a man who had 3 ft. 11 in. below the ground surface. Several risen a bit above the middling sort; among his courses of the stone cellar walls remained, but few luxury items were “two China plates,” a the upper courses had evidently been removed “tooth and egg” (tutenag) spoon, various pewter before the cellar was filled in. Entrance to the spoons and plates, and “a pair of silver buttons” cellar was likely through a trapdoor in the floor (cufflinks). above, as no exterior bulkhead was found. The Lydia received her widow’s third of the estate, remnants of a fireplace base were 6 ft. east of which included one-third of the property, 2½ the cellar: a single course of fieldstone 3½ ft. in ac. of land around the house, a right in the diameter and covered in white mortar powder. New House, a one-third interest in the sawmill, The base was likely square or rectangular shaped one-third of the barn, cider mill, livestock, and originally, and larger. The fireplace feature was various household goods and farming imple- just below the plowzone stratum in the subsoil, ments. The remainder of the estate was divided and a dense concentration of shell-mortar frag- among Samuel’s children. The eldest son Samuel ments surrounded it. Localized rodent disturbance received a double share, which included lands, flanked the feature. part of the “young orchard,” and the Old There were no foundation stones projecting House. Son Levi received lands, and young from the cellar walls, indicating that the house daughters Lydia and Martha each received a was built using the foundation-on-ground tech- right in the New House and various household nique. The foundation stones had long since been and farm goods. Daughters Mary and Debo- removed when the house was abandoned and the rah also received household and farm goods. home lot converted into an agricultural field in Daughter Martha never married and lived with the late 1790s or early 1800s. Distinct Surfer-plot 26 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

FIGURE 11. Phase II and III archaeological site plan of the Goodsell site. (Drawing by PAST/AHS, 2007.)

distributions of domestic and architectural artifacts was found 50 ft. south of the house. The area to around and in the cellar and fireplace features the south of the house was likely the yard. delineated the footprint of the house. By projecting Approximately 32 ft. northwest of this house the house walls from the cellar to the fireplace another cellar was discovered running parallel to and considering the mention of “the chamber” and offset from the south cellar (Figures 11 and in the New House in Samuel Goodsell’s probate 13a). The cellar walls had been lined with field- records (one chamber implies one room above), stone, though most of the stone had been removed the house was likely a one-room end-chimney before the cellar was filled, evidently to be reused type, perhaps measuring 16 × 28 ft. in size elsewhere. The north cellar measured 21 × 13 ft., (Figure 13b). A household refuse midden extended and the dirt floor was 4 ft. 7 in. below the ground out along the east side of the fireplace, indicating surface. There was no in situ evidence of a fire- that the house was probably never expanded into place, though the northwest corner of the cellar a hall-parlor center-fireplace plan. With only the contained a high concentration of shell-mortar widow Lydia and her unmarried daughter Martha fragments, indicating the fireplace was likely near living in the New House there would have been this end. The fireplace footing had likely been little need to expand the house. Like other one- relatively shallow and then obliterated by plowing room end-chimney houses, the house plan likely after the house was removed. Only a few dressed included the main room (hall) with a small porch and shaped fireplace stones were in the cellar fill; or vestibule next to the chimney, with stairs lead- the rest were likely removed with most of the ing to the second floor. A buried stone-lined well cellar-wall stones and reused elsewhere. To the ross k. harper—”Their Houses are Ancient and Ordinary” 27

FIGURE 12. Excavation of the cellar of the Goodsell site “New House.” The camera is facing northeast. (Photo by PAST/ AHS, 2007.)

east of the cellar was a large and dense midden, undecorated and of the 1762–1820 period) recov- indicating the house had likely not extended in ered from the cellars were from the south cellar. that direction. The north-cellar house had also As in Virginia and Maryland, creamware seems to been built with the foundation-on-ground tech- have been regularly purchased in Connecticut only nique; it may have not been much bigger than after about 1770 and to have peaked in popular- the cellar, with just enough room for an end ity between 1780 and 1800, particularly among chimney. As at the southern house, Surfer-plot the “middling rank” (Martin 1989:1–27). Another distributions of domestic and architectural artifacts clue comes in the form of a liquor-bottle fragment were concentrated around and in the cellar feature. recovered from the south cellar; the initials “MG” Approximately 16 ft. west of the cellar was an are scratched into it, which are likely connected irregular oval-shaped feature that measured 4 ft. to the unmarried daughter Martha Goodsell, who 9 in. × 3 ft. and extended 6 in. into the subsoil. lived in the New House with her mother. The Its purpose is unclear, though its last function was Goodsell New House is among the few 18th- as a trash pit in the mid-18th century. century excavated houses that can be documented Diagnostic artifacts indicated that the house as being, for almost its entire history, occupied associated with the north cellar predates the solely by women. southern house and was abandoned before the It therefore seems that the south cellar is associ- southern house. The mean ceramic date for the ated with the New House, occupied between ca. northern cellar is 1749, 11 years earlier than the 1750 and ca. 1797, and the northern cellar is that south cellar. The south-cellar area also had 5 of the Old House, which is likely the dwelling pearlware sherds (1780–1830) and 10 machine-cut, mentioned in the 1732 deed transfer from Jonathan hand-headed nails (after ca. 1790). Seventy-three Foot to Samuel Goodsell’s father, Samuel Sr. It percent of the 855 creamware sherds (all were is difficult to determine precisely when the Old 28 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

FIGURE 13. Interpretations of the Goodsell “Old House” (a) and “New House” (b), and the western section of the Benedict House (c). (Drawing by PAST/AHS, 2007.) ross k. harper—”Their Houses are Ancient and Ordinary” 29

House was built, though it was likely after 1720 local Congregational church. Benjamin Benedict, when this area of North Branford was first settled. however, did not remain in Norwalk long. In The Foot House would have provided Samuel 1715, two years after he built his house, he Goodsell and his first wife Mary a good starter sold the homestead and moved to the nearby home when they arrived at the farmstead in about town of Ridgefield, where he participated in the 1737. In Samuel Goodsell’s 1752 probate records purchase of large landholdings and served as a the Old House was valued at only £150 and the selectman. The Benedict House was occupied by New House at £600. The eldest son Samuel, who four different families and had seven different had inherited the Old House, died only a few owners over the next 90 years. years after his father in 1756 at the age of 18 The second owner of the property was John (CSA 1758). When the younger Samuel’s estate Scrivener, who purchased 12 ac. with a dwelling was divided among his siblings two years later, house “standing thereon” from Benjamin Bene- the Old House was valued only at £10, indicating dict on 2 April 1715 (Norwalk Land Records it was small and in poor condition. The 1758 pro- 1715:527). Born in Huntington, Long Island, in bate distribution also indicates that the Old House 1684, John Scrivener’s father had been induced and some lands were rented out to unnamed ten- to settle in Norwalk by a generous grant of ants. Who and how many tenants occupied the land, provided he agree to ply his trade of Old House and for how long is also unknown, weaver. Little else is known about Scrivener, though the artifacts from the cellar suggest that it who held the property for nine years. On 20 was occupied, perhaps intermittently, from about February 1724, John Scrivener sold the 12 ac. 1725 to 1775, when it was dismantled and the to John Taylor (born 1673), who remained there cellar filled in. until his death in 1742. John Taylor was the son of Thomas Taylor, who came to Norwalk Benedict Site, ca. 1713 to ca. 1806 from Windsor, Connecticut, in about 1667 (Hurd 1881:635–637). Although the property was Site History described in the deed as a “parcel of land” with no direct mention of the house, the purchase The Benedict homestead was first established price of £80 suggests there was a house on the in about 1713 in the town of Norwalk when 12 ac., as unoccupied land at that time typically Benjamin Benedict or Bonnedick (a common sold for between £2 and £4 an acre (Norwalk early spelling) purchased 157 ac. on the east Land Records 1724:523). In a 1733 deed the side of “Danbury Road” and built a house property was described as John Taylor’s “home (Norwalk Land Records 1713:427; Harper et lot,” and a new road was extended from the al. 2007; Harper 2008c). The site is on a road northern edge of the property, which places the that connected the port town of Norwalk to dwelling near the corner of what is today Dan- Danbury 18 mi. to the north, later becoming a bury Road and Grumman Hill Road (Norwalk turnpike in 1795. The road, still called Danbury Land Records 1733:377). The next year, when Road or U.S. Route 7, is now a major interstate Taylor briefly mortgaged the property to his throughway. The Norwalk River is approxi- neighbor, Solomon Manrow (probably to secure mately 300 ft. to the west of the site, and a loan), he referred to it as including “my Long Island Sound is 7 mi. to the south. The now dwelling house” (Norwalk Land Records homestead was in Norwalk until 1802 when the 1734). Taylor’s probate and landholding records town of Wilton was set off and incorporated; indicate he was a middling-sort farmer who the northwest corner of Wilton borders New owned the 12 ac. lot with a house and other York State. Benjamin Benedict (1678–1773) was small land parcels in Norwalk and in the nearby the grandson of Thomas Benedict (born 1617), town of Danbury (CSA 1742). His possessions who had come to Massachusetts from England included livestock, bushels of grains, household in about 1638. Thomas moved to Long Island furnishings, cooking implements, various “stone” and then to Norwalk in 1665. Benjamin Bene- and “earthen” vessels, forks and knives, tools, dict’s father, John Benedict, married Phoebe and farming implements. His few luxury items Gregory and was a prominent Norwalk resident included a large pewter platter, a silk handker- who served as a selectman and a deacon of the chief, and a castor (beaver) hat. After his death, 30 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) the property came into the possession of his indicated a house once stood in the area. The son, also named John, who occupied it for more data recovery that followed included the exca- than 30 years until he sold 8 ac., the house, vation of 19, 1 m2 units and the discovery of and barn to Seth Abbott in 1774 (Norwalk Land a filled-in and buried stone-lined cellar (Figures Records 1774:264). 13c and 14). The cellar is 18 ft. from the Seth Abbott had a distinguished military career southwest corner of the ca. 1850 Hanford House during the Revolutionary War, serving as a lieu- (now converted into offices) and 16 ft. from tenant in W. G. Hubbard’s company of General the edge of Danbury Road. The cellar walls Silliman’s battalion in 1776. He was in the were constructed of dry-laid fieldstone, and the Battle of Long Island, 27 August 1776, and at dirt cellar floor was approximately 4 ft. below the Battle of White Plains later that year. He is the ground surface. A 10 to 12 in. dip in the recorded in local histories as shooting a British southwest corner of the cellar floor may have soldier dead during the British raid on Norwalk functioned as a sump. Five to six courses of in 1779, when part of the town was burned fieldstone remained in the cellar walls, which (Bouton 1851:48–49,73). Seth Abbott is believed were approximately 3 ft. high. Set off 2 ft. from to have removed to Vermont, and by 1789 his the inside northwest corner of the cellar wall cousin John Abbott owned the land, though no appeared to be a bulkhead entrance, though com- record of the land transfer has survived. That pact stone and large tree roots prohibited further same year John Abbott sold the “buildings and excavation. A vertical break in the north cellar fruit trees” to his son Judd Abbott, who had wall, also 2 ft. from the corner, further suggested served in the Revolutionary War in Ezra Starr’s a bulkhead entrance. About 8 ft. to the south of regiment of light horse in 1781 (Norwalk Land the house was a dense 18th-century midden. The Records 1789:496). Judd Abbott appears to have archaeological investigations were confined to the resided at the homestead until 1806 when he project-area limits (road alignment boundary), sold out and moved to Long Island and then thus further excavation of the bulkhead and the the Hudson River valley. The property then cellar could not be conducted. The remainder went through a series of owners; the lowered of the house site is unexcavated and lies buried value of the parcel and intermittent mention of beneath layers of fill and plowzone. “buildings” suggest there was no longer a house Although the house was occupied by various there, though there is no direct evidence as to families, and only a western portion of the cellar when the house was abandoned. In 1845 Wil- and home lot was excavated (the eastern portion liam Hanford purchased the property, and within remains intact), a considerable amount of new the next seven years the value of the property information on 18th-century households in the doubled in value, suggesting the construction of western part of Connecticut was gathered. The a new house in about 1850, believed to be the cellar hole was especially rich in 18th-century standing Greek Revival house on the property set artifacts, and preservation was especially good as farther back from the road. From 1852 to 1897 the cellar had evidently been filled with midden the house and land was occupied by a carpenter soils and buried soon after the house was aban- named Nelson Hanford and his family (Wilton doned. The mean ceramic date for the cellar Land Records 1845:58, 1852:324). feature is 1768, which correlates with a mid- occupation date of 1760, based on the 1713 to Findings 1806 land-deed records. The latest-dated ceramics are 13 pearlware sherds and 104 creamware The remains of the ca. 1713 Benedict House sherds, which also suggests, as at the Goodsell were initially found beneath almost 2 ft. of and Daniels sites, that creamware reached its roadside fill and a buried plowzone during an highest popularity in the 1780 to 1800 period archaeological reconnaissance survey for a road- (Martin 1989:1–27). Also from the cellar-fill widening project. The project area was covered soils came fragments of shell-and-clay mortar, with lawn and large trees. Twelve test pits were red brick, four window-lead (came) fragments, excavated in the intensive survey phase; although 240 handwrought nails (with no machine-cut no features were discovered, high densities of types), and 261 fragments of green and blue- 18th-century domestic and architectural artifacts green window glass. ross k. harper—”Their Houses are Ancient and Ordinary” 31

FIGURE 14. The southwestern section of the Benedict House cellar. The camera is facing west. (Photo by PAST/AHS, 2007.)

Story Site, 1777 to 1903 Story, was from Ipswich, Massachusetts. Also in 1771, Ebenezer Story married Mehitable Webb, a Site History woman from a prominent local family. Ebenezer already owned a house in the Chelsea section of The Story homestead site sits on a terrace Norwich, and six years later he completed the overlooking the Thames River in the town of construction of a second house on the riverside Preston, which split from the town of Norwich 20 ac. parcel he owned in common with his in 1786 (Harper and Clouette 2006, 2009; father and brother. Jonathan then sold his share Harper 2010c). The port of New London is 12½ to another son Jonathan Jr., and son Samuel sold mi. down the Thames River on Long Island his share to his brothers Ebenezer and Jonathan Sound, and 2½ mi. to the north is Norwich, Jr. (Norwich Land Records 1778:254,256). On 20 which was an important inland port in the 18th May 1777 Ebenezer petitioned the Connecticut century. In 1771, Jonathan Story (born 1720) General Assembly for permission to operate a and his sons Ebenezer (born 1749) and Samuel tavern in his new house, which “has been built (born 1746) each purchased a one-third inter- since Jan.y last,” indicating precisely when the est in a 20 ac. “lot of land” corresponding to Story House was completed (CSA 1777). The the location of the Story site (Norwich Land house was also described as being “a few rods” Records 1771:75). Jonathan Story, a middling- from the shipyard where the 32-gun Continen- sort farmer, was ordained a minister of a New tal frigate Confederacy was under construction. Light Separatist Church in Norwich in 1752 The tavern license was requested by Ebenezer (Caulkins 1866:321). Jonathan’s father, Samuel to cater to the hundreds of itinerant shipyard 32 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) workers there. The building of the frigate on at the house until she remarried local farmer the Storys’ land seems at least in part related to and Revolutionary War veteran Caleb Edson in his wife Mehitable’s family connections, as she 1791. She was widowed again in 1805, however, was the niece of Samuel Huntington, a signer of when Caleb drowned in the Thames River. The the Declaration of Independence and president of Story property went into the hands of Ebenezer the Continental Congress, and a distant cousin and Mehitable’s son Ebenezer Story II when of Joshua Huntington, the Norwich merchant in his uncle, Jonathan Story Jr., sold him his half charge of building Confederacy. Along with his interest in the property in 1792, and another land lease for the shipyard and tavern activities, son, James, sold his brother Ebenezer II his Ebenezer also sold timber to the shipyard, and interest in 1805 (PLR 1792:103, 1805:169). milk and meals to the shipyard workers (Wolcott- Ebenezer Story II married Mary Mansfield about Huntington Papers 1777–1779). The Confederacy 1807, and they had 11 children together. Like was launched in November of 1778. Ebenezer his father and grandfather, he appears to have sold his Chelsea house in October 1780 and combined farming, fishing, and shellfishing. continued operating the tavern, as he appears on The U.S. Coast Survey map of 1841 shows a 1782 list of tavernkeepers drawn up by town several buildings on the site, clustered closely officials in January of that year (Preston Land together, indicating that the house was associ- Records [PLR] 1780:335; CSA 1782b). ated with a couple of outbuildings (United States According to recorded family histories, Ebene- Coast Survey 1841). In 1843 the Norwich and zer Story hired on as a ship’s carpenter on the Worcester Railroad purchased a right-of-way on Confederacy, which was captured by the British the Story property, and train tracks were laid navy on 14 April 1781 off the coast of Virginia between the Story House and the bank of the and taken to New York City. The crew was Thames River. About that time Ebenezer Story first held on the prison-ship Jersey, anchored in II sold a southern portion of his property to Wallabout Bay, where the prisoners lived in hor- his son, Ebenezer Story III (born 1809), who rific conditions in cramped below-deck quarters. had recently built a second house on the south Later, the crew was transferred to the notorious end of the property (PLR 1843:354). According Sugar House prison in Brooklyn, where Ebene- to the returns of the 1850 federal census, both zer reportedly starved to death (Johnson 1904; Ebenezer Story II and Ebenezer Story III were National Society Daughters of the American fishermen, as was James A. Story, another son Revolution 1965). Ebenezer’s probate records of Ebenezer II, who lived with his father (United were filed in Norwich courts on 18 November States Bureau of the Census 1850). Boarding 1782 and list his half interest in the 20 ac. parcel with the Storys was a railroad laborer, his wife, with “half the dwelling house standing thereon” and young daughter. The property with the older (his brother Jonathan Jr. owning the other half). house was valued at $2,000 that year, while that He also had 21 ac. of his late-father’s estate occupied by the younger Story on Craig’s Cove, (Jonathan Sr. had died the previous year), which presumably smaller, was valued at $700. Follow- he shared with another brother, Stephen Story. ing his father’s death in 1852, Ebenezer Story Ebenezer also had part ownership of the fam- III acquired the entire property. After he died in ily’s cider mill, saltworks, fishing seines, several 1873, the children of Ebenezer Story III owned canoes, and a scow (CSA 1782a). Other pos- the property in common for another 20 years, sessions included various household furnishings, with his son Charles F. Story continuing to carpentry tools, a “Blue sea chest,” and £233 in reside in the southern house. In 1895 Charles’s gold and silver, a substantial sum, likely most son Thomas Winship Story bought out seven of what he had earned from the Confederacy other heirs; he then sold most of the property, project. Although he was only about 33 years old including all of the original Story homestead, when he died, Ebenezer Story had done well in to the Dawley Lumber Company in 1903 (PLR life and had purchased a few luxuries including 1844:485, 1852:506,507, 1895:19, 1903:290). a beaver hat, a silver watch, and silver shoe and The parcel and buildings were eventually sold knee buckles. to the former Norwich State Hospital, and the Ebenezer Story left Mehitable widowed with house was burned down in the 1960s during a three young sons. She seems to have remained fire-department training exercise. ross k. harper—”Their Houses are Ancient and Ordinary” 33

Findings cellar was 16 ft. wide and the house was 20 ft. wide. The western house wall, 4 ft. from The remains of the Story homestead were the cellar wall, was only one to two courses discovered during an archaeological reconnais- of dry-laid fieldstone, which rested directly on sance survey of the 500 ac. former Norwich the subsoil or hardpan. This deeper Story House State Hospital campus conducted preparatory to foundation wall was laid within a plowzone; the redevelopment of the property. The site area perhaps the turned and softer plowed soils called initially looked unpromising and was covered for a deeper foundation than for houses that were with bulldozed fill, trash from the nearby state built on top of original undisturbed topsoil using hospital buildings, and thick tangled beds of the foundation-on-ground technique. It appears poison ivy and bittersweet vines. Barely visible from several early photographs of the Story at the ground surface were several short sections House that the northern 32 × 24 ft. part of the of dry-laid stone walls. All vegetation was cut house was built under the ownership of Ebenezer away from the site, and the intensive survey Story II. It has typical 19th-century architectural testing that followed included 69 test pits placed features, including substantial overhangs on the on a 5 m interval grid for even site coverage. gable ends of the roof, long and narrow propor- Although layers of fill, 1 to 2 ft. thick, covered tions, and a small chimney. There is, however, much of the site, intact and deeply stratified arti- an older looking ell off the south side (Figure fact deposits were found in test pits just south 16). This ell appears to be the original 1777 of the stone-wall remains. The subsequent data- Story House, perhaps measuring 20 × 20 ft. and recovery phase included the excavation of 74, 1 a one-room end-chimney type with two stories. m2 units. The removal of the modern-era upper- In the photographs two doors can be seen, one fill strata on the site was done with a backhoe on the 19th-century portion and one on the older fitted with a flat landscaping blade and by hand ell, both of which face the river. excavation, which revealed that the sections of To the south of the house were two dry-laid stone walls were actually the foundation outbuildings. One, represented by a dry-laid stone walls of a large L-shaped house (Figure 15). The foundation 60 ft. away, measured approximately walls correspond with railroad survey maps from 30 × 23 ft., with a later 11½ × 23 ft. addition ca. 1890 and 1915 that show the Story House on the west side. Another outbuilding, closer and outbuildings. Several early photographs also to the house, sat on piers constructed of show the house and outbuildings, including one dressed and compact fieldstones placed in holes. taken in the early 20th century (Figure 16). The construction dates and functions of the On the south side of the house was a stone outbuildings are unclear, they may have been bulkhead entrance leading into the cellar, which associated with the “two barns, one shop, and was built with dry-laid fieldstone walls. In the other outbuildings” listed in the 1873 probate southeast corner of the cellar was a red-brick records of Ebenezer Story III. Neither outbuilding cistern with white parging, measuring 11 × 6 ft. found during the fieldwork had cellars, nor was and approximately 3 ft. in depth. It is not clear likely to have been a dwelling originally. South when the cistern was constructed; but brick and of the house was a yard, and the recovery of stone cisterns were commonly used in maritime numerous lead net weights indicates that fishing regions where fresh water was scarce or when seines were likely made and repaired there. wells became contaminated by brackish water Other features, approximately 30 ft. southwest (Harper 1990). No evidence of a well was found, of the house, include a sauce pit that measured but it may still exist in an area near the house approximately 3 ft. 2½ in. in diameter and 3 ft. that was not excavated. 10 in. deep. This sauce pit was later used as a The cellar was full of architectural and 20th- refuse midden and was filled with shellfish and century domestic debris from the burning and animal bone, including the entire articulated skel- demolition of the house in the 1960s, as well eton of a great horned owl (Bubo virginianus). as sand-and-gravel fill, and was not extensively The few diagnostic artifacts from this feature excavated. The locations of the two fireplace indicate it was used sometime in the early 19th bases were projected from photographs of the century. Two more partial sauce-pit features, house. In the southern part of the house the dating from the late 18th to early 19th century, 34 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

FIGURE 15. Phase II and III archaeological site plan of the Story site. (Drawing by AHS, 2007.) ross k. harper—”Their Houses are Ancient and Ordinary” 35

which included matching sets of creamware and China-glaze tablewares, and numerous fragments of clear-glass tumblers, case bottles, and liquor bottles. The types and quantities of these ware types are consistent with a tavern that fed more than a family. Large fragments of slag also came from this level, likely refuse from the numerous iron forges at the nearby Confederacy shipyard. Above the tavern stratum was a cobble layer dating to the early 19th century; that stratum appears to have been created as a work surface; over the cobble paving were various tools, including assorted knives and large quantities of shell and fish bone, indicating this was also where fish and shellfish were processed. After the partial data-recovery phase was completed, the state concluded that the Story site was too important to be developed, given the richness of the site, its ability to provide new FIGURE 16. An early-20th-century photograph of the Story information on historical period lifeways along House showing the 19th-century addition and the ell, the Thames River, and its association with the believed to be the original 1777 house. In the foreground Confederacy shipyard, whose location had been is the Thames River. Note how the door faces the river and unknown until the archaeological investigations. not the road. The camera is facing east. (Courtesy of the Preston Historical Society.) The site, inclusive of the ca. 1840 Story House site to the south, has been designated a State of Connecticut Archaeological Preserve, ensuring permanent preservation. and part of a fence line that dates to the second half of the 19th century, were in the northeast Cady-Copp Site, ca. 1745, corner of the site. Occupied to the 1920s In the south yard area a large and stratified midden was found. The midden was created by Site History using a deep natural swale as a refuse disposal area. The midden is at least 23½ × 19 ft. in The Cady-Copp House was built in ca. 1745 horizontal dimensions based on the archaeological when Joseph Cady, Esq., of the town of Kill- testing. The swale was used as a midden from ingly deeded two parcels of land to his son- the period when the house was built until the in-law Perley Howe (born ca. 1710), the newly mid-19th century, when it was nearly full, at called minister of the local Congregational church which time it was capped with fill. Seven 12 m (Harper et al. 2005; Harper and Clouette 2010a; units were excavated in a trench line through Harper 2010d). On one of the parcels, a 10 ac. the midden. The lowest stratum of the midden, lot, Cady built a house for his daughter Damaris which reaches over 8 ft. in depth, produced a (born ca. 1718), her husband Rev. Howe, and diversity of domestic artifacts as well as numer- their children (Figure 17). Joseph Cady was a ous fragments of brick, window glass, mortar, prosperous man and public servant who served as and nails attributed to the construction of the a captain in the local militia and as town clerk. house, which was completed in January 1777. He was also a justice of the peace and a founder Large pockets of sand-and-gravel subsoil and of a library association in 1739. Rev. Howe died boulders were also found at this lowest level of of consumption in 1753, and the next year widow the swale, which seems to be the displaced soil Damaris married Rev. Aaron Brown (born 1725), from when the house-cellar hole was dug out by Howe’s replacement in the pulpit. He moved into the builders (cellar ejecta). Rich midden deposits the house with Damaris and raised her six chil- were found above the house-construction stratum, dren as his own. There he also prepared one son, 36 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

Joseph Howe, and other local boys for college. passed through a number of owners until 1992 In 1768 another son of Damaris, Samson Howe, when it was deeded to the local Aspinock His- acquired full title to the house. In 1775 Rev. torical Society, which still maintains the house Brown died suddenly and Damaris passed away and associated small lot (Harper et al. 2005; the next year. Damaris’s probate reveals that she Harper and Clouette 2010a). possessed a number of luxury items including The Cady-Copp House is essentially square gold jewelry, silver buckles, silver spoons, silk in plan (32 × 32 ft.), with a small portico and gowns, pewter plates, and a “library,” which pantry (Figures 17 and 18). The house is two she willed to her children and grandchildren stories with a gambrel roof, clapboard siding, and (CSA 1776). a large central fieldstone fireplace. The house inte- In 1776 Samson Howe sold the house and rior exhibits large cased framing members, panel- property, then totaling about 50 ac., to a house ing around the fireplaces, and wide floorboards. carpenter from Norwich, Connecticut, named The ground floor is divided into four main rooms David Copp (1750–1833). Copp was known for with fireboxes in a corner of each room. The his skilled work on churches and bridges in the kitchen firebox is larger and is equipped with area; he served in the local militia as a sergeant a bake oven. A door leads from the kitchen to and had answered the Alarm at Lexington in the backyard, with stairs leading down into the April 1775. In 1818 Copp conveyed the house L-shaped cellar, which lies beneath the southern and property, then amounting to about 30 ac., part of the house. A winding staircase lead- to his son Simon Copp (born 1781), who was ing to the second floor has a bay window for also a house carpenter. The sale was on the space and light. Many of these house features condition that he would support his father and are not typical for 18th-century Connecticut wife (his father’s second) for the remainder of domestic architecture as it is commonly known; their lives. After Simon Copp died in 1841 the however, these features may have once been house and property were held by Simon Copp’s commonplace, and a similar house style can be widow; son James Copp, a sea captain; and found at the John Goddard House in Newport, other Copp relations until 1872 when it was Rhode Island, which was built before 1758. purchased by William Marsh. The property then The Cady-Copp House reflects the prosperity

FIGURE 17. An 1889 photograph of the Cady-Copp House; the camera is facing northeast. (Courtesy of the Aspinock Historical Society.) ross k. harper—”Their Houses are Ancient and Ordinary” 37

FIGURE 18. Phase III archaeological site plan of the ca. 1745 Cady-Copp House. (Drawing by PAST, 2003.)

and education of Joseph Cady and his daughter privy. Large paving stones off the back door of Damaris, as well as typical Yankee pragmatism the kitchen lead to a stone-lined well. Remark- in form and materials. ably, the house was never equipped with modern Surviving structural elements and old photo- plumbing or electricity, and local informants graphs and drawings of the Cady-Copp home- noted that it was last occupied in the 1920s. stead indicate that it has not greatly changed since the 18th and 19th centuries. Now over- Findings grown with hardwood forest, the home lot is lined with stone walls bordering old fields, Time and decades of being unoccupied have animal pens, and vestigial roads. Several field- left the Cady-Copp House in bad shape. Reno- stone foundations near the house reveal the vation of the house by the Aspinock Historical locations of various outbuildings, including a Society and the town of Putnam is currently barn that was destroyed in a 1938 hurricane. underway, which first includes the installation To the east are open fields that were once the of drains in the backyard, assessing the founda- Killingly Town Common and militia-training tion, and repairing cellar windows. Prior to this ground. The few modern additions include subsurface disturbance, archaeological testing asphalt roof shingles, replacement windows and was conducted around the house. Because the exterior doors, and a hand pump in the pantry. house was never fitted with modern utilities A round pipe hole above the kitchen fireplace and was last occupied almost a century ago, the indicates there had once been a cast-iron cook excavations offered a rare opportunity to better stove. To the back of the house is a shed made understand 18th-century house construction and of reused timbers and equipped with a two-seat home-lot use. Excavations included a 13 m long 38 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) excavation block at the back (east side) and one point to deposition in the last quarter of the to three 1 m2 units on each side of the house. 18th century; perhaps the firebox was repaired The excavations discovered a number of fea- and the bulkhead sealed and filled in during tures and activity areas (Figure 18). Outside the renovations to the house after it was purchased kitchen door were the remains of a rich midden by carpenter David Copp in 1776. with mid-18th- to mid-19th-century domestic The excavations also revealed a considerable refuse. Layers of buried flagstones revealed a amount of important information on 18th-century walkway between the kitchen door and northeast house-construction techniques. In a 1 m2 unit corner of the house that once functioned as a excavated on the southeast corner of the house pathway to the well and the north fields. The (N1W1) an example of an important construc- discovery of a buried gray-water iron pipe lead- tion technique was discovered, classified here as ing from the pantry sink to the yard is one of a “splayed-foot foundation” (Figures 18 and 19). the house’s few “modern” conveniences. Splayed-foot foundation construction involved Excavations on the south side of the house digging the cellar hole and then building up a and flanking the portico found evidence of flat vertical surface on the interior wall face, cellar window wells made with reused brick with outwardly splayed stacked stone on the and fieldstones. The portland cement used in exterior wall face. The base of the splayed-foot their construction and associated artifacts indi- foundation exterior is typically 2 ft. wide and cate construction in the late 19th to early 20th several feet deep, often resting directly on the century. A 1 m2 unit on the west side of the buried original topsoil. The splayed-foot tapers house (N5W11) found evidence of a mid-18th- to upward toward the cellar wall from the ground early-19th-century midden. Testing on the north surface. This in effect creates a hypotenuse side of the house near the pantry (N10W6) dis- triangle of stacked stone against the outer covered a concentration of seven clay marbles. cellar wall. Soil that was shoveled out of the This protected corner had provided a play nook cellar hole (cellar ejecta) when the house was where a mother could conveniently keep watch built was then shoveled in and over the outer over her children from a kitchen window. splayed-foot foundation wall. Then, large and During the first field season, what appeared to flat stones, sometimes called “drip stones,” were be a buried bulkhead entrance to the cellar was placed on top of the splayed-foot and against discovered on the east side of the house. The the outer cellar walls, and angled down and interior wall of the cellar opposite the bulkhead away from the cellar. has a recessed storage shelf. Continued excava- The splayed-foot foundation wall accomplished tion the following field season revealed that the two important things: it created a more-stable bulkhead entrance had been walled up and the cellar wall/foundation by reinforcing the exterior, cavity filled in with soil and stone. The bulkhead and the downward angle of the stones directed was built with fieldstone walls with no evidence rainwater from the roof away from the cellar. of stairs leading down into the cellar. Perhaps The splayed-foot cellar wall has also been dis- they had been made of wood, which has long covered during excavations at other standing- rotten away. The bulkhead fill included artifact- house sites, including the ca. 1805 Prudence rich midden soil, pockets of ash and debris from Crandall House in Canterbury, the ca. 1810 a rebuilt firebox, probably in the kitchen. Arti- Brown-Elton Tavern in Burlington, and at the facts included fire-cracked and degraded dressed 1814 Sylvester Judd House in Westhampton, fieldstone, 1,915 bone fragments, eggshells, fish Massachusetts, indicating its use well into the scales, and shellfish. Also recovered were button 19th century and elsewhere in New England fragments, a blue glass bead, a sheet-brass aglet, (Harper 2008d; 2008e; Harper et al. 2009). sewing-needle fragments, 59 straight pins, and a When and where the splayed-foot technique brass thimble––artifacts lost by women toiling originated is unknown, but it was likely wide- over a hot kitchen hearth. Other artifacts included spread in the region and used for generations. sherds from red-earthenware baking dishes, a Another important 18th-century construction red-earthenware pot or butter pot, an English technique, “foundation-on-ground,” was revealed white salt-glazed stoneware tea saucer, and a at the foundation wall on the north side of the Chinese porcelain cup or bowl. The artifacts house (Unit N10W6) (Figures 18 and 20). This ross k. harper—”Their Houses are Ancient and Ordinary” 39

FIGURE 19. Photograph of the “splayed-foot” cellar-wall/foundation construction technique at the Cady-Copp House. Some of the stone and soil were removed to show the splayed foot resting directly on the black, buried A-horizon soil, the ground surface when the house was built ca. 1745. The large flat stone on top is a “drip stone.” (Photo by PAST, 2003.)

unit clearly showed that the fieldstone founda- the house was built), and then intact subsoils tion of the house was built directly on the below (B1-, B2- and C-horizon soils). Other original mid-18th-century ground surface (now standing-house sites where the foundation-on- a buried A horizon). When the house was built, ground technique was documented include the ca. the fieldstone foundation was laid directly on 1720 Huntington House in Scotland and the ca. the ground surface with no builder’s trench dug. 1715 Josiah Loomis House in Andover (Stachiw After the foundation was completed, the soil dug 2000; Harper and Harper 2007). Foundation- out of the cellar hole (cellar ejecta) by the build- on-ground construction seems to have persisted ers was spread around the house and up against as a widespread, if not dominant, construction the foundation walls. Over time, dark and loamy technique in Connecticut in the 18th century and topsoil accumulated on top of the cellar ejecta. most certainly elsewhere in New England. This sequence of construction and soil deposi- Significantly, when such houses were aban- tion on the unplowed original ground surface doned and dismantled, and the home lots con- (buried A horizon) could also be seen in the soil verted to agricultural fields, the foundation profiles in the other excavation units, including stones on the ground surface were picked up the long and linear excavation block on the east and reused elsewhere, or tossed in a cellar hole side of the house (Figure 21). Starting from the or other open features to fill them, leaving no ground surface these soils included a thick layer in situ remains of foundation walls beyond the of topsoil, various deposits of cellar ejecta below cellar walls. The use of the foundation-on-ground (made up of displaced A-, B- and C-horizon technique also means that these houses had no soils), a buried A horizon (ground surface when builder’s trenches associated with them. The 40 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

FIGURE 20. Photograph of “foundation-on-ground” construction at the Cady-Copp House. Note that the fieldstone foundation is resting directly on the black, buried A-horizon soil (arrow), the ground surface when the house was built ca. 1745. (Photo by PAST, 2003.)

FIGURE 21. Soil-profile drawing of the linear block excavated on the east side of the house. Soil strata include from top to bottom: Topsoil, cellar ejecta (soil displaced from digging out the cellar by the builders), the thin, buried A horizon (the ground surface ca. 1745), and intact B1-, B2-, and C-horizon subsoil strata below. (Drawing by PAST, 2003.) ross k. harper—”Their Houses are Ancient and Ordinary” 41 house walls of such archaeologically excavated French Army through Connecticut during the houses can be projected from the buried remains Revolutionary War, the French Abbé Robin of cellars, fireplace bases, and other features observed that found below the plowzone stratum and by plot- ting the distributions of domestic and architec- Scattered about among the forests, the inhabitants have tural artifacts in and around the footprint of little intercourse with each other, except for when they go to church. Their dwelling-houses are spacious, proper, the house, such as at the Sprague, Daniels, and airy, and built of wood, and are at least one story in Goodsell house sites discussed above. Artifact height, and herein keep all their furniture and substance concentrations are naturally less dense inside the (Robin 1783:25). houses when they were occupied, as refuse was discarded out of doors. The continued use of traditional English The Cady-Copp House and associated home architecture and small houses reflects Con- lot, now in the town of Putnam (incorporated necticut’s “Steady Habits,” where waste was a 1855), has been designated a State of Connecti- sin, efficiency was revered, and style changes cut Archaeological Preserve, ensuring permanent came, “like Yankee humor, in small things and preservation. subtle details” (Garvan 1951:121). Although there developed a small, wealthy, landowning, and Summary merchant segment of the population, particularly in the urban centers along the major rivers, Early humble dwellings that were once com- 18th-century Connecticut society did not have monplace and reflective of English building tra- the great chasms in social class that divided the ditions are rarely found standing in Connecticut, populations in the Southern colonies and Europe. but remnants of them can sometimes be found “Wealth is rare;” a Polish statesman visiting Con- hidden within the framework of old houses and necticut observed in 1798: discovered buried under farm fields, residential yards, and next to historic roads by archaeolo- [P]overty is still more rare. A good situation is gists. The six 18th-century homesteads and other common practically everywhere. Almost everyone, except for wine and comforts from abroad, eats, drinks smaller house sites, all part of cultural resource and dresses in the same way, and one can see the most management projects, are enriching the under- obvious inequality only in their dwellings (Niemcewicz standing of Connecticut’s 18th-century domestic 1965:136). architecture and lifeways. While Connecticut Yankees often appeared to outsiders as austere, The archaeology of 18th-century house sites religiously zealous, and steeped in English cus- is showing that houses were typically built on toms, the culture was also dynamic and adapt- small land rises for better drainage and made able. While the hearth and home was the domain with basic hardware such as large hand-forged of women, the family connections that women strap hinges, latches, pintles, and handwrought brought into a marriage could be major factors nails. Leaded windows fitted with green and contributing to a family’s long-term prosperity. blue-green diamond- and triangular-shaped panes Women in colonial Connecticut, such as Lydia or quarrels continued to be used throughout the and Martha Goodsell and Hannah Daniels, could 18th century. Cellars were typically deep, well choose to live independently. built, lined with dry-laid stone, and with dirt Early Connecticut houses were built of floors. Some cellars had bulkhead entrances, and the abundant materials at hand, with sturdy others were entered through a trap door or stairs wood frames, deep cellars, and large fieldstone above them. Some had sumps dug in the floor fireplaces; they were well suited to the colonists’ to collect water seepage, which could ruin food needs and environment, and could be readily stores. These cellars effectively kept food staples expanded when needed. Houses were typically of salted beef and pork, cider, vegetables, and sided with riven hard- or softwood clapboards apples dry and cool in the hot summers and and roofed with cedar shingles. Before 1800 frost-free in the frigid winters. After houses the majority of houses was not painted at all were abandoned and dismantled or moved, the (Larkin 2006:69–70). While traveling with the cellars were commonly filled in with discarded 42 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) fireplace stones, field cobbles, and soil from one-room end-chimney and cross-passage types, around the house. This soil is normally artifact and old building techniques, including the foun- rich because in the 18th century domestic refuse dation-on-ground, post-in-ground, and splayed-foot was typically discarded immediately outside the foundation, endured well into the 18th century house. The reuse of building materials such as in Connecticut. How long the earthfast tradi- fireplace stones and hardware was common. tion endured in New England is unknown, but Framing timbers were also commonly reused. archaeological evidence for a post-in-ground A typical example can be seen at the standing house measuring 24 × 25 ft. was found in Essex, ca. 1760s Governor Jonathan Trumbull Jr. House Vermont, dating to the first third of the 19th in Lebanon, where several of the kitchen-hearth century (Sloma 1992). The ancient cross-passage support beams appear to have originally been form may have simply been abandoned for the mortised for some other purpose (Harper 2006). widespread and more practical center-chimney Root vegetables or “sauce,” as they were plan that provided a heated core in the middle commonly called in New England, were stored of the house. in bins in cellars and in holes that were dug These excavated houses also show that Con- in the cellar floor or outside the house in the necticut’s architectural traditions have more in yard. Such sauce pits were typically 2 to 4 ft. common with its neighbors to the north and to in diameter, 2 to 3 ft. deep, smooth sided, and the south than previously known. Because colo- basin shaped. They were often filled with trash nial Connecticut builders widely reused stone and or soil after the vegetables were taken out, as utilized the foundation-on-ground construction organic residues could cause the next crop of technique, finding old house remains buried in vegetables to rot, making reuse impractical. plowed fields can be challenging. When a house Fireplaces were commonly large and made of was abandoned or burned, the cellar was filled in dressed and geometrically shaped fieldstone, and with nearby soil and fieldstone, and then repeat- chimneys were made of dressed fieldstone and edly plowed for generations, removing all traces topped out with brick just above the roofline. of the house on the ground surface. The soils in The in situ archaeological remains of fireplaces house features like cellars can contain exception- often include only a course or two of the base ally rich artifact deposits. Because houses built resting below the plowzone in the subsoil. with the foundation-on-ground technique leave no Because of the great labor involved in gather- foundation outline when dismantled and plowed, ing and shaping fieldstones to build fireplaces, the footprint must be reconstructed from the abandoned ones were commonly dismantled and remaining house features and by the distribution the stone reused elsewhere. Fire-degraded stones of artifacts. Artifact distributions, such as those from the firebox and flue were usually discarded generated from Surfer plots, can project locations in cellar holes and other open features to fill of the house walls, activity areas, room types, them. Significantly, fireplace features are com- and middens, and help identify features. With monly found in association with dense concentra- the foundation-on-ground technique, a house will tions of ash, charcoal, hearth-related artifacts (cal- have no foundation builder’s trench at all. Only cined bone, flint debitage, straight pins, etc.), and by understanding how such 18th-century houses especially mortar fragments around them. Mortar were built and what architectural forms persisted in 18th-century Connecticut was commonly made can archaeologists find such house remains buried from burnt shellfish and coral, or limestone, or and hidden under fields and under roadside fill. local clays. Lacking natural limestone deposits, An understanding of these house-construction shell mortar was particularly widely used, a techniques is also imperative to conduct meaning- technique brought from England (Harper 2010b). ful excavations around standing colonial-period For example, in his building manual Mechanick houses, which can provide ideal locations to test Exercises, published in London in 1703, Joseph such hypotheses. Archaeologists need to be per- Moxon advised that “the shells of Fish, as of sistent and use careful and extensive hand exca- Cockles, Oysters, &c. are good to burn for lime” vation to locate and identify architectural features (Moxon 1703:241). and artifact patterns. Rigorous historical research Archaeological excavations are also showing is necessary to reconstruct histories of occupation that ancient English house forms such as the and to place the sites within cultural contexts. ross k. harper—”Their Houses are Ancient and Ordinary” 43

Conclusion and Grace Ziesing. I am also deeply grateful to Cary Carson, retired vice president of research Connecticut household archaeology is enter- at Colonial Williamsburg, who patiently and ing an exciting new era of discovery. The generously shared his immense knowledge of types and construction of the houses occupied English and colonial architecture and culture, by the middling sort, who comprised the larg- and was encouraging and supportive, and is the est segment of the population, are now better best kind of mentor and scholar. Any errors are understood. By the mid-18th century, as Con- mine and mine alone. necticut’s population was changing from Puritan to Yankee, ancient house forms and building References techniques were increasingly viewed as archaic Baker, Emerson W., Robert L. Bradley, Leon and unimproved. The variety and influences of Cramner, and Neill Depaoli early Connecticut domestic architecture have 1992 Earthfast Architecture in Early Maine. Paper presented been summarized by Abbott Lowell Cummings at the annual meeting of the Vernacular Architecture (1994:225): Forum, Portsmouth, NH.

Barley, Maurice W. The diversity found in Connecticut, as we have sug- 1961 The English Farmhouse and Cottage. Routledge and gested, provides for the state a unique status among Kegan Paul, London, UK. the original thirteen colonies. The richness of texture is owing almost entirely to the contributory strains of Beaudry, Mary C., and Douglas C. George different European vernacular building traditions, and 1987 Old Data, New Findings: 1940s Archaeology at their distinctive intermingling in this cohesive corner Plymouth Reexamined. American Archaeology of the New World, poised significantly between two 6(1):20–30. major urban axes of the colonial northeast. Beaudry, Mary C., Karin J. Goldstein, and Craig Chartier Buried and hidden house remains in what 2003 Archaeology of the Plymouth Colony in Massachusetts. appear to be only farm fields, vacant lots, and Avalon Chronicles 8:155–185. busy roadsides are waiting to be found, and Bouton, Nathaniel archaeologists simply must be on the alert for 1851 An Historical Discourse in Commemoration of the Two- the clues of their presence. Archaeologists need Hundredth Anniversary of the Settlement of Norwalk, to abandon old ideas that house sites located CT., in 1651; Delivered in the First Congregational in plowed fields and under roadsides are too Church in Norwalk, July 9, 1851. S. W. Benedict, New disturbed to contain important information. The York, NY. yards of standing old houses contain information Branford Land Records on activity areas, landscape, and house construc- 1732 Branford Land Records, Vol. 5. Branford Town Clerk’s tion. Connecticut’s rich architectural history is Office, Branford, CT. still being written. Braudel, Fernand 1992 The Structures of Everyday Life, Siân Reynolds, Acknowledgments translator. University of California Press, Berkeley.

I am indebted to a large number of people Buel, Richard, Jr., and J. Bard McNultry (editors) who were involved with these projects. I am 1999 John Adams. In Connecticut Observed: Three Centuries of Visitors’ Impressions, 1676–1940, Richard Buel, Jr., particularly grateful to AHS/PAST director and and J. Bard McNultry, editors, pp. 27–39. Acorn Club, editor Mary G. Harper, AHS/PAST historian Hartford, CT. Bruce Clouette, the AHS and PAST field crew and lab technicians, former Connecticut State Carson, Cary 2012 Correspondence with Ross K. Harper Concerning Historic Preservation Office Archaeologist David Analysis and Interpretation of the Ephraim Sprague Poirier, the Connecticut Department of Transpor- House Site, Andover, Connecticut. Manuscript, Historic tation, the Connecticut Department of Economic New England Archives, Boston, MA. and Community Development, and the Aspinock Carson, Cary, and Nat Alcock Historical Society. I also greatly appreciate the 2007 West Country Farms House-and-Estate Surveys, thoughtful comments made by the anonymous 1598–1764. Oxbow Books, Oxford, UK. SHA reviewers, and SHA editors Joe Joseph 44 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

Carson, Cary, Norman F. Barka, William M. Kelso, 1979 Plymouth Colony Architecture: Archaeological Garry Wheeler Stone, and Dell Upton Evidence from the Seventeenth Century. In Architecture 1981 Impermanent Architecture in the Southern American in Colonial Massachusetts, Abbott Lowell Cummings, Colonies. Winterthur Portfolio 16(2&3):135–196. editor, pp. 43–59. Colonial Society of Massachusetts, Boston. Caulkins, Frances Manwaring 1996 In Small Things Forgotten: The Archaeology of Early 1866 History of Norwich. Case, Lockwood and Brainerd, American Life, expanded and revised from 1977 edition. Hartford, CT. Doubleday, New York, NY. 1895 History of New London. H. D. Utley, New London, CT. Dodd, Stephen (compiler) 1824 The East-Haven Register: In Three Parts. Stephen Connecticut State Archives (CSA) Dodd, New Haven, CT. 1735 Estate of Thomas Daniels. New London Probate District, Connecticut State Archives, Connecticut State Dwight, Timothy Library, Hartford, CT. 1969 Travels in New England and New York, Vol. 2, Barbara 1742 Estate of John Taylor. Fairfield Probate District, Miller Solomon, editor. Belknap Press of Harvard Connecticut State Archives, Connecticut State Library, University Press, Cambridge, MA. Hartford, CT. 1744 Estate of Hannah Daniels. New London Probate Court, Garvan, Anthony N. B. Connecticut State Archives, Connecticut State Library, 1951 Architecture and Town Planning in Colonial Hartford, CT. Connecticut. Yale University Press, New Haven, CT. 1752 Estate of Samuel Goodsell. Guilford Probate District, Connecticut State Archives, Connecticut State Library, Harper, Ross K. Hartford, CT. 1990 An Ethnoarchaeological Study of the Cisterns in 1754 Estate of Ephraim Sprague. Windham Probate District, Oranjestad, Sint Eustatius, Netherlands Antilles. Connecticut State Archives, Connecticut State Library, Master’s thesis, Department of Anthropology, College Hartford, CT. of William and Mary, Williamsburg, VA. 1758 Estate of Samuel Goodsell [Jr]. Guilford Probate 2005 Historical Archaeology on the 18th-Century District, Connecticut State Archives, Connecticut State Connecticut Frontier: The Ways and Means of Captain Library, Hartford, CT. Ephraim Sprague. Museum of the Fur Trade Quarterly 1776 Estate of Damaris Brown. Killingly Probate District, 41(2):9–16. Connecticut State Archives, Connecticut State Library, 2006 Small Digs: Archaeological Excavations at the Jonathan Hartford, CT. Trumbull, Jr. House, Lebanon, Connecticut. Bulletin of 1777 Petition of Ebenezer Story, 20 May. Revolutionary the Archaeological Society of Connecticut 68:109–130. War Series, Vol. 7, pp. 273–274, Connecticut State 2008a Hunting, Trapping and Fowling in Eighteenth-Century Archives, Connecticut State Library, Hartford, CT. Connecticut. Museum of the Fur Trade Quarterly 1782a Estate Records of Ebenezer Story. Norwich Probate 44(2):2–16. Court, Connecticut State Archives, Connecticut State 2008b The Household Economy of Lydia Goodsell: Library, Hartford, CT. Archaeology of an 18th-Century Family in North 1782b Nomination for Innkeepers for Norwich. Manuscript Branford. Connecticut Preservation News 31(3):4–5,15. Records, New London County, Connecticut State 2008c The Ca. 1713 Benedict House Site, Wilton. Society for Archives, Connecticut State Library, Hartford, CT. Historical Archaeology Newsletter 41(1):35–36. 2008d Report: Phase I Archaeological Reconnaissance Cummings, Abbott Lowell Survey Brown-Elton Tavern, Site 20-2, George 1979 The Framed Houses of Massachusetts Bay, 1625–1725. Washington Turnpike, Burlington, Connecticut. Report Belknap Press, Cambridge, MA. to Burlington Historical Society, Burlington, CT, from 1993 Connecticut and Its First Period Houses. Connecticut PAST, Inc., Storrs, CT. Preservation News 16(1):1,8–10. 2008e Report: An Analysis of the Artifacts from the Trash 1994 Connecticut and Its Building Traditions. Connecticut Pit/Privy at the Prudence Crandall House Museum, History 35(1):192–233. Canterbury, Connecticut. Report to Connecticut Commission on Culture and Tourism (CCT), Historic Deane, Samuel Preservation and Museum Division, Hartford, CT, from 1790 The New England Farmer; or Georgical Dictionary: PAST, Inc., Storrs, CT. Containing a Compendious Account of the Ways 2010a Thomas Daniels Archaeological Site. An Early and Methods in which the Most Important Art of the 18th-Century Homestead. Manuscript, AHS, Inc., Husbandry, in All Its Various Branches, is, or may be, Storrs, CT. Archaeological and Historical Services, Practised to the Greatest Advantage in this Country. Inc. . Accessed 14 Isaiah Thomas, Worcester, MA. January 2010. 2010b “Providence Brings to Our Doors, the Delicious Deetz, James Treasures of the Sea”: Household Use of Maritime 1977 In Small Things Forgotten: The Archaeology of Early Resources in 18th-Century Connecticut. Coriolis: American Life. Doubleday, New York, NY. An Interdisciplinary Journal of Maritime Studies 1(1):38–63. Coriolis . Accessed 25 May 2010. ross k. harper—”Their Houses are Ancient and Ordinary” 45

2010c “A Convenient House at the Place Called Brewster’s Harper, Ross K., Mary G. Harper, Bruce Clouette, Bar” Archaeology at the Ebenezer Story Site, Preston. and Daniel Forrest Connecticut Preservation News 33(1):10,15. 2009 Report: Intensive (Locational) Archaeological Survey 2010d Backyard Archaeology at the Cady-Copp House, Proposed New Westhampton Memorial Library Putnam. Connecticut Preservation News 33(5):10–11. Addition to Sylvester Judd, Jr. House, Westhampton, Massachusetts, MHC Project No. RC36692. Report to Harper Ross K., and Bruce Clouette Westhampton Memorial Library Building Committee, 2006 Report: Phase III Archaeological Data Recovery Westhampton, MA, from AHS, Inc., Storrs, CT. Program Ebenezer Story Homestead/Tavern (Site 114- 115). Archaeological and Historical Documentation Hastings, Scott E. Former Norwich State Hospital Property Norwich and 1990 The Last Yankees. Folkways in Eastern Vermont and Preston, Connecticut, Vol. 3. Report to Connecticut the Border Country. University Press of New England, Department of Economic and Community Development, Hanover, NH. Hartford, CT, from AHS, Inc., Storrs, CT. 2007 Report: Phase III Archaeological Data Recovery Hempstead, Joshua Program, the 1712–ca. 1770s Daniels Homestead (Site 1901 Diary of Joshua Hempstead of New London, 152-128), Parkway South and Cross Street, S. P. No. Connecticut. Covering a Period of Forty-Seven Years 01-99, Waterford. Report to Connecticut Department from September, 1711, to November, 1758. New London of Transportation, Newington, CT, from AHS, Inc., County Historical Society, New London, CT. Storrs, CT. 2009 Archaeology at the 1777 Ebenezer Story Site: The Hurd, D. Hamilton (compiler) Household Economy of a Family of Fishermen-Farmers 1881 History of Fairfield County, Connecticut. J. W. Lewis on the Thames River, Preston, Connecticut. Northeast & Co, Philadelphia, PA. Historical Archaeology 32:100–121. 2010a Cady-Copp Homestead. Site No. 116-22 Putnam, Isham, Norman M., and Albert F. Brown Connecticut. Commission of Culture and Tourism, 1900 Early Connecticut Houses. An Historical and The Last Green Valley, Hartford, CT. Architectural Study. Preston and Rounds Company, 2010b Ephraim Sprague Archaeological Site. A Time Capsule Providence, RI. Reprinted 1965 by Dover, New York, from the 18th Century. Manuscript, AHS, Inc., Storrs, NY. CT. Archaeological and Historical Services, Inc. . Accessed 9 March 2010. Johnson, Rossiter (editor) 1904 George Henry Story. In The Twentieth Century Biographical Dictionary of Notable Americans, Vol. Harper, Ross K., Bruce Clouette, and Mary G. Harper 2005 Report of Archaeological Investigations at the Cady- 10, Rossiter Johnson, editor. Biographical Society, Copp House, Liberty Highway, Putnam, Connecticut, Boston, MA. 3 vols. Report to Town of Putnam, CT, from PAST, Inc., Storrs, CT. Kelly, J. Frederick 1924 Early Domestic Architecture of Connecticut. Yale 2007 Report: Phase II Intensive Survey, Site 99-31 and Phase University Press, New Haven, CT. Reprinted 1963 by III Data Recovery Program, Goodsell Homestead (Site Dover, New York, NY. 99-31), Route 22 and Village Street, North Branford, Connecticut, S.P. No. 98-90. Report to Connecticut Knight, Sarah Kemble Department of Transportation, Newington, CT, from 1825 The Journal of Madam Knight. A Treacherous Journey AHS, Inc., Storrs, CT. by Horseback from Boston to New York in the Year 1704. Theodore Dwight, New York, NY. Reprinted Harper, Ross K., Bruce Clouette, and Brian Jones 1992 by Applewood Books, Chester, CT. 2007 Report: Phase III Archaeological Data Recovery Program at Site 161-23, the ca. 1713 Benjamin Benedict Larkin, Jack House Site. Route 7 Corridor Improvement Project. S.P. 2006 Where We Lived: Discovering the Places We Once No.102-305, 2 vols. Report to Connecticut Department Called Home. Taunton Press, Newtown, CT. of Transportation, Newington, CT, from AHS, Inc., Storrs, CT. Lewis, Thomas R. 1980 “To Planters of Moderate Means”: The Cottage as a Harper, Ross K., and Mary G. Harper Dominant Folk House in Connecticut Before 1900. 2007 Report: Phase II Intensive Survey and Phase III Data Proceedings of the New England-St. Lawrence Valley Recovery Program, The c. 1705 Ephraim Sprague Geographical Society 10(10):23–27. Homestead (Site No. 1-12). Report to Connecticut Department of Transportation, Newington, CT, from Long, Amos AHS, Inc., Storrs, CT. 1960 Pennsylvania Cave and Ground Cellars. Pennsylvania Folklife Magazine 11(2):36–41. Harper, Ross, Mary Harper, and Bruce Clouette 2001 Foodways in 18th-Century Connecticut. Cultural Resource Management 24(4):13–15. 46 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

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Amanda D. Roberts Thompson

Evaluating Spanish Colonial Alternative Economies in the Archaeological Record

ABSTRACT

The Spanish settlement of Santa María de Galve (1698–1719), a presidio in northwest Florida, was in a precarious economic position from the moment of its establishment. The Spanish Crown prohibited trading with foreigners and expected the colonists to survive on the unreliable situado supply system. This insufficient system may have spurred colonists - topar ticipate in illegal activities to support their economic interests. In complex colonial situations such as this, it is necessary for archaeologists to consider illicit activity as a possible source of goods when interpreting artifact assemblages. According to historical documents, throughout its occupation the presidio of Santa María de Galve only received five shipments of ceramics in the situado, yet, as is common on archaeological sites, ceramics dominate the artifact assemblage. A possible FIGURE 1. Map showing the location of Presidio Santa María explanation for the abundance of ceramics might be that de Galve. (Map by author, 2011.) colonists attained ceramics through illicit means. In doing so, the colonists created a different kind of economy, one that became alternative to the legal and formal economy of Spain. This case study provides one way of examining illicit the occupants of Santa María de Galve in several trade by applying diversity statistics to ceramic assemblages ways. First, Spanish supply ships were to bring from refuse-pit features in status-assigned areas at Santa supplies, munitions, and salary payments (referred María de Galve. The results demonstrate a higher diversity to as the situado) to the presidio, but these ships index in areas occupied or regulated by higher-status military officials, indicating that illicit trade might have been used were rarely on time and often contained spoiled to some degree to obtain ceramics that were not available goods (Bushnell 1981:64; 1994:44; Clune et al. through the situado. 2003:51–60). Second, colonists were to produce food through agriculture and animal husbandry. Introduction This type of self-sufficiency did not occur at the presidio. Lastly, many of Spain’s colonies were During the 18th century, the Spanish govern- set up to produce exportable goods. Santa María ment established settlements along the north- being more of a military settlement had no goods ern Gulf Coast of Florida to prevent further to export, making the settlement a lower priority encroachment of the British and the French on to Mexican officials (Clune et al. 2003:51–52). their New World territories. Pensacola, Florida, This erratic and, many times, inadequate eco- and its surrounding bay became the location of nomic system spurred the colonists to partici- the colony of Presidio Santa María de Galve pate in illegal activity to obtain items such as (1698–1719) (Figure 1). The mercantilist policy imported ceramics. Examples of illicit activity are of Spain included strict trade regulations within visible throughout Spanish territory, from outposts its colonial territories, prohibiting trade with in Florida to missions in California (Harman foreigners (Bushnell 1981:57,63–64; 1994:44). 1969; Archibald 1978:115,123; Skowronek Spain’s formal economic system failed to support 1984:7, 1992; Deagan 2007; Roberts Thompson

Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(4):48–69. Accepted for publication 25 May 2012. Permission to reprint required. amanda d. roberts thompson—Evaluating Spanish Colonial Alternative Economies 49

2010:71). Santa María was no exception. Coker TABLE 1 (1996:123) estimates that illicit trading between OFFICIAL MILITARY POSITIONS Mobile and Santa María yielded approximately AT SANTA MARÍA DE GALVE 12,000 pesos per year. Illicit activity in Santa (DERIVED FROM CLUNE ET AL. [2003:25]) María allowed colonists to increase their economic independence. The reasons behind these Governor illicit actions may have ranged from desire Sergeant Major to increase their social standing to the actual Military Engineer need for specific goods. These actions formed Captain of Infantry an alternative economy that supplemented the Adjutant formal and legal economic system. Ensign Sergeant Overview of Santa María de Galve Corporal Master Gunner There were several expeditions into the Amer- Soldier ican Southeast and Florida specifically during Artillerymen the 1500s (Hudson 1998). It was not, however, Sailing Master until the ill-fated colony led by Tristán de Luna Seamen that Spain focused its interests on the Pensacola area. This colonization effort was large and might have been successful if a destructive hurricane in 1559 had not destroyed the expedi- or income, convicts had no economic standing tion soon after its arrival (Coker 1999:6; Clune within the community. Although changing status 2003:14). Over 100 years later, with the threat from convict to conscript soldier was possible, of French encroachment looming over Spanish most at Santa María remained convicts (Clune territories, Spain decided that a Spanish presence et al. 2003:27; Eschbach 2007:71). While there was again necessary in that area. were few opportunities for officers at Santa Established in 1698 and lasting until 1719, María, there were fewer for soldiers and even Santa María de Galve was a short-lived colony fewer for convicts who did not even earn a that included a fort, village, church, cemetery, salary. As a result, desertion was a frequent barracks, hospital, and warehouse. From the occurrence for both soldiers and convicts (Clune beginning, the settlement was to be a military et al. 2003:26). garrison, housing mainly a military and penal Santa María’s primary population was military population. Seen in Table 1, there was a vari- in nature, but there were a small number of ety of official military positions common to the other individuals at the presidio (Coker 1996; presidio. The generally poor conditions at Santa Bense and Wilson 1999:8; Clune et al. 2003:52). María made military service at the presidio dif- A variety of skilled and unskilled laborers, ficult and unpleasant. “The greatest incentive friars, surgeon-friars, Native Americans, a pay- for an officer was probably the opportunity master and apprentice, servants or slaves of the to engage in private trade far from the prying military officers, foreign guests or laborers, as eyes of officials in Mexico City” (Clune et al. well as laundresses and wives and children of 2003:26). The presidio was a common place soldiers also lived and worked at Santa María where men served out their criminal sentences, (Clune et al. 2003:25–30). Information, espe- either as conscript soldiers or as convicts. The cially economic, about other members of the severity of their crimes determined who would population is minimal. Many but not all of these receive a salary and a ration for the required people would have received some sort of salary military service and who was required to for their work. For example, a few women serve hard labor as a convict and receive only collected rations and salaries. Some foreign a ration. The soldiers and convicts were of individuals who worked as gunners, seaman, low socioeconomic status. Soldiers, with their artillerymen, or carpenters also received a salary small salary, had a small degree of economic (Clune et al. 2003:28–30). Throughout the pre- freedom within the community. With no salary sidio’s occupation, the population ranged from 50 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

180 to 700 people. The population was under them are some of the inner portions of the constant change due to influxes of Apalachee fort and the village. Within these larger spaces, refugees and shipwreck victims, desertion of additional archaeological research confirmed troops, fires, sickness, and attacks by the Brit- many of the features and areas indicated on ish and their Native American allies during the historical maps (Braley 1979; Bense and Wilson War of Spanish Succession (1702–1713). The 2003:92). This study looks at imported ceramics conflict caused the population to abandon the from refuse pits in areas occupied or regulated village in 1704, moving to the safety of the by the varying social classes of the presidio. fort until 1713 (Bense and Wilson 1999; Clune Seven areas are included in this study: Bar- 2003:21,25–26). At the conclusion of the war, racks North, Barracks West, Barracks SW, the the colonists ventured outside, rebuilt the fort Warehouse, Hospital/Warehouse, Area between walls, and reconstructed life as it was before the Hospital/Warehouse and Barracks, and the (Bense and Wilson 1999; Clune 2003:21). Village Area (Figure 2). Fully supported by the Spanish supply system, Santa María was not to be a self-supporting Santa María de Galve Areas colonial settlement (Faye 1941; Coker 1996; Bense and Wilson 1999:8; Clune et al. 2003:52). Bense and Wilson (2003:132–133) concluded Instead, Santa María de Galve was located in that the presence of lower-status artifacts in the what Skowronek (1989, 2002, 2009:472–473) Barracks North Area indicates habitation by the described as a “protective” area. Santa María, convict population. The Barracks West appears like other colonies in “protective” zones, was to have been the soldier’s barracks area. The on the lower end of the colonial economic hier- artifact assemblage from this locale reveals archy and generally was expensive to maintain. some imported tablewares and higher-status Colonies in these types of areas did not produce artifacts (Bense and Wilson 2003:128–132). commercial revenue; therefore, they received Bense and Wilson (2003:109) interpreted the little attention, contact, and few goods from area of Barracks SW as the officer’s barracks. other parts of New Spain (Skowronek 1989). The higher-status artifacts, such as personal Santa María’s main purpose was to create a items and tableware, the architectural quality buffer against other foreign interests and to of the archaeological remains, as well as its establish a strategic stronghold against further close proximity to a building labeled “officer’s intrusion (Coker 1999:8). The garrison was barracks” on a 1719 map of the fort at Santa maintained until events from the War of the María all support this interpretation. Quadruple Alliance in Europe led the French The Warehouse Area was important as it to capture Santa María in 1719 (Clune 2003:80; primarily housed supplies and materials for the Clune et al. 2003:25–26). presidio. There were three or four warehouses in various locations within the presidio during the Archaeological Context of occupation of Santa María (Bense and Wilson Santa María de Galve (8ES1354) 2003:134). The first two warehouses have not been found archaeologically. Bense and Wilson Historical documents indicate that when the (2003:134) interpreted this area to be the loca- Spanish returned to the area in 1722, there was tion of the third warehouse. The archaeological little left of Santa María after the French burned remains of a cellar pit, six architectural support the settlement in 1719. The British, Spanish, posts, and several refuse pits, along with evi- and Americans cultivated and reused the area dence of artifacts associated with supplies from subsequently, burying any remaining vestiges of the situado demonstrate that this was the loca- the fort (Bense and Wilson 1999:15). Chad O. tion of the third warehouse (Bense and Wilson Braley, through a National Park Service survey 2003:134–135). in 1979, rediscovered Santa María de Galve, The fourth warehouse at Santa María was the and Judith Bense later directed large-scale Hospital/Warehouse Area. The archaeological investigations at the site from 1995 to 1999. evidence indicates that this was a substantial This research identified several key architectural structure. Two historical maps from 1713 and features and activity areas. Foremost among 1719 label this structure first as a hospital and amanda d. roberts thompson—Evaluating Spanish Colonial Alternative Economies 51

Barracks North: Convicts’ Barracks Between Hospital/

Warehouse and Barracks ! ! !&

! !!

!!!

Barracks West: ! ! ! !! ! ! ! !!!!!! ! !! !!! !!! ! !!! ! Soldiers’ Barracks ! Hospital/ Warehouse

!! !! Warehouse Barracks SW: ! Officers’ Barracks !!!! ! ! !! !!! ! !

1713 Fort

Village Area

Excavation Units

Location of Buildings 0 20 40 80 120 160 Feet on 1713 Map FIGURE 2. Map showing locations of areas at Presidio Santa María de Galve. (Map by author, 2009.)

then later as a warehouse (Bense and Wilson In general, the structures associated with the 2003:144–145). Bense and Wilson (2003:144– Village Area were smaller and spread over a 145) interpreted the archaeological remains in much larger space (Wilson 2000:29). The vil- this area to be a large building with 11 large lage, according to the interpretation of maps by postholes, most likely the support posts, and Bense and Wilson (2003:161), may have also 26 smaller posts. The building had multiple included a church, cemetery, friary, as well as purposes, and the associated artifact assemblage several houses. Archaeological remains in the reflects the different activities that took place Village Area were not substantial. There were (Bense and Wilson 2003:144–148). only a few features and sparse midden deposits The Area between the Hospital/Warehouse and identified during the excavation. This pattern is Barracks was adjacent to the Hospital/Warehouse likely the result of a smaller population and the Area. This locale contained a wide variety of sporadic occupation of the village due to the artifacts, suggesting that it was a “high activity attacks by the British and their Native Ameri- area” possibly utilized by all residents of the can allies. Located east of the fort, the central fort (Bense and Wilson 2003:150). Village Area contained the highest concentra- Excavations revealed several postholes that tions of artifacts (Bense and Wilson 2003:163). may have been for a smaller building or per- From the few refuse pits excavated, all appear haps even a drying rack for food processing. to be small, shallow features spread throughout This area does not appear to have been used or the village. There was one large feature, F427, controlled by one particular class of individuals. that was uncovered near architectural elements The general interpretation is that this was an of a post-and-sill structure. Bense and Wilson open space “around which a variety of people (2003:207) surmised that this may be the gathered to prepare food, eat, drink, bury refuse residence of an officer, Captain Juan Jordán de and work” (Bense and Wilson 2003:150). Reina, and a Native American woman. Besides 52 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) this particular feature, the archaeological remains Illicit activity is a complex topic, and numer- did not reveal distinctive socioeconomic areas of ous scholars have discussed the economic aspects the village. It was necessary then for this research of this behavior within various colonial contexts to consider the selected refuse pits from the Vil- (Brown 1928; Christelow 1942; Nelson 1945; Cole lage Area as one analytical unit. 1958; Hinckley 1963; Harman 1969; Archibald The function of the fort was to provide a place 1978:115–141; Zahedieh 1986a, 1986b; Croft of protection, as well as the center of activity for 1989; Perotín-Dumon 1991; Grahn 1997; Pedreira the colonists. Within the fort were large structures 2001; Pijning 2001). Several archaeologists have designed for military housing and for storage of also attempted the difficult task of interpreting supply goods. The interior of the fort also con- colonial illicit activity in the archaeological record tained the private space of some officers, soldiers, (Harman 1969; Lyon and Purdy 1982; Schmidt and the convicts. Some soldiers, high-ranking and Mrozowski 1988; Skowronek 1992; Skow- officers, Native Americans, and families occupied ronek and Ewen 2005; Deagan 2007). Deagan the village. The distribution of artifacts reflects (2007) and Skowronek (1992) examined ceramics the socioeconomic statuses of the individuals as a way to evaluate illicit trade within colonial who occupied these spaces. If the activity area Spanish sites. Deagan (2007) analyzed Spanish determinations by Bense and Wilson are correct, and non-Spanish ceramic tablewares from six then primarily higher-class military officers would domestic sites according to the trade periodicity have used the Barracks SW. Lower-class soldiers with foreigners at St. Augustine. In summary, she and convicts would have used the Barracks West found that illicit trade varied among the differ- and Barracks North. Some higher-class officers ent households in St. Augustine, suggesting that and middle- to lower-class individuals would it was “contingent not only on economic access have occupied the Village Area. All members of but also relative positions of social privilege and the presidio would have used the Area between the attitudinal values that reinforced those posi- Hospital/Warehouse and the Barracks, and the tions” (Deagan 2007:113). Similarly, Skowronek Hospital/Warehouse and Warehouse areas were (1992:113–114) looked at Spanish and non-Spanish relatively public areas. However, higher-class ceramic tablewares from four sites (Puerto Real, military officers would have regulated these three Santo Domingo, St. Augustine, and Santa Elena) areas (Bense and Wilson 2003:128,132,142). and also used information from a site in Seville, Spain (Baños de la Reina), and from the 1554 Research Objectives flota. He further compares archaeological remains from the 1733 flota and St. Augustine. Skowronek The primary research objective of this case (1992:114) noted that there is an increase in illicit study is to provide a preliminary characterization trade in the 18th century that reflects Spain’s of illicit trade in the colonial presidio, Santa inability to maintain its economic monopoly and María de Galve. This study draws upon archaeo- supply its colonies in the New World. Johnson logical data, specifically the frequency of imported (1999) looked at Santa María, French Mobile, ceramics, to examine the presence of illicit trade. and Veracruz trade interactions. She acknowledged While the historical record provides some insight that business outside official jurisdiction was into the nature of illicit activities, it does not pro- common. Similarly, Swann (2000, 2002) compared vide a complete picture of an economy that relied the historical documentation of supplies and the upon illegal exchanges, as such actions are often archaeological record at Santa María using Stanley undocumented (Roberts 2009; Roberts Thompson South’s (1977) artifact categories. She concluded 2010). In order to accomplish these goals, this that private trade provided goods that the Spanish study addresses the following questions. First, government did not supply (Swann 2000:113). The since ceramics are legal objects, to what extent do work of the abovementioned authors provides an imported ceramics (i.e., European and Mexican) important baseline for the present research. in the archaeological record indicate illicit trade? The abovementioned studies point to one way Second, do certain areas at the presidio reflect in which archaeologists can, at least in part, a higher degree of illicit trade? Finally, to what address illicit activity and lend insight into degree can illicit economic choices be inferred the agency of individuals operating within the from the archaeological record? colonial economy. This work contributes to the amanda d. roberts thompson—Evaluating Spanish Colonial Alternative Economies 53 larger picture of colonial Spanish research by for understanding individual actions within such providing an alternative methodology for exam- systems (Clammer 1978:3; Plattner 1989:4; Pat- ining illicit trade. The research presented here terson 1999:156; Feinman and Nicholas 2004:4; uses intrasite comparisons of imported ceramics Dobres and Robb 2005:161). These concepts within refuse-pit features from the fort and vil- are directly applicable to the understanding of lage at Santa María de Galve. It is important to the circumstances surrounding the occupation of note that in this study imported ceramics are not Santa María de Galve for several reasons. First, illegal objects but rather are used as indicators colonists in Santa María were limited because of illicit activity in the archaeological record. they could not produce their own food, could In this analysis, diversity statistics provide a not produce exportable goods, and because way to examine economic choice and access they depended on the situado for all supplies. to goods, specifically the success of different Second, the colonists had few choices in what individuals in acquiring imported ceramics. The ceramics they received through the situado. results indicate that higher-status areas have Finally, separated from the rest of the Spanish more diverse assemblages of imported ceramics colonial world, the colonists’ need to delineate than lower-status areas. The greater diversity social status became even more important. The is interpreted as individuals obtaining imported use and display of high-quality ceramics were ceramics in other ways than through the formal one way this could be accomplished. economy. The unequal access to wealth and power, both Commonly found on colonial Spanish sites, at the global and local scale, forms the basis of ceramics provide good temporal markers due political economy (White 1959; Wolf 1982:76– to their vast number, production techniques, and 77; Erickson and Murphy 1998:138–139; Wilk stylistic variables (Deagan 1987:30). Ceramics and Cliggett 2007:94–102). Socioeconomic can provide a wealth of information because inequalities result in decisions and actions that ceramics were important to all members of individuals make regarding the control over society regardless of status (McEwan 1992:103; production, consumption, and distribution of Pleguezuelo 2003:103). Tableware symbolized goods. These actions can create a wide variety social status and ethnic identity in the colonial of behaviors at different scales, from the indi- world (Deagan 1983:234; McEwan 1992:103). vidual level to the community, polity, region, According to Jamieson (2001:46): “the use of and macroregional levels (Feinman and Nicho- majolica was closely tied to wealth, suggesting las 2004:4). Yet, economic behavior, according that households with greater wealth could afford to Van den Benghe (1975), is rarely rational. larger quantities of majolica.” Furthermore, Individuals act and make decisions in their own imported ceramics, especially tableware, become self-interests according to the differing variables visible representations of status, while lesser in their surrounding economic system (Patterson grades of imported ceramics and Native Ameri- 1999:156). can wares were utilized in cooking or in the Dobres and Robb (1999, 2005:162) describe private areas of residences (Jamieson 2001:46). agency as the product of social action encom- In order to deal with the complex issues pre- passed in social reproduction and materiality. sented above, this study uses the concepts of As stated by Dobres and Robb (2005:162): formal and informal economies to contextualize “[M]aterial culture actually constitutes social patterns of economic activity revealed by the relations and meaning making. It is within the statistical analysis of diversity. tightly woven web of material, symbolic, and social engagement that agency reproduces and Theoretical Perspective transforms society.” Agents within their social surroundings have the power to change or to Political economy and agency are useful con- adjust their world through strategic decision cepts to help understand actions within colonial making in response to external forces (Barrett economies. Since economic activity is “embed- 2001:141–142; Lightfoot 2001:239). Agents may ded” in society, political economy provides both produce social effects based on purposeful a framework to contextualize the nuances in and intended acts of self-interest, or they may economic systems, while agency is a useful tool produce effects that are unintended (Carr and Case 54 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

2006:33). As a result, agents may not always act Cuba, Apalachee) supply the presidio (Clune et al. rationally or for their optimal benefit (Cowgill 2003:54; Worth 2008:2). Yet, as was common at 2000:55). An agent’s material consumption, partici- the time, economic exchange took both legal and pation in the exchange of goods, and interaction illegal forms. The legal (the formal economy) and with and reaction to political forces reflect these illegal (the informal economy) actions divide the choices (Shackel 2000:232). The decision to par- economy at Santa María (Figure 3). The external ticipate in illegal trade to obtain different kinds and internal formal economies further subdivide of ceramics indicates how the colonists responded the formal economy. The trade of anything not to Spain’s political authority. The use of imported obtained through the formal economy became ceramics was common, but it is the types acquired illegal and a part of the informal economy. Spe- and by whom that may demonstrate the degree cifically, the types of illegal trade (open contra- of illegal trade. Interpreting the material culture band trade and clandestine contraband trade) that is thus vital to understanding social relationships took place in Santa María can be classified under and the meanings behind it (Dobres and Robb the alternative economy, a subset of activity that 2005:161). falls under the broader category of the informal economy (Roberts Thompson 2010:61–63). The Colonial Economy of Santa María de Galve External Formal Economy

The theoretical constructs of political economy The situado was the main component of the and agency are directly applicable to the complex Spanish external formal economy. This system relationship between the Spanish government and was set up to provide colonists with money, colonists at Santa María de Galve. Residents of food, military arms, domestic and building the presidio were not economic contributors to the materials, and clothing from legal suppliers wide range of mercantile exchange that took place (Bushnell 1981:57,63–64, 1994:44). According to in other parts of colonial Spanish territory. The the available documents, there were 21 situado Spanish Crown, with its mercantile system, created shipments during Santa María’s occupation from a colonial economy that attempted to structure life 1698–1719 (Roberts Thompson 2010:66). Deter- by not allowing any trade with foreigners, com- mining the official supplies routinely received at manding that only Spanish sources (e.g., Veracruz, Santa María allows for a direct comparison with

The Colonial Spanish Economy

Inf o r m al Eco nomy

F o rm al Ec on omy Alternat iv e Economy

Exte r n al Economy Inte r n al Economy Open Con tr a ba n d Trade Cla ndestine Co ntraband Trade

Veracruz Ha va n a San Ma r cos Nati v e Amer ic an Sp an is h Lo c al Fr en ch Fr en c h, Br itish, Dutch and& Trade and Fo od Prod uc tion Ot he r Eur op ean s Prod uc tion FIGURE 3. The colonial Spanish economy of Presidio Santa María de Galve. (Figure by author, 2009.) amanda d. roberts thompson—Evaluating Spanish Colonial Alternative Economies 55 archaeological assemblages. Anomalies in the what would have been available from these archaeological record may indicate illicit activ- shipments, then some other method of procure- ity outside the formal economic system. Roberts ment and consumption of imported ceramics (2009:101–112) looked at documents from the occurred. The presence of imported ceramics, years 1698, 1703, 1705–1710, 1712, and 1713 particularly those that are not included as a to establish a “normal” economic baseline for part of the formal economy, then demonstrates Santa María. With the exception of two ship- evidence of illicit trade. ments of supplies received from the Apalachee and Cuba in 1699, all of Santa María’s sup- Internal Formal Economy plies came from Veracruz. Roberts (2009:84–88) organized the supplies within these documents Supplemental to the external formal economy, into categories of comestibles, finished goods, the Spanish Crown allowed residents to obtain and unfinished goods. Although the quantity of legal goods through the internal formal econ- goods varied because of population fluctuations omy. The internal formal economy revolved within the presidio, comestibles were the main around the food production and trade relation- products on nearly every supply ship, whereas ships with Native American groups, as well as most of the finished and unfinished goods were from small-scale agriculture, animal husbandry, included in shipments only when needed or foraging, hunting, fishing, and export economies specifically requested (Roberts 2009:131). His- (Roberts Thompson 2010:65–66). The historical torical documents do not contain much informa- record demonstrates some instances of internal tion on tablewares, with only a few shipments formal economic strategies, but, in general, there recorded. Pertinent to this research, ceramics were inadequacies in these various methods of were included in only five situado shipments, in production (Roberts 2009; Roberts Thompson 1706–07, 1709–10, and 1712 (Clune 2003:74– 2010). First, there were no large Native Ameri- 75; Roberts 2009:221–248). can groups near the presidio to aid in produc- This suggests that imported ceramics were not tion of a sustainable agricultural surplus for regular situado items. Swann (2000:113) con- residents (Harris 2003:268). Harris (1999:222) cludes that the majority of goods sent to Santa largely attributes this to “European rivalries and María, besides food items, were for defense unpredictable shipments of goods from Mexico.” and “any other goods sent a subsidy.” Spanish Native Americans simply had little incentive to officials in New Spain determined supply ship- settle near the presidio (Clune et al. 2003:29). ments based on population statistics and the Second, although there were opportunities for number of men receiving salary payments. Span- trade with the small groups of Native Ameri- ish officials in Veracruz would not send extra cans around Santa María and their settlements goods unless specifically requested by Spanish near Mobile, in general, this did not generate officials from the presidios, and even then goods enough food or goods for use. In addition, were not always sent. The assortment of mer- although the colonists attempted to grow crops chandise delivered to Santa María via the supply and practice animal husbandry, the environ- ships was limited to what officials in New mental characteristics were not favorable for Spain deemed necessary, what presidio officials large-scale production and ultimately were not requested, and what goods were actually avail- successful. Foraging, fishing, and hunting did able for purchase (Bushnell 1994:108; Worth provide some food; however, these attempts did 1998:135–143). See also Perissinotto (1998) for not produce consistent amounts of food. Finally, a comparison of supply requisitions and invoices the only export economy documented for Santa for the Santa Barbara Presidio in California. María was four shipments of lumber shipped This broad overview of the situado is impor- to Veracruz, which did not produce enough tant as it establishes what was and was not money to assist the residents in purchasing readily available to colonists. In general, items other goods (Childers and Cotter 1998:77–83; recovered from an archaeological context should Hunter 2000:6–20; Clune et al. 2003:53; Roberts then reflect, to a certain extent, goods sent from Thompson 2010:65–67). Veracruz. If the imported ceramics recovered In summary, the internal formal economy did from the archaeological record deviate from not provide adequate food, goods, or substantial 56 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) income from local export economies to sus- economy. The phrase “Yo obedezco pero no tain the colonists. This forced the inhabitants cumplo” (I obey but do not comply) is often of the presidio, if they wanted to abide by applied to the malleable nature with which Spain’s regulations, to depend on the external colonists looked upon Spain’s trade regulations formal economy for nearly all provisions (i.e., (McAlister 1984:204). Although there were strict the situado). The majority of goods available trade restrictions set upon colonists, it was through the situado were comestibles, basic food common for officials to participate in illegal items needed to survive, and did not include trade and then ask for permission after (Rob- extra or luxury commodities. If the supply ships erts 2009:147). This appears to be frequent not were late or inadequate, there were deficiencies only in Santa María but also in other Spanish in the colonist’s dietary needs. Even though outposts (e.g., St. Augustine) (Harman 1969; local efforts to produce basic resources (i.e., Deagan 2007). Harman (1969:13) notes that offi- the internal formal economy) provided some cials disregarded the regulations “and welcomed mediation of supply shortfalls, this was not suf- the usually cheaper, superior and available Brit- ficient and thus negatively affected the everyday ish goods.” activities of the presidio (Antonio 1737; Bras- Open contraband trade is defined as illicit seaux 1979:73). exchange that occurred through the arena of official jurisdiction for the sole purpose of Informal Economy and Alternative selling or obtaining goods necessary for the Economy survival of a community (Roberts Thompson 2010:63). Documents from Santa María’s occu- The informal economy is typically defined as pation detail many instances where officials consisting of all actions related to the illegal used open contraband trade to seek out goods production, commerce, and/or transportation illegally from the French, specifically comes- of goods that fall outside formal (i.e., legal) tibles (Waselkov 1999:51–52; Johnson 2003:326; economic systems (Smith 1989:295; Thomas Roberts Thompson 2010:69). In general, the 1992:4). Informal economies develop in response French made themselves and their goods avail- to limited access to or the shortage of goods. able to the Spanish at Santa María, setting up a The production or trade of those goods subse- profitable illicit trading relationship. Santa María quently becomes illegal. These exchanges can had little to offer the French, with no export consist of legal or illegal objects distributed economy and only sporadic goods from the in unregulated ways (Lang and Richardson supply ships. However, the colonists did have 1978:177–180; Lomnitz 1988:42–46; Smith currency from their salaries and the illicit trade 1989:294). Colonists of Santa María were not exchanges offered by the nearby French were major contributors to the informal economy in an easy outlet where colonists could purchase New Spain, as they were not involved in the goods (Folmer 1953:242–244; Johnson 1999:44; manufacture, production, or transportation of Shorter 2002:136–137,141; Waselkov 2002:10). goods. Instead, residents of Santa María were The open contraband exchange between Santa on the receiving end of the already flourishing María and the French was so frequent that there and functioning informal exchange system and were adjustments to accounts so that the gar- participated through the alternative economy risons did not owe money or supplies to each (Roberts Thompson 2010:63). Although several other (Roberts 2009:138–139). For more infor- scholars have defined contraband trade (Perotín- mation on exchange systems between Pensacola Dumon 1991; Pijning 2001; Deagan 2007), these and Mobile please see Ford (1939) and Johnson definitions do not fit the types of activities that (1999, 2003). occurred at Santa María. Clandestine contraband trade is illicit exchange Instead, two types of trade formed the alter- done with or without knowledge of Spanish offi- native economy at Santa María: open and clan- cials to acquire or sell any type of merchandise destine contraband trade (Roberts Thompson (Roberts Thompson 2010:63). The methods 2010:68–70). This may be in contrast to the under which it occurred were numerous, but larger cities of New Spain where clandestine the historical records available for Santa María contraband trade characterized the informal do not detail instances of illicit exchange of amanda d. roberts thompson—Evaluating Spanish Colonial Alternative Economies 57 ceramics specifically (Roberts 2009:148–156). salary and economic mobility of the Spanish The historical record provides few documented at Santa María. Pay and occupation determined instances of clandestine contraband trade at social status (Deagan 1983:237). The amount of Santa María. However, more broadly, in other extra cash available to those receiving salaries parts of New Spain historical records indicate could vary depending on whether the situado that such activities were frequent occurrences ships arrived on time with their payments. If in these colonial contexts. Santa María, as well the payments arrived on time, then coinage was as Veracruz, Mobile, Havana, and other ports more consistent. If the payments were late, but were prime locations for illicit activity (Roberts arrived later in a bulk amount, then the men Thompson 2010:68–70). Roberts (2009:150; would have financial shortfalls followed by a Roberts Thompson 2010:68–70) describes several large amount at once. However, deductions for instances where foreign vessels were anchored the price of uniforms and cost of rations often in such ports, and clandestine contraband either left soldiers with little money (Clune et al. occurred or goods were seized before the illicit 2003:74–75). Those with extra money would exchanges took place. It was also common for have the ability to spend it on goods other than officials to accept bribes and participate in illicit that which arrived in the situado. trade networks. The goods provided through In general, the people who had more money illicit trade were often essential for survival but were those of higher rank and authority. These were also a way to increase social standing by individuals would also have more freedom to obtaining higher-class goods (Haring 1964:115; leave the walls of the fort to make contraband Johnson 2003:317). However, in general there is transactions. Convicts, on the other hand, would a lack of documentation of illicit trade at Santa not have the ability to move around freely and María, which suggests that recording instances leave the fort, nor would they have money to of contraband activity occurred only when there spend on purchasing additional goods. It appears were specific cases reported to officials or legal that anyone who had money could purchase action became necessary (Ford 1939:140–144). clandestine goods, yet most likely the higher the The desire to increase or maintain social military rank, the easier it was to conduct this standing in an isolated area away from main- sort of trade (Roberts 2009:141,185–186). Par- stream Spanish society would have been impor- ticipation in the alternative economy depended tant to individuals at the presidio (Deagan on the capacity of individuals and groups to 1985:7–8; Skowronek 1992:111–113). This move freely around the presidio and negotiate desire spurred participation in the alternative the colonial economic landscape. This created economy through open or clandestine contra- access to a broader array as well as a greater band trade when faced with the deficiencies frequency of imported ceramics not normally of the Spanish formal economy. The extent to available. which colonists could participate in illegal trade depended on how they could negotiate within Ceramics at Santa María de Galve the economic landscape. This is also evident at St. Augustine. Deagan (2007:113) states that The diversity of imported ceramics in the “contraband played out quite differently among archaeological record reflects the economic households” depending on the “degree to which choices of the occupants, but it is important to they were presented with or excluded from the consider the origins of the ceramics before deter- opportunity.” mining whether the variety of imported ceramics Economic mobility is used here to describe is the result of illicit actions. Direct correlation the degree to which individuals had the author- of the archaeological record to the formal and ity, money, and the ability to interact and create informal economy is difficult. One resolution of trade relationships with foreign individuals so this issue, specific to this case study, is establish- that economic exchange could take place (Rob- ing whether imported ceramics arrived via the erts 2009:134). Therefore, those individuals who formal economy or the alternative economy. To had greater economic mobility had greater capa- do this it is necessary to take a closer look at bilities to participate in illegal trade. In general, what types of ceramics would have been avail- it appears that there are connections between able through the internal and external formal 58 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) economies, as well as who would have used TABLE 2 the different types of ceramics. Santa María’s IMPORTED-CERAMIC TOTALS FROM colonists generally would have obtained Native SELECTED REFUSE PITS American ceramics through the internal formal economy and imported ceramics through the Ware Type N external formal economy. All members of the population would have Abo polychrome Type A 222 used Native American ceramics for cooking and Brown salt-glazed stoneware 1 other utilitarian purposes. Much of these ceram- Castillo polychrome 1 ics recovered at Santa María would have been Chinese porcelain 4 obtained from nearby Native American popula- Coarse earthenware hand-painted tions. The Native American groups around Santa unglazed 1 María provided residents with the opportunity Glazed olive jar 118 for legal trade. Trade for ceramics was prob- Glazed redware 1 ably quite common, because ceramics were not Guadalajara polychrome 19 included in every situado, and residents of Santa Lead-glazed coarse earthenware 725 María most likely turned to Native American Mexican red painted 5 sources to fill this need, especially for utilitarian Pensacola polychrome 198 ware. Deagan (1983:234) and Skowronek et al. Plain faience 1 (2009:4–5) point out that locally made utilitarian Puebla blue-on-white 48 ceramics would have decreased the need to have Puebla polychrome 1,288 these types shipped to colonies, but there is Saintonge 11 little information on the degree to which locally San Agustin blue-on-white 9 made ceramics occurred at Santa María. While San Luis polychrome 277 Native American ceramics most likely filled the Santa María stamped 104 bulk of utilitarian ceramic needs at the presidio, Unglazed olive jar 363 there were wooden dishes included on requisi- Unglazed thick-walled tion lists in 1698, 1705, and 1709 (Roberts coarse earthenware 381 2009:105). These dishes may also have served Unglazed redware 3 as some form of utilitarian ware as well as for hauling soil (Clune et al. 2003:75). Total 3,780 Most members of the population (with the exception of convicts) would have had full or limited access to imported ceramics for storage, lack of descriptive ceramic information in his- utilitarian use, and as tablewares. By the time torical documents for the Santa Barbara Presidio of the establishment of Santa María, the major- in California. Santa María likely received lower- ity of majolica being produced for the colonial grade ceramics, as they were cheaper, but no world primarily came from Puebla and Mexico historical documents state this as the case. Santa City, with the majolica produced often referred María was expensive to maintain and subject to to as “Puebla tradition” (Lister and Lister 1982, the high prices of goods in Veracruz and the 1987:13; Deagan 1987:71,79; Provenzali 2005). high shipping costs. Such issues probably played There were 21 types of imported ceramics found a large role in what types of ceramics were in the refuse pits used for this study including actually included in situado shipments (TePaske storage, utilitarian, and tablewares (Table 2). A 1964:82,97; Clune et al. 2003:51–52). Therefore, portion of these ceramic types would have been in this analysis, it was necessary to make an included in supply shipments; however, some of assumption about the most probable types to be these ceramic types may have arrived through included in the situado. The available documents the alternative economy. for Santa María only describe ceramics by the In general, the historical record contains generic term, loza. Lister and Lister (1976:57) little information on what types of ceramics describe loza as a broad term for ceramics, were included in situado shipments (Roberts including both glazed and unglazed earthenware 2009:165). Perissinotto (1998:31) notes a similar ceramics. Unfortunately, the documents for Santa amanda d. roberts thompson—Evaluating Spanish Colonial Alternative Economies 59

María do not elaborate on the types of loza include the following: Abo polychrome Type A, (e.g., loza blanca, loza común, or loza basta) Pensacola polychrome, Puebla polychrome, San nor vessel forms, which makes classifying types Luis polychrome, Santa María stamped, unglazed included in the situado difficult. In many cases, coarse earthenware, lead-glazed coarse earthen- certain classifications of paste, thickness, glaze, ware, unglazed olive jar, and glazed olive jar. decoration, etc. can further define the quality of These types are considered loza blanca and loza imported ceramics. The classifications of fino, común/loza basta, and could be of the entrefino entrefino, and común represent the variability in and común grade. However, some of the Abo Spanish ceramics, with fino ceramics comprising polychrome Type A, Pensacola polychrome, the very well-made decorated tableware, while Puebla polychrome, or San Luis polychrome común characterized lower-grade undecorated might be of the fino grade depending on the tableware or utilitarian ware. The entrefino potter’s skill (Lister and Lister 1982:24–9; distinction appears to fall somewhere in the Deagan 1987:28–9,47–52,78–9; Gámez Martínez middle (Lister and Lister 1982:13–24, 1983; 2003:234–235). Regardless of grade, due to the Gámez Martínez 2003:234). The divergence high frequency, these types could have been reg- between fino and entrefino in the Puebla tradi- ularly included in the situado as tablewares or tion is difficult to discern. According to Lister storage and utilitarian vessels. A high proportion and Lister (1983), the difference is related to of these ceramic types were excavated near the “elaboration in forms, sizes, and decorations.” Warehouse Area supporting the assumption that Therefore, there could be ceramic types that they were most likely a part of situado ship- could be either fino or entrefino because of the ments. The types that fell under the count of different skills of potters (Deagan 1987:78–79). 100 (e.g., Castillo polychrome, Puebla blue-on- Again, the historical record does not provide white, San Agustin blue-on-white) are considered any information to clarify these problems. loza blanca and loza común/loza basta, and could These issues made it necessary in this study be of the entrefino and común grade. However, to categorize the ceramics according to whether some of the ceramics, for example, Castillo poly- they would more likely be a part of the formal chrome, Puebla blue-on-white, and San Agustin or alternative economy; it should be noted blue-on-white, might be of the fino grade. These that this is preliminary. To establish the most types and the others may have arrived through frequent ceramic types within the refuse pits, the alternative economy (Table 3). an arbitrary count of 100 is applied (Table 3). Illegal activity varied among those of differ- The ceramic types that have over 100 sherds ent social standing and depended “not only on

TABLE 3 POSSIBLE IMPORTED-CERAMIC TYPES FROM FORMAL AND ALTERNATIVE economies

Formal Economy Alternative Economy Type N Type N

Abo polychrome Type A 222 Brown salt-glazed stoneware 1 Glazed olive jar 118 Castillo polychrome 1 Lead-glazed coarse Chinese porcelain 4 earthenware 725 Coarse earthenware Pensacola polychrome 198 hand-painted unglazed 1 Glazed redware 1 Puebla polychrome 1,288 Guadalajara polychrome 19 San Luis polychrome 277 Mexican red painted 5 Santa María stamped 104 Plain faience 1 Unglazed olive jar 363 Puebla blue-on-white 48 Unglazed thick-walled Saintonge 11 coarse earthenware 381 San Agustin blue-on-white 9 Unglazed redware 3 Total 3,676 Total 104

60 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) economic access, but also relative positions of extent military authority throughout the presidio social privilege and the attitudinal values that both facilitated and constrained illegal actions. In reinforced those positions” (Deagan 2007:113). terms of the archaeological analysis, the intrasite Research in St. Augustine demonstrates how comparison looks at imported ceramics to reveal variability in ceramics reflects economic and economic decision making in relation to the social standing (Deagan 1983:262, 1985:23–28, defined activity areas. The hypothesis for this case 2007:113). This is also evident at Santa María, study is that the presence and authority of military where residents of higher rank, such as military officers limited the illegal activities of occupants. officers, would likely have desired higher-quality The presidio was a socially controlled space, and tableware to solidify their status in an environ- military officers might constrain economic activi- ment removed from Spanish society. These ties by regulating the behavior of residents, espe- individuals would have probably possessed not cially those of lower status. The assumption here only the higher-quality majolica that arrived is that higher-status individuals, such as military via the situado, but also a greater amount of officers, would be participating in illicit trade. it. Members of all social classes would have Imported ceramic assemblages in areas occupied or cooked with lower-grade utilitarian and Native regulated by higher-status individuals would reflect American ceramics (Jamieson 2001:46). Soldiers a high diversity index. If lower-status military more commonly would have used Native Ameri- personnel were participating in illicit activities, can ceramics for cooking or utilitarian purposes, then the opposite pattern might be expected with and perhaps some types of tableware to convey low-status areas having a greater diversity index. status, but it does not appear likely that soldiers Demonstrated below, areas occupied or regulated would own as many higher-quality ceramics by higher-ranking military officers did indeed as military officers or other officials. Convicts show a greater variety of imported ceramics. would not have owned many ceramics, but they In order to look at economic choices, refuse-pit might have used the wooden dishes included in features (n=57) from the seven abovementioned the 1698, 1705, and 1709 supply shipments and areas (Barracks North, Barracks West, Barracks would have also used utilitarian ware (Roberts SW, the Warehouse, Hospital/Warehouse, Area 2009:105). Late or inadequate shipments of between the Hospital/Warehouse and Barracks, and ceramic goods combined with potentially poor, the Village Area), including 48 features within the damaged, or broken crockery would have been fort and 9 features in the village, were analyzed a constant frustration for the occupants of Santa (Figure 2 and Table 4). To take a closer look at María. Ceramics of some form were essential imported-ceramic variability, it was necessary to items needed by every individual regardless of view the imported ceramics within the refuse social status or military rank. pits as separate analytical units. A threshold of 25 sherds for a minimum total artifact count Materials, Methods, and Results for imported ceramics was the criterion for the selection of the refuse-pit features. Refuse pits, The archaeological analysis presented here being features of sealed contexts where individu- takes as its starting point the idea that to some als or groups discarded material remains, would

TABLE 4 SANTA MARÍA DE GALVE AREAS AND REFUSE-PIT FEATURE NUMBERS Santa María de Galve Area Refuse-Pit Feature Numbers Barracks SW 141, 156, 163, 164, 254, 262, 263, 264, 268, 283, 285, 291, 292 Between Hospital/Warehouse and Barracks 493, 495, 496, 501, 504, 556, 562, 621, 623, 625A, 643 Hospital/Warehouse 485, 486, 522, 529, 529A, 529B, 555, 608, 628, 631 Barracks West 193, 452, 455, 457, 458, 470, 578, 582 Barracks North 249, 253 Warehouse 559, 588, 589, 641 Village 135, 257, 278, 427, 518, 560, 609, 646, 609B amanda d. roberts thompson—Evaluating Spanish Colonial Alternative Economies 61

s indirectly reflect economic behavior and decision H´= ─∑ (pi)(Log pi) making. The presence and absence of imported i=1 ceramics in such deposits, to some extent, reveal Where: individual and group choices concerning avail- H´=the information content of the sample th ability of imported ceramics and demonstrate pi =the relative abundance of the i categories the selection, acquisition, and discard patterns of in the sample those ceramics. Excluded from this analysis are Log pi =the logarithm of pi all indeterminate ceramics, any ceramics that do s =the number of categories not date to Santa María’s occupation, as well as kaolin-pipe and terra cotta–pipe fragments. Also Arenas where there is a greater interaction excluded are Native American ceramics. Trade with outside groups, such as illegal trade, create with Native Americans, as previously noted, was a variety of behavioral adaptations to obtain- a legal part of Santa María’s colonial economy, ing goods. Since diversity is a measurement of and the presence of Native American ceramics, variation, the higher the diversity index for the in this particular instance, does not indicate assemblage the greater the access and exchange illicit trade. See Harris (2003:257–314) for a of imported ceramics, and conversely those more-detailed discussion of Native Americans at assemblages with lower diversity indexes would Santa María. It is important to note here that indicate a lesser degree of access and exchange glass, lithic, metal, and faunal remains could in imported ceramics. In short, the index mea- have arrived through both formal (internal and sures how successful differing groups are in external) economies and informal (alternative) acquiring imported ceramics that would not be economies, but since the primary focus of this available in normal supply shipments. research is on imported ceramics, all other The results indicate a higher diversity in areas material found in the refuse pits is excluded occupied and regulated by higher-class individu- from this discussion. als (Table 5). The Barracks SW, Hospital/Ware- To calculate ceramic diversity, this case study house, and the Area between Hospital/Warehouse applies the Shannon-Weaver index, a statistical and Barracks had high diversity indexes, while measurement that provides a relative value of the Barracks North and Warehouse had low diversity compared across categories (Reitz and diversity indexes. The diversity results for the Wing 1999:105). Briefly described, diversity Barracks West and Village areas fell in the is the “nature or degree of apportionment of middle. While the amounts of different types a quantity to a set of well defined categories” of imported ceramics are close, the totals of (Jones and Leonard 1989:2–3). It is a useful imported ceramics vary in the areas with higher analytical concept that measures variation diversity vs. those areas with lower diversity. through quantitative data as it provides a way to measure the homogeneity or heterogene- Discussion ity within specific contexts. Simply put, the measurement of diversity occurs according to There was higher diversity in the Barracks the number of different types of objects in a SW (officers’ barracks) and Hospital/Warehouse sample (Dickens 1980; Grayson 1984; Kintigh (stored supplies and operated as a hospital) 1984; Rhode 1988; Leonard and Jones 1989; indicating that the individuals who used these Shott et al. 1989; McCartney and Glass 1990; areas had access to and used a wide variety of Neiman 1995; Byrd 1997; Kaufman 1998; Orton imported ceramics. Higher-class individuals, such 2000; Baxter 2001). Measurements of diversity as military officials, would have primarily occu- also rely on the explicit classifications of the pied and regulated the Barracks SW and Hospi- artifacts. Classes of artifacts must be “exclusive, tal/Warehouse areas. The Area between Hospital/ exhaustive, and composed at the same classifica- Warehouse and Barracks also had high diversity. tory level” (Jones and Leonard 1989:3). These This area functioned as a food-processing and requirements are essential to generate proper -preparation station, as well as a place to work quantitative results. The Shannon-Weaver index, and dispose of trash. However, military officers, as described by Reitz and Wing (1999:105), is to an extent, would have regulated the vari- as follows: ous activities of this area. The Barracks West 62 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) – – – – – 4 1 9 1 – – – – – – – – N 50 21 29 15 0.69 130 Village

– – – – – 2 – 1 2 – – – – N 12 70 24 53 17 0.51 207 198 1,118 1,704 Warehouse Warehouse

– – – – – 2 – – – – – – – 3 – 1 3 – – 21 40 10 N 0.57 North Barracks

4 – – 1 – – – – – – – – – N 18 10 33 35 40 0.78 West West 131 102 526 152

Barracks

1 – – – – – 1 – – – 5 1 5 9 – N 15 32 43 51 54 0.82 100 317 Hospital/ Warehouse Warehouse

8 1 – – 1 – 3 1 – – 2 1 – N TABLE 5 TABLE 45 20 75 84 41 94 0.85 110 224 710 Between Barracks Hospital/

2 – 1 3 – – 4 3 – – 9 3 3 N 11 22 66 33 14 39 0.86 129 RESULTS OF DIVERSITY STATISTICS BY AREA OF DIVERSITY STATISTICS RESULTS 8 350

SW Barracks

Abo A polychrome Type stoneware salt-glazed Brown polychrome Castillo porcelain Chinese earthenware Coarse unglazed hand-painted jar olive Glazed redware Glazed Guadalajara polychrome coarse Lead-glazed earthenware polychrome Pensacola faience Plain blue-on-white Puebla polychrome Puebla Saintonge San Agustin blue-on-white polychrome Luis San jar olive Unglazed Totals Mexican red painted Mexican stamped María Santa thick-walled Unglazed earthenware coarse redware Unglazed Type Diversity amanda d. roberts thompson—Evaluating Spanish Colonial Alternative Economies 63

(soldiers’ barracks) and Village areas had a The external formal economy, through the diversity index that fell in the middle, reflecting situado, appears to have provided residents with use by some individuals who were of higher the common types of Abo polychrome Type status but did not receive the same pay or have A, Puebla polychrome, San Luis polychrome, as much economic mobility as military officials. Santa María stamped, Pensacola polychrome, There was lower diversity in the Barracks North lead-glazed coarse earthenware, unglazed olive (convicts’ barracks) and Warehouse areas. The jar, glazed olive jar, and unglazed thick-walled lower diversity index demonstrates that convicts coarse earthenware (Table 3). Other imported who resided in or used the Barracks North ceramics (e.g., Castillo polychrome, Puebla Area did not have access to a wide variety of blue-on-white, San Agustin blue-on-white), while imported ceramics but rather relied on a select fewer in number, could have been ceramic types few for their needs. The lower-diversity results sought out through the alternative economy. A for the Warehouse Area are to be expected, as number of factors, both legal and illegal, shaped this area would have housed situado supplies the imported ceramic assemblage at Santa María and would have not contained a wide variety as individuals made choices, whether it was of ceramics. accepting the available ceramics from the formal There are two issues to consider when look- economy or supplementing those ceramics with ing at these data. First, the refuse-pit feature other, perhaps better, ceramics through the (F559) in the Warehouse Area appears to skew alternative economy. Yet, it is possible that all the data for that area. The feature contained of the ceramics found archaeologically at Santa large amounts of one particular type of ceramic, María could have arrived there by legal means, Puebla polychrome (n=1,118). If removed from but due to the widespread nature of illicit activ- the data, the ceramic totals and diversity indexes ity during this time, this is doubtful. are drastically lower. The second potential issue One way to help archaeologists better identify includes F427, which is located in the Village illicit trade is by establishing the legal source Area. This feature is interpreted as the location of imported ceramics in the archaeological of Captain Juan Jordán de Reina’s house due record. More research is necessary in order to to its closeness to a post-and-sill structure and determine more fully which imported ceramics other high-status artifacts found in the pit (e.g., arrived via the Spanish formal economy. Below window glass and silver pieces) (Bense and are just a few different avenues of research. Wilson 2003:165). While this particular feature First, although this may present some difficul- may be associated with a higher-class residence ties, finding specific documentation, such as within the Village Area, all of the refuse pits invoices detailing the sale of ceramics bound in the village are considered one analytical for situado supply ships or other documentation unit. The diversity index for the Village Area on the production location of situado ceramics, was lower in comparison to some of the other would help to establish what types of ceramics areas included in this study, even though there were typically included in the situado. Second, is archaeological evidence of a higher-class more research on sourcing imported ceramics to individual in one refuse-pit feature. Regardless specific production areas would also be helpful. of the issues with the abovementioned features, See Reslewic and Burton (2002), Iñañez et al. in general, the results indicate differences in (2009), and Skowronek et al. (2009) for exam- the various status areas of the presidio. Santa ples. Third, additionally classifying imported María contained a group of individuals who ceramic assemblages according to the grades spanned the social hierarchy. Individuals who of fino, entrefino, and común to establish the had the money and a higher ranked position ceramics’ quality may prove useful in determin- would have the economic mobility to acquire ing socioeconomic status. a wider diversity of imported ceramics through clandestine contraband trade. Consequently, sol- Conclusion diers, convicts, and other lower-class residents would have been more restricted in their access Archaeologists are aware that recognizing con- to goods because of lower wages and fewer traband activities in the archaeological record is chances for illicit trade prospects. difficult (Deagan 2007), but it may be possible 64 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) to determine a distinction between the extent of Despite the methodological issues noted legal and clandestine goods exchange by look- above, both the archaeological and histori- ing at the diversity of artifacts represented. The cal records lend support to the idea that the results from the intrasite comparison reveal that, inadequate Spanish internal and external formal in general, the imported ceramic assemblage is economies led to the active contraband activity more diverse in areas occupied by higher-status that occurred throughout the occupation of Santa individuals. One explanation for this is that high- María de Galve. When the formal economy did ranking officers had access to a greater variety not provide adequate goods, such as imported of imported ceramics than the other residents of ceramics, as demonstrated in this case study, the presidio. There have been a few documented those colonists of higher status may have turned instances indicating that higher-class individuals to the well-functioning illicit trade network. In participated and perhaps even controlled illicit doing so, they created an alternative economy trade at Santa María. According to the accoun- that substituted and complemented the normal tant Juan Mendo de Urbina, Gregorio de Salinas exchange network of the formal Spanish supply Varona, governor of Santa María, introduced system. As such, illicit activity was not separate illegal goods to sell for his own profit. To curb from the normal economy of Santa María de the illicit activity, Mendo de Urbina recommended Galve but rather a part of it through the alter- inspections of goods on the supply ship before a native economy. ship left Veracruz. Any goods not on the official lists had to be thrown in the water (Mendo de Acknowledgments Urbina 1713). The documents indicate that Sali- nas Varona sold illicit goods to the soldiers from Several individuals helped greatly with this his personal warehouse (Clune et al. 2003:66). project. I would like to thank Judith A. Bense, Another documented instance occurred in 1713 John Worth, Elizabeth Benchley, and Jay Clune when Ensign Gaspar de la Vega brought and for their helpful comments and insights on my attempted to sell goods illegally to other members master’s thesis on which this work is based. of the presidio (Childers and Cotter 1998:92). I would also like to thank the Department of Higher-class individuals such as military offi- Anthropology and Archaeology Institute of the cers would have the authority, wages to spend, University of West Florida for providing the and a greater opportunity for movement on materials that made this project possible. Victor the economic landscape; although anyone who D. Thompson also provided useful comments had money could participate in the alternative on earlier drafts of this manuscript. Finally, I economy. The military authority of Spanish offi- would like to thank my son, Fisher, who took cials may have limited the economic mobility of some great naps so that I could work on this convicts and perhaps to a minimal degree the manuscript. The author is solely responsible for soldiers. In doing so, the Spanish military offi- any errors and omissions. cials could engage in illicit activity. The above results reflect this. The areas (Barracks SW, References Hospital/Warehouse, and Area between Hospital/ Warehouse and Barracks) regulated or occupied Antonio, Juan by higher-ranking military individuals had the 1737 Letter to Don Mateo Pable Díaz, Marqués de Torrenueva, 15 September, R. Wayne Childers, highest diversity indexes. The data indicate that translator. Manuscript, University of West Florida, the greater imported-ceramic diversity in areas Archaeology Institute, Pensacola. that higher-status residents used and where they resided is, in part, the result of individuals obtain- Archibald, Robert 1978 The Economic Aspects of the California Missions. ing imported ceramics in ways other than via Academy of American Franciscan History, Washington, the formal economy. Overall, the archaeological DC. record demonstrates some evidence of possible alternative economic behavior; however, it is not Barrett, John C. possible to state with certainty that the differences 2001 Agency, the Duality of Structure and the Problem of the Archaeological Record. In Archaeological Theory seen in the diversity of artifacts is unquestionably Today, Ian Hodder, editor, pp. 141–164. Polity Press, the result of illicit activity. Cambridge, UK. amanda d. roberts thompson—Evaluating Spanish Colonial Alternative Economies 65

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Amanda D. Roberts Thompson University of Georgia Laboratory of Archaeology 110 Riverbend Road Athens, GA 30602-4702 70

Melissa Payne In presenting this information, the following approach will utilize and develop a second Pueblo Potsherds to Silver theme: the obvious contrast between documents and material assemblages pertaining to colonial Spoons: A Case Study households in New Mexico. The idea that juxta- in Historical Archaeology posing these two main perspectives on the past might yield useful insights is hardly a new one from New Mexico in historical archaeology. Although this strategy is ABSTRACT touted as one of historical archaeology’s primary objectives, the reality is that this goal has been The relationship between documentary and material sources realized only episodically. Researchers typically continues to be a source for considerable debate within historical (1) lack the data upon which to base a com- archaeology. Using a case study from northern New Mexico parison or (2) dismiss the utility of the exercise as an example, this article illuminates the material availability enjoyed by 18th- and early-19th-century Hispanos residing in with the assumption that the case has been made the Santa Fe River valley. Testament inventories from colonial many times. The generalization is repeated as its inhabitants are compared with archaeological assemblages from theoretical shadings are argued, but the building residential sites of the same area and period to expose two of a solid file of practical examples is neglected. very different emphases in material culture. Relevant docu- Published explorations along these lines may treat ments focus on tools and status items, often imported. The archaeological collections, however, consist mostly of utility the Eastern Seaboard (Beaudry 1988a), while the ceramics obtained from Pueblo Indian communities. Why does Southwest is underrepresented. Researchers should such a contrast exist between the two sources of information? aim for a broader grounding from a diversity of Self-identification represented by documents suggests deliberate regions, so that their substantive observations and genuine, but uneven, Spanish cultural participation. Yet can live up to their epistemological potential the archaeological record hints more at a type of “transculturation” occurring at least at the level of everyday material more fully. culture reflecting recent ethnogenetic models of multidirectional By way of theoretical background, Leone and cultural exchanges in the Spanish Borderlands. Potter (1988) once argued that documents and physical residues constitute valid but contrasting Introduction perspectives on the past insofar as the “lack of fit” between the two data streams may itself The agenda of this article is twofold. One be instructive. Such contrasts might themselves theme is that colonial New Mexico represents reveal fresh knowledge from attempts to account another example of transculturation (multidi- for presumed discrepancies. The reconciliation rectional change/multiple agents and origins of discontinuities should enhance the capacity with variational outcome), a more complex to consider holistic inquiries about sociocultural way of portraying the cross-cultural exchanges systems and how the tools for elucidating the between Spaniards and non-Spaniards in the past may be better understood. Charles Cleland New World (Deagan 1998). Acculturation studies (2001) has argued that these contrasts must be often implicitly presumed a simplistic, one-way further appreciated as historical archaeology directional flow (of goods, ideas, institutions, straddles the traditional turfs of both archaeolo- adaptations, or “transfers” of any type) from gists and historians. Europeans to various “subject” peoples. Because In this vein, LuAnn De Cunzo (2001) posited the scope of a single article must be narrow, that artifacts and documents may result from the full array of Hispanic adaptive strategies a multiplicity of factors. Physical residues can that were arguably influenced by local native represent the byproducts of intentional vs. less- peoples or that involved intimate contact with intentional or even partly subconscious thought Pueblo Indians can only be touched upon. The processes, and disjunctions between artifact and focus will be on the material culture accessible document might derive from gender, class, or to and used by the Hispanos. race. Hence, not all the discontinuities necessarily

Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(4):70–84 Accepted for publication 5 December 2011. Permission to reprint required. melissa payne—Pueblo Potsherds to Silver Spoons 71 spring from the artifacts vs. documents per se, presidios (Williams 2004). Yet studying residen- that is, from an assumed substantive “opposition” tial sites occupied by Spanish colonists should that may or may not be testable. If artifacts can be a priority, since these individuals were also result from “less-intentional” behavior, written confronted by issues of cultural maintenance, records could be said to arise from “deliberate an anthropological concern. Although there behavior,” i.e., what specific actors chose to were regional permutations, Hispanic colonists have recorded, what they viewed as important generally relied more on Indian material culture or worth keeping, or how they wished to portray than their Anglo counterparts, giving rise to themselves (perhaps underscoring their cultural ethnogenetic studies dealing with transculturation affiliation or status) within a social context. (Farnsworth 1992; Deagan 1998). While these debates are useful, the best An interdisciplinary project on historical approach to discussion should be via case-specific archaeology conducted at the University of New examples, since different things are learned from Mexico focused on residential (also called ver- different situations at different levels. Neverthe- nacular) sites and cultural maintenance relative less, in regional Southwest gray-literature reports, to artifacts and adaptive issues along the Santa considerations of documents and of material cul- Fe River. These sites were occupied primarily ture are often segregated into separate sections during the 1700s. The Santa Fe River Project and not analyzed in relation to one another. was funded by the Southwest Hispanic Research Wilson (1993) has targeted the “mixed episte- Institute at the University of New Mexico mologies” between history and anthropology as Center for Regional Studies. a hurdle in making comparisons between docu- An assumption of the study was that written mentary and archaeological materials difficult to data were not enough to expose the everyday present or assess. Historians may wrestle with behavioral patterns of interest to anthropologists everything from a single-event/person focus to studying colonialism. Nonetheless a thorough sweeping treatments of an entire epoch that may effort was made to investigate the enormous not articulate with a given archaeological data- amount of primary sources available for this recovery plan. The problem does not lie in an river corridor. Estate records from residents of unbridgeable gulf between the two disciplines but the same carefully defined area and period as rather in selecting a topic where the researcher the archaeological sites were taken into account can find enough written material to address a in attempting to understand the full range of particular anthropological query. Moreover, exist- material consumption. The will inventories to ing documents are not always analyzed with be reviewed cannot be proven to represent the anthropological issues in mind. Using archival specific inhabitants of the discussed sites. During records as a background for the archaeology is the colonial era, however, certain groups of Span- not the same thing as a comparison between ish families had become well entrenched on a written and physical evidence that speaks to a series of land grants embracing the narrow Santa specific issue. The question in mind must be Fe River. As these families grew, they set up applied to both records in a consistent fashion neighboring households. Further research of nup- to achieve heuristic validity, juxtaposing apples tial records demonstrated, in fact, that many of with apples, so to speak, at compatible levels of the residents there were not only neighbors, but analysis. Finally, archaeologists know that their during the 18th century were frequently related discipline depends upon interpretation. Research- by intermarriage, with the same logistical access ers searching for patterns in a social-science to goods moving back and forth from Santa Fe. framework share this inescapable responsibility As such the documents and the artifacts in this with historians. case both represent a very highly circumscribed population, if not necessarily the identical actors, A Word of Background within definable geographic boundaries. and Approaching the Problem New Mexico is an intriguing setting in which to sort out the positions outlined above. First, the Colonial archaeology in the American South- historical archaeological record goes back a long west has often focused upon culture change way from the perspective of a lasting European among native groups and/or upon missions and presence. After several initial forays during 72 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) the 16th century, Spanish colonists arrived and presented in the project manuscript (Payne 1999) established themselves during the last two years from previous tests on six other colonial resi- of the 1500s as part of the second permanent dential sites from the same river corridor. The European incursion into the present-day United artifacts were then compared with materials listed States. Historical sites are extant that derive in wills drawn from the immediate river valley, from an exceptionally broad temporal window, and more general comparisons with inventories despite their gradual modern destruction from of the same period in New Mexico were made. development projects such as water reclamation It is probably fair to say that the testaments, and gravel pitting. The lack of attention to these taken as a whole, are slightly skewed in the sites results partly from the preeminence of the direction of citizens from the mid- to upper strata outstanding prehistoric record as the focus for of colonial society, though a few exceptions sig- much Southwest archaeology. nify modest estates. Despite this general bias of Secondly, the Spaniards were good record the documentary record, which has been pointed keepers. They generated a staggering amount out by historical archaeologists before (McEwan of written material during the colonial era. Pal- and Waselkov 2003), both the sites and the wills aeographic training is necessary to read these represented, to some degree, people of contrasting documents, as 17th- and 18th-century records status. More importantly, these two sources also employed highly stylized codes of writing con- revealed fundamentally contrasting emphases in fusing to the modern reader of Spanish. terms of what people left behind in the material Perspectives gained from this research are record as opposed to what they chose to enumer- pertinent to debates about cultural identity in the ate in the written record (“chattel” inventories or Southwest and about the relationships between wills). These wills or testamentos were prepared sources. Case-study data derive from the Santa by an individual or drafted by literate scribes and Fe River valley (Figure 1). This valley unrolls then signed by the testators shortly before death. just to the southwest of Santa Fe, founded At times an hijuela or inheritance statement was between 1608 and 1610. This semiarid stream prepared by government officials afterwards. The setting, bisecting a broad grassy plain with scrub archaeology will be described first and then the vegetation and abutted by 12,000 ft. mountains, testament inventories. has been inhabited by people of Spanish ancestry engaged in farming and ranching since the early The Material Collections: The Short View to mid-1600s. Before that, native people lived there on and off for thousands of years. Inas- Two sites will be considered here. Their occu- much as Pueblo Indian communities had deserted pation spans overlap but are not identical. The the immediate region during or before the 16th thoroughness of archaeological data recovery at century, and because the Puebloans were more these sites has varied, and many materials remain likely to live in small towns, individual home unpublished, so information has been gleaned sites dated after the 1500s within the study area from often-conflicting reports and field notes. are usually assigned an Hispano affiliation. Site LA 16768 lies 11 mi. southwest of Santa Spanish administrators and friars sent reports Fe on a north-side river terrace surrounded by a from New Mexico to Mexico/Spain, describing short-grass floodplain and distant slopes. Today, the predicaments that have provided much dra- LA 16768 displays the obscured outline of two matic grist to historians. Additionally, approxi- rooms measuring 14.3 × 4.2 m (about 60 m2), mately 100 wills and around 50 inventories with traces of the rock-cobble foundation visible. exist for the period from 1693 to 1821. Many An earlier, lower occupation level was somewhat local documents composed prior to this time larger. This adobe dwelling was ostensibly occu- were destroyed during the Pueblo Revolt of pied during the last decades of the 1600s (except 1680. Surviving primary documents consulted for the years of the Pueblo Revolt, bracketed from for this study are reserved at the New Mexico 1680 to 1692) and then again from just before Record Center and Archives in Santa Fe. This the turn of the 18th century through roughly the material was translated where pertinent, and first quarter of the 1800s (1690s–1825). The site over the course of the project three 18th-century was surface collected and subsurface tested in the sites were tested as well. Information was also 1950s (Boyd 1970) and then partially excavated melissa payne—Pueblo Potsherds to Silver Spoons 73

FIGURE 1. Santa Fe Valley and location of sites discussed in text. (Map by Ron Stauber, University of New Mexico Office of Contract Archaeology, 1999.)

during the 1980s by David Snow and Colorado The site was subsurface tested again in the College (Santa Fe River Files 1980–1989). A 1990s for the Santa Fe River Project and a small collection of artifacts from this locus total of 7 m2 was stratigraphically excavated. was reported upon in now-classic publications Based on limited site complexity, this was likely (Plowden 1958; Goggin 1968). a low-status habitation. Information from other 74 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

New Mexican sites and from a synthesis of ger- 10 rooms. The site also contains a scattering of mane records disclosing typical “room counts” adobe mud chunks used in construction; a corral; for colonial homes was used to support this an artifact scatter (92 m in length); a midden; interpretation. While room sizes are uncertain, and the apparent base of a torreon, a stone or one- to two-room structures were usually asso- adobe tower used for defense in case of Indian ciated with modest housing. Houses of three to attack. This more-extensive domicile was occu- four rooms represent the highest percentage of pied during the 18th century and a few decades homes (n=190) from written references of the beyond (a synthesis of reports with New Mexico 1700s (Pratt and Snow 1988). Hispanos of mid- Laboratory of Anthropology computer data sug- to high status sometimes inhabited domiciles gests a date range of about 1735/1740–1840). of only 4 or 5 rooms (Payne 2005), whereas The site has been both surveyed and tested. domestic structures of 8 to 20 rooms were not Pottery analyses for these two sites are pre- unknown but were atypical. sented in Tables 1 and 2. In Table 1 the LA A higher-status dwelling appears to be rep- 16768 ceramic totals from Santa Fe River Proj- resented by LA 16769, likewise positioned on ect tests (n=968) are shown. The term “Pueblo the north side of the river but somewhat closer Series” denotes sherds derived from Pueblo com- to Santa Fe. The site has been compromised munities. Tewa-speakers frequently supplied the because of road construction. A low rectangular Santa Fe region. mound containing some adobe melt measures In addition, it should be noted that, during 40 × 60 m with exposed sections of a rock- the 1980s or before, a large assemblage was cobble foundation measuring 31 m in length or collected from LA16768 by David Snow and more. The house probably encompassed 6 to Colorado College. This collection was also

TABLE 1 LA 16768 POTTERY SHERDS SANTA FE RIVER PROJECT TESTS

Type (Pueblo Series) Number Percentage Tewa polychrome (1650–1730/60) 26 2.7% Ogapoge polychrome (1700/20–1760/1800) 15 1.5% Powhoge polychrome (1760–1850/99) 12 1.2% Red slipped 307 31.7% Red smudged 3 0.3% Indent. culinary 20 2.0% Plain smudged 58 6.0% Kapo black (1700/20–1760/1800+) 151 0.5% Rough exterior smudged 294 30.4% Mica slip smudge 56 5.8% Polished plain tan or brown 101 10.4% Tesuque gray (1250/1325–1400/1500) 1 0.1% Santa Fe black-on-white (1175–1425) 1 0.1% Historical micaceous 9 0.9% Whorl fragments 3 0.3% Yupa striated (1600–1650) 2 0.2% Unidentified 36 3.7%

Type (Imported) Number Percentage Majolica (white) 9 0.9%

Total 968 99.7% melissa payne—Pueblo Potsherds to Silver Spoons 75 mostly Puebloan and included some 18,000 tables. When the Table 1 artifacts are tabulated, Pueblo-series sherds, the vast majority of which LA 16768 shows only about 1% in imports (98%) are from the historical period. A few from the project sample obtained in the late sherds from nearby prehistoric towns are mixed 1990s (Payne 1999). Some 99% of the ceramics into the assemblage, whereas two whiteware are native in origin. Almost all of the substan- sherds postdate 1820 (South 1977). Most of tial pottery assemblage reported by Colorado these artifacts seem to have come from a sub- College was native in origin as well (99%), stantial midden some 5 m in length adjacent to and the amount of Mexican majolica collected the dwelling. The impressive number of artifacts before the 1990s is small by comparison (about derives from both extensive archaeological work 1% of all previously retrieved ceramic materials, done at this location and considerable breakage as shown in Table 2). The emphasis on native or consumption over a long occupation span. ceramics reported by both Colorado College and Majolica was inventoried for this site by Colo- the Santa Fe River Project tests tends to sup- rado College (186 sherds), presumably based port an interpretation of limited means for the on an assemblage originally gathered during the site inhabitants. 1950s as reported by Plowden (1958). Table Site LA 16769 is a larger, more complicated 2 shows this inventory of majolica ceramics site than LA 16768. The LA 16769 table (Table by type. 3) blends contrasting artifact counts from two The largest category of majolica consisted collections gathered at different times. One of Puebla blue-on-white, a ceramic brought in survey and subsurface shovel test of LA 16769 from Puebla, Mexico, arguably the most widely from the 1980s that included the extramural distributed import ceramic in the Southwest, as or peripheral boundaries of the site resulted in well as the circum-Caribbean (Deagan 1987; a small percentage of imports (about 1% of Cohen-Williams 1991). Table 3 displays the ceramic assemblage). Earlier samples gathered at ceramic totals from LA 16769, which also con- the center of LA 16769 and along the midden sist of Pueblo-derived pottery, and even many of produced a very high proportion of import the same recognizable types, but complemented pottery, some 36% (Boyd 1970; Levine et al. by a higher percentage of imported wares. 1985). Depositional patterns in New Mexico The dissimilarity in import percentages require more study to clarify the relationship of between the two sites may be deduced from the artifacts to features. It is provisionally assumed that sample error is canceled out to some degree by integrating these two collections, which yields an import percentage of 18%. The TABLE 2 range of majolica demonstrates less emphasis LA 16768 IMPORTED POTTERY SHERDS on the most common and economically acces- (PREVIOUS TESTS) sible type, Puebla blue-on-white, and is slightly more diverse than at LA 16768. Trade began Type (Imported Majolica) Number to increase during the 1800s, which gradually made imports easier to obtain. Still, the ceram- Puebla blue-on-white (1675–1830/50) 57 ics, when combined with other key factors Puebla polychrome (1650–1725) 53 such as overall site complexity and size, sug- Abo polychrome (1650–1750?) 29 gest greater affluence for the inhabitants of LA San Luis blue-on-white (1575?–1650) 5 16769 than of LA 16768. While the relationship San Augustine blue-on-white of pottery-sampling strategies to status affiliation (1700–1730) 2 here may be open to lively interpretive debate, Tumacacori polychrome (1780–1840/60) 1 one key observation can be made. Ceramics of Aranama polychrome (1750–1800) 1 indigenous manufacture dominate the pottery at Unclassified blue-on-white 4 LA 16769. Plain white 34 Despite unresolved background sampling issues, the imperfect fit of temporal ranges Total 186 between the two sites, or debate over the value of tabulating sherds, it must be seen as 76 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

TABLE 3 from the two other nearby project sites, both LA 16769 POTTERY SHERDS Hispano colonial dwellings represented by stone foundation footings. Site LA 16772 (a small, Type (Pueblo Series) Number late-18th-century house of 22.5 m2) was subsur- Ogapoge polychrome 113 face tested, as was neighboring LA 2 (a mul- Puname polychrome (1680–1780+) 45 ticomponent site with several prehistoric levels Polished red 100 and an historical occupation from a demolished Kapo black 33 house dating from the mid-18th through early Tewa polychrome 150 20th centuries). Some of the artifacts from LA Powhoge polychrome 40 2 were recovered from precolonial strata. Of the Tewa buff 116 historical horizons, though, over half the ceram- Tewa black (1600–1800+) 33 ics are native pottery types. Penasco micaceous (1600?–1800?) 28 The predominance of native wares will come Vadito micaceous 146 as no surprise to those who have been analyzing Kotyiti glaze polychrome 6 Spanish colonial sites for a long time (Deagan Kotyiti Glaze F (1650–1700+) 3 1992; Farnsworth and Williams 1992). Neverthe- Other historical/prehistoric native 74 less, to pursue the assessment further and thus Subtotal 887 assuage any doubt due to sampling or “temporal contamination” problems, if one checks the Type (Imported Majolica) Number assemblages of other historical vernacular sites or refuse deposits tested or excavated in New Aranama polychrome (1750–1800+) 42 Mexico (some 18 from the 1600s through early Mount Royal polychrome 1800s, here excluding missions, Santa Fe River (1630/50–1685) 33 sites, site components dated to the Mexican San Elizario polychrome (1750–1850) 28 period and subsequent American takeover of Puebla blue-on-white (1675–1830/50) 19 1846, adapted from Moore [et al. 1995]), similar Aucilla polychrome (1665/75?–1700?) 5 results are obtained. Of the roughly 75,000 colo- Huejotzingo blue-on-white (1700–1850) 4 nial artifacts recovered, 93%, or about 70,000, Tumacacori polychrome (1780–1840/60) 2 were ceramics of local Indian manufacture. Only Puebla polychrome (1650–1725) 1 a slim percentage of artifacts are considered to Abo polychrome 1 be “Mexican”––majolica with a few Spanish Plain white 54 olive-jar fragments––although majolica from Subtotal 189 Mexico was not invariably expensive. One study determined (Snow 1993) that the majolica reach- Type (European American) Number ing New Mexico from Puebla, Mexico, during Shell edged 2 the later 1700s might be marked up by 14% Flow blue (1820–1910) 1 over factory costs. Sundry European American Subtotal 3 earthenware or stoneware fragments trickled in from the East or Mexican frontera, especially Total 1,079 after 1821 as trade restrictions loosened. Other artifact categories such as metal goods were present in low numbers at the Santa Fe significant that in both cases native pottery River Project sites. Stone tools (lithics and forms the most conspicuous category of ceramic their associated debris of differentiated chal- artifacts. Furthermore, when a table was created cedony, jasper, quartzite, obsidian, etc.) typically to deal with the sum of residues from tests constitute an important class of artifacts on conducted at the three Santa Fe River Project the majority of colonial sites in New Mexico, sites (including metal, glass, lithic, and miscel- since chipped-stone tools, from awls to scrap- laneous artifacts, as well as European American ers to needles to projectile points to knives, ceramics, amounting to about 6,200 artifacts), approximated or substituted for equivalent native ceramics accounted for 68% of the grand metal items. Wood often replaced metal in farm total of all artifacts. Here material was added implements. On the Anglo East Coast, like the melissa payne—Pueblo Potsherds to Silver Spoons 77

Virginia-Chesapeake region, for example, more during the 1600s to barter for goods, one household implements in general would have mechanism by which Pueblo ceramics were been created from metal and/or shipped over procured (Trigg 2005). At least one trader of from Europe, or carved out of wood occasion- the later 1700s is known to have facilitated ally (Noël Hume 1969; Beaudry et al. 1983), traffic between the Pueblo Indians and Spanish and European or colonist-made material culture residents (Snow 1993). Interchanges between largely replaced native material culture. By important persons (including church represen- comparison, many of the New Mexican tools tatives) and the Puebloans are generally more were not only stone but were acquired by barter knowable than exchanges between working-class from native groups. These stone tools were also colonists and specific Native American actors. imitated more and more by the Hispanos as the In addition, the Puebloans were “employed” in colonial era progressed (Payne 1999). mission settings as herders, millers, porters, and Stated simply, the Pueblo Indians were the other roles, as well as in Santa Fe textile sweat- primary source of material culture extant in the shops. They also joined colonist households as New Mexican archaeological record for resi- retainers and frequently intermarried with the dences of the colonial era. A few sherds may be Hispanos. Ethnic mingling is a sociocultural from vessels actually produced by Hispanos who pattern one typically sees in Spanish America were influenced by native traditions (Carrillo (Bustamante 1989; Gutierrez 1991; Esteva- 1996). Even so, the overwhelming majority of Fabregat 1995) but less often in Anglo America types are identifiably native in origin. In addi- (Axtell 1981, 1988). tion, the local preponderance of native wares The Hispanic colonization strategy relied upon contrasts sharply with evidence from colonial Pueblo production as part of the missionizing sites of the Eastern Seaboard, such as those in process, with the proximity of relations encourag- Virginia (Noël Hume 1969), where European ing intermarriage. This strategy was practical in American wares and goods predominate, often the limited sense that the local Hispano popula- displaying an elaborate variability as compared tion was small at first and not replenished by a to colonial domestic sites of the Southwest. In steady influx of newcomers. Moreover it seems fact, excavations at the Santa Fe Palace of the to echo a broader Spanish tendency. By contrast, Governors, the most elite locus in New Mexico gradual economic displacement of native produc- and the oldest capitol building in the United tion and native groups was more common in States (ca. 1610), have uncovered hundreds of Anglo America. Such opposing tendencies could thousands of artifacts from the colonial period even mirror a fundamental contrast between Latin and beyond. Preliminary analysis of this assem- Catholic systems and Protestant systems in general blage indicates a majority of native artifacts (Payne 1999), an idea that appears to be gaining from regional Pueblo communities. There is also some currency (Rothschild 2003). Mission-oriented an undetermined percentage of native Mexican Latin systems had to deal with ethnic plurality ceramics (Tim Maxwell 2004, pers. com.). The and were likely “preconditioned” as to their style Palace of the Governors was occupied by the of empire by the rich ethnic complexity of the Puebloans for a dozen years after the 1680 Mediterranean rim (Payne 1999). Pueblo Revolt, which probably accounts for a portion of this collection, although the artifacts A Glimpse of Some Relevant Documents represent a wide temporal range and thus imply long-term interaction of colonists with indig- Material variability can also be assessed from enous groups. the point of view of the documentary record. New Several factors help to explain this trend in Mexican colonial wills reveal asset totals that can material usage. Cross-cultural trade, the incor- be compared with those from the Mexican inte- poration of natives into Hispanic environments, rior, where affluent individuals might leave estates and the intermingling of Indians and Hispanos valued in the tens or hundreds of thousands of in New Mexico to produce hybrid populations pesos, or even a million (Kizca 1983). In New all played a role in material-consumption pat- Mexico, legacies of five figures were very rare, terns. Leading citizens charged with managing and an estate of only a few thousand pesos was individual pueblos might visit native villages quite significant (Payne 2005). 78 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

If one reviews several archived inventories for lock, an iron spoon, two chocolate pots), tools the Santa Fe River valley, contrasts with the (an adze, shearing shears, an ax, a chisel, archeological record become evident. The 1762 digging sticks, a branding iron, plow points), will of Juana Romero represents a low-status clothes (various measures of flannel and cloth, testament (Spanish Archives of New Mexico I a cape, breeches of refined cloth, shoes, a fine [SANM I][4]:frames 1,145–1,148). Her inven- hat, an undershirt), horse or travel equipment tory listed the following goods: an iron griddle (a cart, a saddle, five bridles, spurs, an elk-skin and spoon, a loom with comb, a bedspread, a tent, saddle pads), work animals, and silver scarlet skirt or petticoat, a cape, two religious buckles, amounting overall to around 3,500 pictures depicting Our Lady of Guadalupe and pesos in value. Our Lady of Aid, and a box. Higher-status resi- About a half-dozen other examples from the dents of the same area can also be discussed. project area paralleled these three inventories, Andres Montoya owned the Cieneguilla Grant listing a few better durables and religious pic- (based on the Almazan family cession of the tures, but especially tools, weapons, and horse 1600s, revalidated in 1693 to become the oldest gear. Only one very late example, that of Maria land grant in the state for which there are Montoya from 1830, mentioned metates, Indian- extant archival records, and sold to Montoya derived grinding slabs of stone used to prepare in 1716), a land parcel of tens of thousands of corn, as well as earthenware bowls of an undis- acres that once embraced a vast region to the closed type (SANM I[4]:frames 83–86). west of Santa Fe. The Cieneguilla Land Grant To round out this picture, from the year 1715 encompassed many of the colonial sites in this a translated roster of stuffs brought to New river corridor, even as other families eventually Mexico destined for the presidio or military moved in and settled their own land cessions installation in Santa Fe included, along with other and homes. Encroachment on the Montoya things, Rouen linen, silk stockings, paper, sugar, property was frequently secured by marrying beeswax, Chinese towels, and saffron (Ahlborn into the Montoya clan. 1983). These items most likely were enjoyed When Andres Montoya died, his will (ca. by officers with prominent familial connections 1740) enumerated the following: two used rather than in the possession of ordinary recruits. ladles, a copper jug for mixing foods, a water One can begin to make several observations. jug, an iron griddle, a spit, an old chest for First, the inventories tend to highlight objects of chocolate with its key, a carpenter’s ax, a chisel, ideotechnic and sociotechnic value (such terms an iron weeder, five new wooden digging sticks, even now a useful shorthand for assigning broad clothes, an old cloak of woolen cloth, a woolen functional categories [Binford 1962]), items great coat lined in blue flannel, a black hat, a that reveal participation in the Spanish cultural standard shotgun or blunderbuss, a bridle, spurs, system. A few particulars advertise status. The a leather shield, a saddle, a sword, saddle blan- wills also denote items of supreme utilitarian kets/pads, wool breeches, powder bags, boots (or value. Andres Montoya and Cristobal Baca would leggings), a gun case, an old hoe or spade, a not have been considered affluent with reference new cart and yoke, a mattress with wool blan- to the material wealth exhibited in Mexico City ket and sheet, along with a four-room house (Kizca 1983; Payne 2005). Still, Montoya and plus mules, oxen, sheep, and horses (SANM I Baca were prosperous according to the standards [3]:frames 841–844). In a case from 1739, the of the New Mexican elite, situated within the moderately well-off Cristobal Baca, who lived Spanish “semi-periphery” or frontier during this along the river closer to Santa Fe, and whose period. kindred intermarried with the Montoyas, listed It seems, however, that the most numerous various possessions in his testament (SANM I categories of artifacts––native-derived pottery [1]:frames 637–668). Baca was fortunate enough and to a lesser degree lithics––are not especially to own four silver spoons. The Baca inventory well recorded in colonial wills. Discrete native also mentions the following items: kitchen para- objects do appear in these documents from time phernalia (two copper ladles, an iron griddle, to time, such as digging sticks and grinding two candlesticks, a mortar, five pewter plates, stones, with three metates enumerated in the a small copper pot, a roasting spit, a box with chattel list of a well-off Albuquerque landowner melissa payne—Pueblo Potsherds to Silver Spoons 79 from the 1730s (Payne 2005), which hints lower-status residence in St. Augustine yielded at the incorporation of and a dependence on 3.86% in Hispanic or import pottery compared native items within frontier households. And yet, to 1% for a roughly analogous site in the Santa on the whole, Native American material culture Fe River corridor (LA 16768 described above). is only minimally acknowledged. This trend The inhabitants of St. Augustine, being situated exists despite the fact that even wealthy persons next to the Atlantic, enjoyed the advantages of might strive to inventory commonplace objects, ocean trade. suggesting that everyday implements were still Present-day scholarly debate in New Mexico prized enough to be recorded with care. Survival focuses on the degree of material luxury in rugged New Mexico necessitated a fair arsenal enjoyed by the colonial Hispanos. Revisionists of weapons and tools. People struggled to make have criticized the notion of the province as a living from agropastoralism. They endured, in a backwater colony with constricted material the meantime, devastating Apache, Navajo, Ute, availability. One might argue that perceptions Comanche, or earlier Pueblo Indian assaults. of affluence are defined by context and should Colonists also managed to procure a few be understood on a relative scale. Regardless refinements and exotics. The archaeological of scholarly debate on this issue, however, the record seldom unveils these refinements since reader would be remiss not to grasp a couple perishables like spices and imported fabric, with of obvious points. First, had one looked solely one or two exceptions, do not survive well, at the artifacts it might have been tempting to while highly valued goods, whether treasured underrate the role of moderately important––but objects like silver spoons or mundane objects risky and vulnerable––long-distance trade that like farm implements and even clothing, were occurred throughout the colonial period. Better- less subject to discard. This appears to be the off citizens tried to recreate something of the case, although the issue of the low availability Spanish social order from which they were far of metal in the 1600s improved during the 18th removed. Mexico City was 1,600 mi. away, a century. Simple metallic items were sometimes very long ride on a mule or in a cart. It would the result of local forge work, whereas fancier be easy to underestimate the gear required to objects were generally imported. Select cloth- facilitate the work routine of individual house- ing was brought in from elsewhere, even as holds. The presence of small percentages of the local wool industry produced homespun, majolica in archaeological assemblages hint at supplemented by hides (Boyd 1974; Simmons the scale of the trade in imported household and Turley 1980). Many objects were evidently goods in New Mexico. Similarly, porcelain, handled with great care and recycled. Indian though extremely rare, appears in miniscule items are listed only sporadically, their occa- amounts in the residential archaeology of New sional recordation probably implying problems Mexico (Kayser and Ewing 1971; Moore et al. concerning access to Spanish material culture 1995) and intermittently in documents (Ahlborn rather than indicating exceptional reverence for 1990; Snow 1993). Exchanges of all types these objects, per se, beyond their unmistakable accelerated as the Indian threat from migratory serviceability. groups like the Comanche abated in the face All the same, the inhabitants of residential of Spanish coercion and military offensives by sites were not reluctant to adopt native mate- the late 1700s. Once again, consideration of rial culture. Luxury goods definitely circulated only the written record would gloss over the from time to time but only to a limited extent. obviously crucial significance of Indian pottery In the Santa Fe River Study, comparisons were and its undeniable utility within colonial society. made with three 18th-century sites in Florida A type of transculturation was occurring at that reinforced this view. Domestic assem- the level of everyday material consumption. In blages from St. Augustine (Deagan 1983) in addition to pottery, maize, and beans, during the general show greater percentages of import colonial era cotton cloth, hides, and medicinal ceramics than either the project sites or other herbs, among other things, were transferred from New Mexican sites of the 1700s, across class the Pueblo people to the Hispanos. In the mean- categories (Payne 1999), despite a clear depen- time imported goods, domesticated animals (sheep, dence on native wares overall. For example, a goats, cattle, etc.), European cultigens (wheat plus 80 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) various fruits), and occasionally wages or metal Weigle and White 1988; Nostrand 1992; Payne tools were transmitted from the colonists to the 1999; Galgano 2005). Transculturation was mul- Puebloans. Hispanos and Puebloans alike began to tifaceted, since some cultural aspects meshed grow chile peppers, which have come to symbol- even as others were left alone, created afresh, ize New Mexican agriculture. Chile peppers were incorporated, or reconfigured by compartmen- indigenous plants from South America that were talization. Many Puebloans learned Spanish and brought by the Spaniards to the Rio Grande area. adopted Catholicism, but they did not relinquish When these ingredients were brought together, the their own cosmology or languages. In other result was one of the most distinctive of Ameri- words, Spanish colonization tended to overlay can regional cuisines. In addition, the colonists rather than eradicate native societies, leading to integrated the flat roofs of Indian pueblos, which offshoots of Iberian culture subject to regional featured ceiling beams projecting beyond the exte- variation across Latin America. rior walls, with their own style of adobe building using brick-making forms and wooden details Analytical Possibilities such as columned porches. Flat roofs, though not unknown in Spain, were more common east of the In terms of material culture, one might probe Adriatic (Cordell 1992; Lazzell and Payne 2007). the reasons that ordinary native wares and lith- During the post-contact era the Puebloans ics were underreported in local wills. By way continued to live in puddled adobe villages of of comparative background, Stone (1988) has one- to several-stories high, as they had before the noted that ceramics were seldom recorded in Spaniards arrived, often constructed near rivers or one Chesapeake sample of probate inventories of springs to facilitate crop production. Many towns the 1600s because the people depended more on vanished during the 1600s due to European dis- wood and especially pewter. This circumstance eases (Ramenofsky 1987). Various enclaves were may explain why ceramics are not generously consolidated or renamed using Spanish terminol- distributed at relevant sites for this era (Beaudry ogy. The pueblos that were left by the turn of the et al. 1983). Evidently ceramic utilization went 18th century were awarded fairly viable Spanish up during the 1700s, both in pots (Beaudry land grants and overall were subject to less popu- 1988) and in fine dining wares (Stone 1988). lation pressure from European American immigra- In New Mexico, however, native ceramics domi- tion than were the settlements of eastern Indians. nate sites throughout the colonial period. These Together these two factors opened a window of wares were well dispersed. They may have been opportunity for Pueblo cultures to rebound. haphazardly inventoried because, for one thing, The remaining pueblos, mostly fanning out from like lithic materials, they were relatively easy the Santa Fe area and along the Rio Grande or to obtain and replace. its distributaries, struggled to regain a modicum New Mexican testaments served as barometers of prosperity during the 1700s but stayed largely of class affiliation and declarations of connec- distinct from growing Hispano communities, tion to the Spanish system through their fervent despite intercultural borrowing and interethnic acknowledgements of church authority and faith unions (Schroeder 1979; Simmons 1979). The (Simmons 1991). Although belied by the reality Spaniards employed multiple strategies to secure of social and material conditions (Snow 1988), native labor or loyalty, trying everything from intentionally overlooking the presence of native gift giving to force, with a greater emphasis on wares in testaments can be understood as a kind accommodation during the 18th century (Kessell of boundary maintenance between Spanish and 1989; Weber 2005). Pueblo systems. Those who participated in the The Puebloans ultimately contributed much to Hispano community frequently aspired to the New Mexico’s “umbrella” Hispanic culture, frontier aristocracy. Bustamante (1989) contends particularly in relation to foodways and archi- that the Hispano class structure was defined tecture. “Institutional” Spanish culture at the theoretically––if not in practice––by the amount level of laws and religion was left more or of Spanish blood one possessed, especially in less intact. Hispano folkways embraced Spanish established towns such as Santa Fe. Under these elements, independent invention, and indigenous conditions displaying status (by having imports, inspiration (Hudson 1951; Spicer 1962, 1966; observing sacraments and other symbols of melissa payne—Pueblo Potsherds to Silver Spoons 81

Spanish culture, or employing a scribe to make account, like class, when trying to explain a will when there was an inheritance) was a pri- “disjunctions” at different levels of analysis. Of ority to be considered. “Better” Spanish goods course, in a given study, one may not always (metal knives, etc.) filtered into native societ- have a research query that may be operational- ies also, but it is harder to gauge their role in ized to the extent of inviting valid comparisons written records, since these societies relied upon between sites, much less between assemblages oral rather than written traditions. and documents. And even when there is such a The sophisticated, town-dwelling Puebloans had query, the investigator may not be aware of the extremely well-established traditions in material mental intent of the makers of objects. In the culture at the time of European arrival. Hispanic end, it is the unevenness of written data that material choices were correspondingly affected, partly distinguishes historical archaeologists with and the broad Spanish pattern of utilizing native a scholarly rationale for being and doing, par- material culture, as in many areas of the circum- ticularly as culture change is focused on from Caribbean, was repeated. This pattern occurred an anthropological perspective. despite the reduction of native settlements, the The impact of status or other factors on mate- impact of Christianization (Spicer 1962; Gutierrez rial residues becomes clearer if one has taken 1991), or the occasional mimicking or adoption the trouble to define the operating boundaries of by the Puebloans of Spanish vessel shapes, as a specific discussion. Assemblages and archival natives had done elsewhere in the Borderlands resources plus applicable texts combined could (Payne 1999). Despite many obstacles, the Pueblo keep the researcher from attributing explana- peoples in New Mexico survived, and in fact tions for artifact counts to cultural phenomena they continue to make pottery as a culturally that are in reality being predetermined by the definable industry to the present day. sluggish or enthusiastic movement of goods back and forth. One might also obtain a better Conclusion grasp of when and how cultural orientations do affect the archaeological collections where the When seeking an understanding of the use of causes for variability arise from both physical everyday material culture in a colonial setting, and preferential criteria. What appear to be fun- addressing the disjuncture between archaeologi- damental differences between English colonial cal vs. written data is critical, as acknowledged site residues and Spanish colonial site residues by Cleland (2001). In the end, contrasting the in general (Deagan 1992, 1998) cannot be satis- material record with the written record will factorily accounted for based on logistics alone, result in a more balanced interpretation of colo- since native wares are often quite conspicuous at nial life. While there is overlap, the everyday Spanish residential sites close to shipping lanes residues revealed through the archaeology of or active trade routes, supporting the notion of Santa Fe River sites, which are mostly local transculturation. The realities of access, however, and native derived, are strikingly different do influence the relative percentages of imports when compared against the recorded, slightly vs. local wares among regions for equitable time more-dramatic benchmarks of both practical and periods. Native wares constitute somewhat larger ornamental Spanish cultural maintenance, from percentages of the assemblages in New Mexico blunderbusses to silver spoons. (Payne 1999) when compared to coastal areas De Cunzo (2001) is likewise on target. Inter- (Deagan 1983). Restated a different way, if one esting nuances are witnessed simultaneously is studying a “recent” temporal framework, both from the point of view of the colonial actors physical conditions and cultural tendencies may themselves, with regard not only to what they be knowable enough to suggest multiple causes used but also deliberately passed down via labo- for explaining behavior (Hodder 1985). rious documentation, as opposed to what they A wider spectrum of studies that actually uses relied upon constantly but seldom conserved. documents as a heuristic control for the archae- As such, local wills were more than lists; they ology should be carried out before judgments were tokens of Spanish cultural allegiance. are made as to which analytical tools perform Moreover, De Cunzo is prudent in warning better in the quest for a more holistic under- archaeologists to take specified variables into standing of the past. When such case studies 82 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) for multiple regions are compared, debates Binford, Lewis addressing the problem of where the discipline 1962 Archeology as Anthropology. American Antiquity should be will take a new turn, and arguments 28(2):217–225. ascribing causation (apropos of who had what Boyd, E. and why) may become more meaningful. In 1970 Application for Registration, State Register of Cultural New Mexico, the archaeological record points to Properties: Santa Fe River Sites. File 200, New Mexico multidirectional exchanges and the dependence Historic Preservation Division, Santa Fe. 1974 Popular Arts of Spanish New Mexico. Museum of New of the colonial Hispanos on non-Europeans. Mexico Press, Santa Fe. Nevertheless, written wills served, among other things, as gestures of Spanish cultural mem- Bustamante, Adrian bership. 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Ryan P. Harrod Department of Anthropology of the University Jennifer L. Thompson of Nevada, Las Vegas until arrangements are Debra L. Martin made to re-inter the remains. The 13 individuals were excavated from an historical cemetery in Carlin, Nevada, that was a designated burial Hard Labor and Hostile location for Chinese residents. This cemetery is Encounters: What Human about two blocks east of the main town cem- Remains Reveal about etery (Chung et al. 2005:107). At the time of excavation, the individuals recovered from this Institutional Violence and cemetery were all interred within coffins, and Chinese Immigrants Living in most possessed some form of mortuary offering or grave good. The importance of grave Carlin, Nevada (1885–1923) goods is that they can offer insight into the individuals and their positions within the society ABSTRACT as well as help to date when the remains were interred. Analysis of the grave goods, in addi- This article identifies activity-related changes to, traumatic tion to census records and historical documents, injuries on, and pathological conditions of the human remains of the Chinese immigrants from Carlin, Nevada, who were indicates that the cemetery was used between interred between 1885 and 1923. Chinese males came to the 1885 and 1923 (Owsley et al. 1997; Chung et Americas to work as railroad laborers and miners, and when al. 2005; Schmidt 2006, 2009; Schmidt et al. the railroad was completed many went home, but some found 2011). During this time, Carlin, Nevada, was work in small towns. In Carlin, Chinese immigrants were primarily a small frontier railroad-and-mining employed as merchants, shopkeepers, cooks, laundry workers, and a variety of other occupations. Within this immigrant community where Chinese immigrants provided group, there were differences in the degree of physical labor a major contribution to the labor force needed each individual experienced. According to historical records, to support these industries (Chung et al. 2005). this was a time of increasing anti-Chinese sentiments, and Due to the unique nature of this collection of there are accounts of intergroup conflict with the politically historical burials, there have been prior studies dominant settlers. However, little is known about the biological correlates of this sociopolitical inequality. An analysis of these conducted and published. The current research correlates is assessed as a means for understanding patterns builds on these early studies yet differs sig- of social, economic, and political inequality between these nificantly from them in a number of important immigrants and the local population. The findings demonstrate ways outlined below. The first project conducted that socioeconomic and political inequality experienced by the on the remains was an osteological analysis Carlin individuals resulted in high rates of activity-induced changes, trauma, and pathological conditions. Furthermore, by a group of skeletal biologists from the examination of the relationship between cranial trauma and National Museum of Natural History (Owsley other types of skeletal injuries supports research that has shown et al. 1997). This work was very precise, with trauma to the head can predispose people to other types of detailed measurements of bones as well as an trauma (accidental or deliberate). The results support the his- assessment of age and sex. However, the authors torical accounts of the time that indicate hard physical labor, accidental or deliberate trauma, and interpersonal conflict were noted only presence or absence of certain skel- part of the life history of this group of Chinese immigrants. etal traits and pathologies with limited interpretation of what the biological changes meant for Introduction the individuals. The methodological approach for identifying activity-related changes and trauma The following is a reanalysis of 13 complete has improved greatly over the last decade since to nearly complete historical burials of individu- that study, and so a reanalysis is warranted. als of Chinese descent from northern Nevada Another project, Chung et al. (2005), used from around the turn of the 20th century. The historical records supplemented by the data from human remains are currently housed at the Owsley and his team to explore the cultural

Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(4):85–111 Accepted for publication 23 October 2012 Permission to reprint required. 86 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) context of the individuals from Carlin. Their aim general, William Passamore Carlin, the town was was to assess the degree of acculturation of the founded in 1868 and served as the eastern termi- immigrants from China to the American way of nus for the railroad’s Humboldt Division (Elliott life, focusing primarily on the analysis of grave and Rowley 1987:114; Hall 2002:92–93; Toll goods and historical records. The human remains 2002:26). According to Schmidt et al. (2011:16): were given less attention and a preliminary and “Carlin, Nevada was Central Pacific’s district -ter descriptive osteological analysis was relied on minus, operating a roundhouse (for the exchange (Owsley et al. 1997). The current study builds and service of locomotives), machine and car on these initial findings but extends the analy- shops, a freight depot, and a refrigeration center sis with new techniques for examining patterns along the transcontinental route.” There is little of hard physical labor and also for examining doubt that Chinese immigrants were residents trauma, pathology, and fractures. These additional of Carlin on the day the town was established. datasets provide a much richer picture of the life Given that the majority of the people employed experiences of these individuals. by the Central Pacific Railroad were laborers of Schmidt (2006) and Schmidt et al. (2011) Chinese descent (Kraus 1969), it stands to reason used craniometrics to address questions of the that the laborers building, maintaining, and oper- biological relationship between Chinese immi- ating the railroad in and around Carlin would grants and populations from China to assess have taken up residence. In additon, even before where the immigrants originated. What they the arrival of the railroad there were Chinese in found was that the immigrants to Carlin appear the region who came to Elko County for the to have originated from either the Guangdong or same reason as their counterparts of European Guangxi provinces in southern China (Schmidt descent, to prospect gold and silver (Chung et 2006; Schmidt et al. 2011). Recently, Schmidt al. 2005:108). Though other ethnic groups beside also presented a paper on two individuals with those of European or Chinese descent are present evidence of lethal trauma (Schmidt 2009). in northern Nevada, the number of individuals in Schmidt based his interpretation of the trauma those groups is very small (James et al. 1994). on Owsley and his team’s 1997 report, as well While census and business records clearly as his own reanalysis (Schmidt 2006). Schmidt show there was a significant Chinese presence (2009) discusses the role of interpersonal vio- in northern Nevada (James et al. 1994), the lence, using trauma as the primary data set, Chinese people themselves are not discussed with no consideration of activity-related changes to any great extent in the historical accounts and existing pathological conditions. The conse- (Chung et al. 2005:115). Their presence, how- quences of excluding these other variables are ever, can be identified through biographical that it results in a less-complete picture of the accounts of some of the earliest citizens of individuals and their individual life histories. European descent living in Elko County. For Given how little is known of the lives of this example, discussing the accolades of Samuel group of early immigrants during colonial times, McMullen, a railroadman turned farmer and it is important to glean as much information as stockman, one of the defining characteristics possible from the human remains to document was that “he was at the head of fifty Chinese their history and sociopolitical experiences. laborers” (Wren 1904:748). Similarily, one of Thus, this multidisciplinary approach, using the accomplishments of Andrew Canavan––“one bioarchaeological methods of analysis, provides of the state’s most intelligent, progressive and a new look at the Carlin Chinese immigrants. enterprising mining men”––was that he played a pivotal role in the introduction of the “bill Life in a Railroad Town: for the exclusion of Chinamen from the state” A Brief Overview of Carlin (Wren 1904:684). It is clear that these accounts of Chinese living in the region are biased and Carlin is in Elko County, which is in the lack details about the individuals and their lives. far-northeast portion of the state of Nevada. Chung et al. (2005:115–116) found that much of The town developed as a product of the west- what was reported in the local newspapers about ern expansion of the Central Pacific Railroad. the Chinese living in Carlin was portrayed from Named after a Civil War Union brigadier a skewed prospective. ryan p. harrod, jennifer l. thompson, and debral l. martin—Hard Labor and Hostile Encounters 87

This lack of a recorded history for a large about other forms of forced labor that are not as portion of the community, and the fact that what overt as slavery. The focus of this project is on is recorded does not necessarily show the Chi- a group of Chinese immigrants living in Nevada nese in the best light suggests that Carlin was at the end of the 19th and beginning of the not a unified community. In fact, by 1879, only 20th century, not individuals within the system 11 years after the establishment of Carlin, there of captivity during the Atlantic slave trade. are groups founded like the Anti-Chinese League However, the issues this research is addressing in nearby Virginia City, whose sole intent is to are in many ways the same ones bioarchaeolo- close down the Chinese-owned laundries and gists faced when analyzing the bones of slaves. drive the Chinese out of the region (James et By 1865, slavery was outlawed in the United al. 1994:170). Only a year later, in 1880, a vote States, but Jim Crow laws, rampant racism, was held in Nevada on the issue of Chinese and the subjugation of immigrant and nonwhite immigration that resulted in 17,259 in favor subgroups continued and persists even today. of banning it, in contrast to 183 in support of The concept of indentured servitude is often immigration (Wren 1904:82). The establishment associated with colonial times, when lower-status of organizations and laws against Chinese immi- European immigrants would indebt themselves grants would eventually lead to violence. There to companies as a means of securing passage are well-documented riots in northern Nevada to the colonies. However, this concept is rarely and other parts of the West, such as Arizona, applied to other groups within the United States that are an result of this anti-Chinese sentiment (Galenson 1984). The reality is that indentured (Elliott and Rowley 1987:167; Lister and Lister servitude existed well after the colonies were 1989b:57; Cheung 2002:50). established and arguably still exists today:

Minority Laborers: A Legacy of In the 1850s it is likely that some Chinese immigrants Discrimination and Subjugation to California had signed misleading contracts and unwittingly locked themselves into form of bondage lasting up to seven years: some were kidnapped; some There is an extensive literature that has exam- were sold by their clans to brokers; and some, desper- ined the biological effects of slaving practices ately poor, sold themselves off in a voluntary form of related to the Atlantic slave trade (Corruccini et indentured servitude (Pfaelzer 2008:27). al. 1982; Mann et al. 1987; Owsley et al. 1987; Rathburn 1987; Rankin-Hill 1990; Rathburn and The problem is that, as immigrants entered into Scurry 1991; Blakey 1998, 2001; Blakey et these agreements, they were then subjugated by al. 2000; Rankin-Hill et al. 2000; Terranova the more dominant groups in the society, which et al. 2000). The findings of these researchers obviously includes European Americans (Hirata illustrate the many ways that the skeleton can 1979; McClain 1996) but also higher-status Chi- reveal the accumulative affects of subjugation nese merchants (Cloud and Galenson 1987). and hard labor. There are definite signatures The immigrant Chinese workers that became on the skeleton that illustrate the impact of indentured servants were commonly called excessive, grueling, and long hours of physical “coolies” (Boswell 1986). This subjugation and labor. For example, some slaves exhibited frac- exploitation of Chinese immigrants was not tured vertebrae from continually carrying heavy just an American phenomenon, however, as loads, while others presented higher frequencies history shows similar attitudes toward Chinese of infectious and nutritional diseases because of in Australia (Anderson and Mitchell 1981), lower immune response and repeated aggravation South Africa (Harris 2010), Cuba (Hu-Dehart of injuries due to a lack of healing time. These 1993), and British Guiana (Ali 2001). Just as pioneering studies have paved the way for bio- in America, the Chinese immigrant laborers in archaeologists to make significant contributions those countries ceased to be seen as individuals to the understanding of the effects of slaving and were instead viewed more as commodities and subjugation practices on other marginalized that could be traded and exploited in a system groups. Although researchers are beginning to of capital development. understand the biocultural implications of the The Chinese are not the only ethnic group African slave trade, there is much less known to fall into a system of exploitation within 88 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

America. In the mid-1920s and 1930s there who, because of their ethnicity, were consid- was a movement by American corporations to ered to be of lower status than colonialists of promote the value of Mexican laborers and to European descent. Peebles (2010:233) writes: argue against an increase in border security “Anthropology may be uniquely situated to (Limerick 1987:247–248). Mexican immigrants, insist continually on the relationship between ... like the migrant workers involved in the guest debt and bodily punishment.” This is because worker program in the United States, are living human remains provide an empirical record of examples of indentured servants (Vogel 2007). the traces of abuse and pathology that comple- Slaves or captives are, by definition, used in ments the historical record. Servants are often systems of barter, trade, and purchase without used as social and political capital in efforts to their consent. In contrast, indentured servants coerce and accommodate rivals and allies. Look- often enter into these systems of barter, trade, ing at how government and corporate powers and purchase of their own free will, such as in the expanding colonial West transformed the Chinese immigrants that came to America laborers into a form of currency (i.e., chattel) to labor in mines and on railroads, as well as allows the investigation of multiple sources and those that performed more-repetitive but less- forms of human commodification and trafficking. strenuous work in laundries or as shopkeepers. Ultimately, this sharpens researchers’ focus and To keep this system of indentured servitude ability to explain human behavior. Using theory organized and working, violence and fear of about debt, relationship, and power derived violence are methods of control used by the from Leach (1982) can be a productive way dominant group. Forms of violence are highly to formulate hypotheses about the ways that variable and used in different contexts. As such, credit and debt are manifested on the human violent activities manifest in different ways, bodies of people in circulation. Leach captures such as rape, or forcing individuals to work this elegantly in this statement: “Structures of excessively long hours, or by treating people social relationship are not only structures of as commodities with little thought to their well- indebtedness, they are also structures of power” being or health. These forms of violence are (Leach 1982:156). socially sanctioned or structural in the sense A more-extensive exploration of the lives and that they are built into the social fabric of how experiences of Chinese immigrants in Carlin, daily business is transacted, which, in contrast Nevada, is discussed by Chung et al. (2005). to more direct physical abuse, is hard to see in Finally, for a more-expansive exploration of this the bioarchaeological record because the signa- topic there are a number of seminal articles tures left on the remains are subtle. in anthropology and history (Lister and Lister Farmer (2004) and Farmer et al. (2006) 1989a, 1989b; Diehl et al. 1998; Cassel 2002; describe structural violence as the unnoticed Chung and Wegars 2005b; Fosha and Leather- political and economic relations and systems man 2008; Ellis et al. 2011) that provide detailed within a society that result in an increased discussions of the lives of Chinese in various risk of injury or death to certain marginalized communities throughout the American West. groups. The importance of the idea of structural violence for the Carlin individuals is that forced Bioarchaeological Methods laborers or indentured servants are exposed to many of these same risks as slaves and captives, The intent of this project is to reveal in with the major difference being that violence greater detail who these Chinese individuals against the laborers is less overt. Thus, instead living in Carlin were and to shed more light of looking for only healed trauma, one must on the nature of the lives they lived. The goal examine the skeleton for signs of repetitive- is to identify three types of “bodies” or “iden- activity induced patterns, as well as pathologies tities,” as described by Scheper-Hughes and and other signs of ill health. Lock (1987:7–8). One can use a theoretical This project provides a more complete analy- framework to separate the different ways that sis of the available historical and archaeologi- individuals and their bodies can be studied. This cal record using empirical data derived from is useful for creating a more multidimensional the bodies and bones of Chinese individuals, reconstruction of individuals represented by their ryan p. harrod, jennifer l. thompson, and debral l. martin—Hard Labor and Hostile Encounters 89 skeletonized remains. The three “bodies” include how individuals may have resisted, acquiesced, the individual or biological body, the cultural and used agency in their relationships with their body, and the political body or body politic. employers, fellow workers, and others. Scheper-Hughes and Lock (1987) thus provides a theoretical framework for viewing the body 1. Method for Assessment of from a number of different perspectives, each Traumatic Injury providing unique insights. Biological identity involves the analysis of Analyses of traumatic injuries are emerging as descriptors, such as the age and sex of each a useful way to document the type and frequency individual. This level of analysis provides the of violence to which individuals are exposed over baseline data with which to create a demographic the course of a lifetime and to relate this to their profile of a community, without which a compari- social positions (Owsley et al. 1987; Judd 2002; son of multiple sites is impossible. The methods Stodder et al. 2002; Tung 2007, 2008; Buzon used to estimate the age and sex of each indi- and Judd 2008; Martin 2008; de la Cova 2010; vidual rely on well-established standards (Phenice Giblin et al. 2010; Martin et al. 2010; Taggart 1969; Brooks and Suchey 1990; Buikstra and 2010; Glencross 2011; Milner and Ferrell 2011; Ubelaker 1994; Bass 2005). Harrod et al. 2012; Watkins 2012). This relation- The cultural identity of human remains can ship however, is not always clear, as it depends be inferred by looking at each burial context. on the role of violence within the culture (i.e., Details, such as the site description, including socially sanctioned or abhorrent actions). the burial location, layout, and size, and also The methods involved identifying the type, the type of burial goods (presence or absence location, and severity of the trauma (i.e., map- of grave goods), are assessed. An evaluation ping trauma on the body) include measurement of the orientation and location of a burial is of the dimensions of the injury, photography, key to understanding the position of a person and X-ray. Additionally, using methods estab- within a society. Similarly, the amount and type lished by Judd (2002) and insights gained from of grave goods (e.g., clothes, artifacts, precious an ongoing project with the Turkana (Harrod et stones, ornaments, or tools) can also reveal a lot al. 2010, 2012), this study will attempt to iden- about the individual. For this project, the most tify cause of injury as one of two categories. important aspect of the mortuary analysis is not These include accident- and occupation-related describing each of the grave goods interred with trauma, considered nonviolence-related trauma, an individual but focusing on burials that have and trauma that is likely to have been the result either greater quantities or greater quality of of interpersonal violence. grave goods. Chung et al. (2005) and Schmidt While perimortem trauma, or injuries that (2006) provide more-detailed descriptions of happen at or around the time of death, are noted mortuary context, as their goal is to provide an for both the body and head, the focus is on in-depth historical exploration of the sociopolitical antemortem fractures, with the primary focus on factors impacting Chinese immigrants in Nevada. those to the head. Antemortem fractures are inju- The most important information revealed from ries that happen during a person’s lifetime and analysis of the mortuary context is that these have time to heal (Merbs 1989). The methods individuals were buried separately from the domi- for scoring for antemortem trauma to the head nant “white” or European American population in are based on research in bioarchaeology (Walker Carlin, with grave goods that were representative 1989; Jurmain and Bellifemine 1997; Martin of their Chinese identity. 1997; Owens 2007; Scott and Buckley 2010; The final level of identity, and the one of Steyn et al. 2010) and forensic anthropology primary interest in this project, is the political (Maples 1986; Berryman and Haun 1996; Berry- identity or the “body politic” (Scheper-Hughes man and Symes 1998; Galloway 1999; Hannon and Lock 1987:7), which is a category that uses and Knapp 2006; Arbour 2008; Kremer et al. contextual information to imagine a person’s 2008; Kremer and Sauvageau 2009; Guyomarc’h social (and political) position in the society. Col- et al. 2010). lectively, the trauma, pathologies, and anomalous Although head traumas are the primary focus changes in the skeleton can be used to imagine of this reanalysis of the Carlin remains, the 90 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) presence of trauma to the body is also revealing. Mummert et al. 2011; Pinhasi et al. 2011; Watts Injuries to the postcranial skeleton tend to occur 2011). Robusticity data is also important as the less frequently and are often the result of acci- overall size and shape of the bones can change as dental or occupation-related injuries rather than a result of variations in subsistence-based activity violence. There are, however, several postcranial (Pearson 2000; Ruff and Larsen 2001; Ruff 2005, injuries that are indicative of violence. Trauma 2008; Suby and Guichón 2009; Mummert et al. indicative of violence on the postcranial skeleton 2011; Sparacello et al. 2011), as well as the type include “parry” fractures of the lower arm and, to of terrain people live in and their mobility pattern a lesser degree, fractures of the ribs and to the (Ruff 1999, 2008; Shaw and Stock 2009; Marchi hands and feet. and Shaw 2011). For this study the primary importance of postcranial trauma follows Larsen (1997:112–113), Ultimate factors such as the long-term selective pressures which suggests that the importance of postcra- exerted by climate and by cultural adaptations (e.g., subsistence activities) affect body mass and proportions nial injuries in understanding violence is when such as limb lengths, which in turn exert more proxi- they co-occur with cranial trauma, indicative of mate influences on bone growth and robusticity. Climate hand-to-hand combat and other aggression-related and ecology can also influence culturally determined trauma, and not due to accidental or occupational patterns of activity (e.g., Moran 1982; Kelly 1995) and injuries. Additionally, identifying the co-occurrence thus potentially affect morphology through the proximate influence exerted by habitual activity and through long- of cranial and postcranial trauma can reveal a pat- term adaptations of specific climates and activity patterns tern of repeat injury, as research continues to show (Pearson 2000:571). that cranial trauma (that causes mild to moderate traumatic brain injury) predisposes people to other Additionally, research from Pearson (1997, types of trauma (accidental or deliberate). This 2000) reveals that robusticity is affected by pattern has been referred to as injury recidivism, stature, with shorter individuals tending to which is the assessment of accumulated injuries appear more robust. Stature formulas from across the lifespan (Reiner et al. 1990; Judd Trotter (1970) were used to reconstruct overall 2002). Clinical research has shown that individuals height for each individual. Robusticity formulas who are exposed to violence tend to be exposed followed Bass (2005) and Cole (1994) because to trauma over and over again (Hedges et al. their techniques involve noninvasive metric 1995; Kaufmann et al. 1998; Caufield et al. 2004; measurement that Stock and Shaw (2007) sug- Toschlog et al. 2007). gests is as accurate as more invasive techniques such as cross-sectional analysis. Stature was 2. Method for Assessment of Activity calculated by measuring the maximum length Level and Nutritional Adequacy of the femur and the maximum length of the tibia minus the medial malleolus. Determining There have been huge methodological strides the robusticity of the femur requires taking the made in bioarchaeology in the analysis of skeletal anterior and posterior diameter as well as the changes related to activity-level and nutritional dif- medial and lateral diameter of the midshaft, and ferences. For this project the focus was on stature then comparing these measures to the length of and robusticity, entheses, and any other changes the bone as it sits in the body (i.e., the physi- that may be related to activity and nutrition. ological length). Stature and robusticity are well-accepted meth- Musculoskeletal stress markers, also known as ods for identifying changes in both the degree entheses, “are sites of stress concentration at the of access to resources and the level or degree of region where tendons and ligaments attach to habitual hard labor and work a person performs bone” (Benjamin et al. 2006:471). When these in daily life. The importance of stature data is attachment sites are put under excessive stress that it provides an indication of overall health and through overuse, they develop enthesopathies, nutrition. It has been shown that the types of food or pathological changes at the attachment site people have access to and the consistency of that that anthropologists tend to call musculoskeletal access over their lifetimes affects the length of stress markers (Jurmain and Villotte 2010). In the long bones (Steckel 1995, 2008; Gunnell et al. this project, they are simply be referred to as 2001; Lewis 2002; Masur 2009; Auerbach 2011; entheses (Figure 1). ryan p. harrod, jennifer l. thompson, and debral l. martin—Hard Labor and Hostile Encounters 91

Since the intent of this project is to assess related to activity (Merbs 1983; Hawkey and the variation in violence experienced by this Merbs 1995; Hawkey 1998; Eshed et al. 2004; immigrant population, numerous entheses were Rodrigues 2006; McGowan 2009; Villotte et al. analyzed to determine whether there are certain 2010; Havelková et al. 2011; Stefanović and individuals that performed more labor than others. Porčić 2013). In contrast, others say that they The muscle stress markers most pertinent to are the natural result of use and aging (Stirland this research were those that involve the major 1998; Weiss 2004, 2007; Molnar 2006; Cardoso extremities, which are associated with carrying and Henderson 2010; Niinimäki 2011; Weiss heavy loads and squatting. Two methods were et al. 2012). According to Robb (1998), the utilized to describe the degree of development inconsistency of activity-related skeletal mark- of enthesis sites. The first method, from Capasso ers indicating social status is due to social and et al. (1999), simply records the presence and political variables of each particular society that absence of the bony change without consideration are typically not taken into account. As such, of the degree of change. The second method recent research that looks at these musculoskel- from Mariotti et al. (2007), however, provides a etal stress markers has placed a much greater means of describing the degree of development emphasis on comparing individuals within the of many more entheses sites based on a ranking cultural context and not linking the changes to system of slight (1) to severe (3) buildup. specific activities (Eshed et al. 2004; Liverse The validity of using musculoskeletal stress et al. 2009; Martin et al. 2010; Stefanović and markers as signs of social position and the Porčić 2013) . existence of inequality is not a universally Also of interest in this project is spondy- accepted method in the field of bioarchaeology. lolysis, because it is typically thought to be Some researchers argue that these changes are the result of excessive and repetitive labor.

FIGURE 1. Entheses recorded on the Chinese immigrants from Carlin (Burial 3). (Photo by Ryan P. Harrod, 2011.) 92 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

Some research suggests it has both a genetic and important for ascertaining the type and quality environmental etiology (Fredrickson et al. 1984; of food resources available to each individual. Arriaza 1997; Aufderheide and Rodríguez-Martin The pathological conditions affecting the denti- 2003), but regardless of etiology the presence of tion were recorded previously (Vilos et al. 2010) spondylolysis seems to indicate the affected indi- using standard data-collection techniques (Turner viduals were engaged in a high degree of labor. et al. 1991; Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994; Hill- son 1996; Scott and Turner 1997). The dental 3. Methods for the Assessment of pathologies examined included periodontal dis- Pathological Conditions ease, abscesses, caries, and antemortem tooth loss due to periodontal disease and/or caries. Dental Health status of the Carlin individuals was pathologies were recorded by both the number of evaluated by recording cranial and postcranial teeth affected as well as by individual. skeletal pathologies, including dental pathologies. Pathologies are an important means of Results ascertaining the environmental stressors at work on individuals within a population as well as Analysis of the burials shows that all 13 are providing evidence of nutritional deficiencies. adult males ranging in age from 20 to over 50 There exists a large body of research on the years old. Of the 13 individuals, 12 are mostly relationship between pathological conditions and skeletonized with some slight to moderate rem- social position that has consistently proven that nants of hair and small pieces of soft tissue, overall health can often provide a good indication and 1 individual is mummified with significant of a person’s position within a society (Buikstra portions of the soft tissue and hair covering the and Cook 1980; Cohen and Armelagos 1984; skeletal remains. Given that tissue is still cover- Powell 1988, 1991; Floud et al. 1990; Walker ing a large portion of the mummified individual, and Hewlett 1990; Larsen 1995; Goodman 1998; the data collection of markers of activity-related Martin 2000; Martin and Akins 2001; Morfin et changes was not possible. Traumatic injuries and al. 2002; Steckel and Rose 2002; Ambrose et pathologies were, however, collected from this al. 2003; Wright 2006). Of note is that some individual by prior researchers using x-ray imag- nutritionally related pathologies that are quite ing (Gallegos et al. 2002; Thompson et al. 2002). specific (such as iron-deficiency anemia, scurvy, and rickets) complement the stature and pathol- Traumatic Injury on the Carlin Burials ogy data in important ways by suggesting where nutrition may have been inadequate. Antemortem Trauma In terms of the analysis of skeletal pathologies, the approach involved the utilization of There is evidence of some form of antemor- the criteria for differential diagnosis outlined by tem trauma on each individual from the Carlin Ortner (2003) and Aufderheide and Rodríguez- cemetery. These injuries range in severity from Martin (2003). The analysis of infection focused small divots on the surface of the cranial vault to on noting and scoring the presence/absence of the complete fracture of both the tibia and fibula periosteal reactions, which can be an indicator (Figure 2 and Table 1). The presence of even of nonspecific infectious diseases (e.g., staph and slight trauma is significant, as it illustrates that strep), health issues, general stress, or trauma. these individuals were an “at-risk” population. However, according to Ortner (2003:181), when periosteal reactions are present “[t]he causative Perimortem Trauma organism, in close to 90% of cases, is Staphylo- coccus aureus; the second in frequency is Strep- Two of the thirteen individuals (Burial 8 and tococcus, with other infectious agents making Burial 10) show evidence of suffering injuries up for the remainder.” Other diseases that leave that were severe enough to have caused death. distinctive traces on the skeleton, such as tuber- These are the two burials that were the focus culosis and trepanematosis, were also be noted. of Schmidt’s article about interpersonal vio- Pathological changes to dentition are a strong lence (Schmidt 2009). Burial 8 has extensive indicator of diet, which makes them especially perimortem trauma to the thoracic region. First, ryan p. harrod, jennifer l. thompson, and debral l. martin—Hard Labor and Hostile Encounters 93

FIGURE 2. Nonlethal (antemortem) trauma. Top: Burial 8, left bottom: Burial 8, right bottom: Burial 9. (Photo by Ryan P. Harrod, 2011.)

the sternal body is completely fractured between activity. Given that the head is a primary target the third and fourth costal notches, and there is in interpersonal conflict, this seems a valid con- a comminuted fracture of the left clavicle that clusion (Walker 1989). broke it into four separate fragments. Second, Burial 10, on the other hand, is perhaps more over half the ribs are broken, with nine fractures interesting because the injuries to the cranium on the right and six on the left. On the right and mandible are consistent with what modern side, ribs 1 and 4–10 are completely fractured, clinical literature describes as a panfacial frac- and there is an incomplete fracture of rib 11, ture (Figure 3). The term panfacial fracture while on the left side ribs 1–4 are fractured, as is used to describe severe facial trauma that well as ribs 9 and 10. Finally, the transverse involves numerous bones of the face. Follmar process of the fifth vertebra is fractured, and et al. (2007:831) defines panfacial fractures “as there are multiple injuries to the os coxae and fracture patterns that involve at least three of sacrum. According to prior analysis by Owsley the four axial segments of the facial skeleton: and his team, the injuries sustained by this indi- frontal, upper midface, lower midface, and vidual seemed to be the result of interpersonal mandible.” The fracture pattern found on Burial violence and not the outcome of an accident 10 matches this latter definition of what would (Owsley et al. 1997), although the latter cannot be considered a panfacial fracture, in that there be completely excluded given that there is no are fractures to the frontal, temporal, nasal, perimortem trauma to the head. This lack of zygomatic, maxilla, and mandible. Past research a cranial trauma also leads Schmidt (2009) as has suggested that a separate blunt-force trauma well as Chung et al. (2005) to conclude that the caused the mandibular fracture (Schmidt 2009). injuries were likely the result of an occupational However, the involvement of the mandible is 94 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

TABLE 1 ANTEMORTEM TRAUMA

Burial Age N Location Bone Description 1 45–50+ 1 Cranial Parietal L Small shallow circular depression 2 30+ 1 Postcranial Humerus L Proximal end with moderate displacement 1 Postcranial Radius L Distal end 1 Postcranial ? rib R Bodya 1 Postcranial 5th metatarsal L Distal enda 3 35–45 1 Facial Nasal; maxilla R Hairline fracture 1 Postcranial 4th rib R Sternal end 4 50+ 1 Cranial Frontal R Large oval depression 1 Cranial Parietal R Large deep oval depression 1 Postcranial Tibia/fibula L Midshaft with significant displacement 5 35–45 1 Cranial Parietal L Small shallow circular depression 1 Cranial Parietal L Small shallow circular depression 1 Postcranial Humerus L Greater tubercle 1 Postcranial 10th rib L Body 6 30–40 1 Cranial Parietal L Large linear fracture 1 Cranial Parietal R Large linear fracture 1 Facial Zygomatic L Complete fracture 1 Facial Maxilla L Hairline fracture 7 40–50 1 Cranial Parietal L Large shallow oval depression 8 30–40 1 Cranial Parietal R Small shallow circular depression 1 Facial Zygomatic R Complete 1 Postcranial 2nd rib L Sternal end 2 Postcranial 2nd–3rd rib R Sternal end 1 Postcranial 3rd cuneiform L 3rd metatarsal articular surface 1 Postcranial 5th metacarpal L Distal articular surface 9 20–30 1 Cranial Parietal L Large linear fracture 10 40–50 1 Cranial Parietal R Medium shallow circular depression 1 Cranial Parietal R Small shallow circular depression 11 40–50 1 Cranial Parietal R Large shallow oval depression 1 Cranial Parietal L Small shallow oval depression 12 50+ 1 Cranial Frontal L Small shallow circular depression 1 Cranial Parietal R Small shallow circular depression 13 45–50+ 1 Cranial Frontal L Medium shallow oval depression 1 Cranial Parietal L Small shallow circular depression 1 Postcranial 4th rib L Incomplete fracture

aThe x-ray image of the injuries indicated it was a fracture but physical examination was not possible. ryan p. harrod, jennifer l. thompson, and debral l. martin—Hard Labor and Hostile Encounters 95

FIGURE 3. Panfacial fracture (Burial 10). (Photo by Ryan P. Harrod, 2011.)

a result of the force of the blow and how that It cannot be said with complete assuredness force interacted with the muscular architecture of what caused the panfacial factures in Burial 10, the face and associated chewing muscles. In a but it is a sure sign that something with a lot now-classic study of facial fractures, Lewis and of force smashed into his face. Today, the major- Peruisea emphasize that “[i]n double fractures the ity of panfacial fractures are overwhelmingly anterior portion is pulled down by the depressor attributed to motor-vehicle collisions because of muscles. In comminuted fractures of the symphy- the high-impact forces involved (Magennis et al. sis, when there is bone loss, both halves of the 1998; Le et al. 2001; Goodisson et al. 2004; Lee mandible are drawn toward the midline by pull et al. 2007; Erdmann et al. 2008). The second of the mylohyoid muscle” (Lewis and Peruisea leading cause of this type of trauma is interper- 1959:291). sonal violence (Follmar et al. 2007:833; Lee et Burial 10 also has several postcranial traumatic al. 2007:695); this is especially true if a large or injuries, including fractured ribs, sternum, and heavy object is involved. One study, conducted cervical vertebrae. The ribs are fractured on both at Sichuan University in the southwest region of sides of the body, the first through fourth rib on China, found that violent encounters were the the right side and the third through the sixth rib cause of 23.5% (16 of 68) of the reported pan- on the left side. These ribs were fractured near facial fractures (Tang et al. 2009:172). Occupa- the sternal end, and this injury is matched by a tional activities and accidents can also cause this perimortem fracture of the sternal body. Another type of injury, but this is much less common. perimortem trauma to the postcranial remains For example, the trauma could be caused by (not noted in prior analyses of Burial 10) is the being kicked or trampled by a horse or other complete fracture of the transverse process of the large domesticated animal, or simply the result of sixth and seventh cervical vertebrae. a fall. In reference to trauma related to domestic 96 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) animals there is no indication that this was a typically neurological deficiency in the form common problem in Carlin in the 1900s (Lee of cognitive, motor, and speech problems; and Steenberg 2008). Additionally, Lee et al. migraines and dizziness; poor concentration; (2007) argued that simple falls (tripping) are not emotional instability; increased aggressiveness a common cause of panfacial fractures, and falls and antisocial behavior; and amnesia (Cohen et from heights sufficient to cause panfacial frac- al. 1999; Leon-Carrion and Ramos 2003; Brain tures would be accompanied by severe trauma Injury Association of Wyoming 2004; Glaesser to other parts of the body. While Burial 10 does et al. 2004; Stern 2004; Hwang et al. 2008; have several perimortem fractures to postcranial Center for Disease Control 2010). After the first remains including the neck, ribs, and sternum, TBI, behavioral changes may cause an indi- these fractures could have been the result of vidual to become marginalized and, so, a target interpersonal violence. Clinical studies have for further aggression/violence. Thus, injury shown that fractures of the cervical spine, ribs, recidivism (repeated bouts of violent encounters) and sternum are concomitant in patients with may be facilitated by injury to the brain from these injuries (Follmar et al. 2007:831; Tang et being hit or beaten. al. 2009:173). It seems reasonable to infer that Co-occurrence of trauma and pathological violence may have played a role, especially conditions were particularly evident in Burial 5, since the fractures to the ribs could have also which suffered from degenerative joint disease occurred as a result of a violent altercation. and a healed cranial trauma (Figure 4). Burial 10 and Burial 12 have cranial trauma in addi- Repeat Injury or Injury Recidivism tion to widespread active periosteal reactions indicative of nonspecific infections that could To identify possible injury recidivism in the be Staphylococcus (staph) and Streptococcus Carlin sample, the co-occurrence of multiple (strep). injures (i.e., skull trauma and the presence of other trauma to the body) needs to be observed. Activity-Related Changes Of the 13 individuals from Carlin, 10 (76.9%) have more than one traumatic injury, with 6 Stature and Robusticity (46.2%) of 13 individuals having cranial and post-cranial trauma, and 4 (30.8%) having An evaluation of stature indicates that the multiple cranial injuries. In contrast, only 3 average height of the individuals from Carlin (23.1%) of 13 have a single traumatic injury. is 162.8 cm. A recent study evaluating stature The results indicate that there is a pattern of change in China found that the average height postcranial injuries that co-occur with other of individuals from south China from 1880 to injuries, especially cranial injuries. A review 1929 was between 166 and 167.5 cm (Morgan of neurological and psychological literature has 2004:210). However, this same study noted shown that the co-occurrence of cranial and that socioeconomic factors also had an effect postcranial trauma often results in traumatic on stature. For example, individuals working in brain injury (TBI). TBI is defined as injury to occupations requiring less skill, such as railroad the brain when external forces are applied to workers, had a stature that was on average the outside of the skull and transmitted inside 1.1 cm shorter (Morgan 2004:211). For these to the brain. The damage occurs in two places, individuals, the average was 164.9–166.4 cm, at the coup (where the blunt force is applied) which is closer to the stature calculated for the and at the contra-coup (where the brain slams immigrants in Carlin. The mean robusticity index into the other side of the skull from the force of this population is 12.9. This is comparable to of the blow). When the head is hit hard enough the mean robusticity of 12.3 ± 0.8 found among to cause tissue damage, the brain can be injured a population of modern Chinese (time period both at the site of the blow and also at the and geographic region not identified) (Pearson opposite side (Gurdjian and Gurdjian 1976; 2000:601). Only one individual is significantly Dawson et al. 1980; Drew and Drew 2004). more robust, Burial 8, however, he is also TBIs almost always follow blunt-force trauma, the shortest in stature. Thus, the increased and the outcome of this type of trauma is robusticity may not be significant. ryan p. harrod, jennifer l. thompson, and debral l. martin—Hard Labor and Hostile Encounters 97

FIGURE 4. Injury recidivism (Burial 4). (Photo by Ryan P. Harrod, 2011.)

Entheses excavated, and what data is available is acquired from collections composed primarily of individuals Table 2 reports the data for the severity as well of low socioeconomic status in major urban areas as the presence/absence of entheses. Focusing pri- who had their bodies donated to medical collec- marily on the expression of entheses, all the Carlin tions (e.g., W. Montague Cobb, Hamann-Todd, individuals show moderate to robust expressions and Robert J. Terry collections). Additionally, very of entheses that are more pronounced than those little research has been conducted on entheses expected in an average population of individuals development within these populations. As a result, that was not working as hard, which indicates there is little comparative contemporaneous data, that moderate to rigorous physical activities were making it impossible to know how the entheses habitually practiced (Mariotti et al. 2007). Earlier of the Chinese at Carlin compare to the entheses analyses of the Carlin individuals (Owsley et al. of other members of their community. In regard to 1997; Chung et al. 2005; Schmidt 2006) suggested spondylolysis, only one of the Chinese immigrants, that some of the burials represented individuals Burial 6, has this condition. who may have avoided the hardships of immigrant life (specifically Burial 7, Burial 11, and Burial Pathological Conditions 12). Contrary to this claim, however, the results of this analysis showed that all the individuals Skeletal Pathologies were involved in laborious activity to a significant degree. (See below for a more-detailed discussion Four burials (Burial 1, Burial 4, Burial 8, and of the individuals identified as Burial 7, Burial 11, Burial 11) do not have any obvious pathologi- and Burial 12.) Burials of the dominant “white” cal conditions of note. Burial 2, however, has a or European American populations are not usually number of pathologies such as periosteal reactions 98 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

TABLE 2 ENTHESES AND MUSCULOSKELETAL MARKERS (P=PRESENT, A=ABSENT)

Burial Age Upper Extremities Lower Extremities PFa PGb PCIc SFd ASFe

1 45–50+ Moderate/robust Moderate P A A A A 3 35–45 Robust Robust P P P P A 4 50+ Moderate/robust Moderate/robust A A A A A 5 35–45 Moderate Moderate P P P P A 6 30–40 Moderate/robust Moderate/robust P A P P P 7 40–50 Moderate Moderate A A A P A 8 30–40 Robust Moderate P A A A A 9 20–30 Moderate Moderate A A A A P 10 40–50 Robust Robust P A P P A 11 40–50 Moderate/robust Moderate/robust P A P A A 12 50+ Moderate Slight/moderate P A P A A 13 45–50+ Moderate/robust Robust A P P A A aPF=Poirier's Facet bPG=Peritrochlear Groove cPCI=Posterior Cervical Imprint dSF=Squatting Facet eASF=Accessory Sacral Facet

on both tibiae, and osteolitic lesions of the first Dental Pathologies through third lumbar vertebrae and left iliac crest, which according to Thompson et al. (2002) may Of the thirteen individuals, two were edentulous indicate the individual suffered from tuberculosis. and one was mummified in a way that precluded Burial 3 has an area of localized periosteal reac- dental analysis. Ten sets of dentition provided tion on the right parietal. Several of the burials observations for a total of 212 teeth (Table 3). (Burial 7, Burial 9, Burial 10, and Burial 12) have All 10 individuals exhibited a high prevalence moderate cases of well-healed porotic hyperostosis, of calculus, but the degree of buildup was slight. but since these occurred many years before death, Caries were present in seven individuals and there this pathological condition does not offer insight were also seven individuals with abscesses, but into their lived experience in Carlin. However, these were not always the same individuals with in addition to the porotic hyperostosis, Burial caries. Signs of active periodontal disease were 7 appears to have a scalp infection around the noted in five individuals. Staining occurred on the cranial depression fracture that indicates that the teeth of all individuals to varying degrees, possibly wound had not been properly treated. Burial 10 due to tobacco or opiate consumption (Chung et also has a severe case of generalized periosteal al. 2005; Schmidt 2006). Given that many of these reaction (evidence of infections) that affects both individuals migrated into the area to work on the tibia and fibula, as well as a more moderate case railroads and in the mines of Nevada, poor oral on the right and left humerus, ulna, and radius. health is not unexpected. Similarly, Burial 12 has a generalized, severe periosteal reaction of the right and left femur, tibia, Discussion and fibula. Burial 5 has degenerative changes to both of the elbow joints that, in the case of the The immigrants from China living in Carlin left side, may be due to a dislocation. The degen- demonstrate a pattern of traumatic injuries and erative joint disease is severe on the left side and pathologies that are pronounced, particularly mild to moderate on the right. when compared to data from contemporaneous ryan p. harrod, jennifer l. thompson, and debral l. martin—Hard Labor and Hostile Encounters 99

TABLE 3 DENTAL PATHOLOGY ADAPTED FROM VILOS ET AL. (2010) (P=PRESENT, A=ABSENT)

Burial Age No. Teeth Ca % Ab % Cac % PDDd EHe AMTLf

1 45–50+ 6 2 33.3 1 16.7 1 16.7 P A P 3 35–45 26 – – – – 26 100.0 P A A 4 50+ 0 – – 1 – – – A A P 5 35–45 20 5 25.0 5 25.0 6 30.0 A A P 6 30–40 22 13 59.1 7 31.8 5 22.7 A A A 7 40–50 18 9 50.0 4 22.2 14 77.8 A P P 8 30–40 31 – – – – 31 100.0 P A P 9 20–30 30 2 6.7 – – 12 40.0 P P A 10 40–50 27 5 18.5 1 3.7 27 100.0 P A P 11 40–50 16 – – 2 12.5 14 87.5 A A P 12 50+ 0 – – – – – – A A P 13 45–50+ 16 4 25.0 – – 12 75.0 A A P aC=Caries bA=Abscess cCa=Calculus dPDD=Periodontal Disease eEH=Enamel Hypoplasia fAMTL=Antemortem Tooth Loss

cemeteries, including one in San Francisco (Buzon With regard to the cranial depression et al. 2005) and four in Texas (Winchell et al. fractures, people may argue that some of the 1995). In fact, the frequency and severity of individuals received the head trauma during trauma at Carlin is comparable to the trauma rates occupational activities (i.e., while working as seen among lower-socioeconomic-status white and miners or railroad laborers). While this may be black individuals from the W. Montague Cobb, a possibility, violence remains more likely in Hamann-Todd, and Robert J. Terry collections. the majority of cases. Research suggests that These collections are represented by individuals violence-related injuries to the head typically born between 1832 and 1877, and thus include occur above the hat-brim line, on multiple populations from the antebellum, Civil War, and regions of the cranium, and often involve the Reconstruction periods (de la Cova 2010). facial region (Hussain et al. 1994; Kremer et al. It is challenging to say exactly what the cir- 2008; Brink 2009; Kremer and Sauvageau 2009; cumstances were that led to these Chinese men Guyomarc’h et al. 2010). These characteristics sustaining the morbidity burden that they col- describe many of the injuries found among the lectively demonstrate. Even in modern forensic individuals at Carlin. cases the actual cause of death and interpreta- Additionally, the head is generally not shielded tion of trauma are often presented as a series of against blows or easy to protect, and as such alternative hypotheses (e.g., head fractures could offers a large target for perpetrators who wish be due to deliberate violence or accidental). to subdue a victim effectively (Shillingford Yet, the combined evidence from the historical 2001; Hadjizacharia et al. 2009). Furthermore, records and the bioarchaeological indicators fits according to Walker (1997:160) the cranial and a pattern of endemic abuse and a relatively high facial areas are actually generally selected tar- chance of the men being the recipients of blows gets because they bleed more easily and there is hard enough to leave marks on the bones. more-visible bruising, due to the morphology of 100 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) the skin and the delicate nature of some of the TABLE 4 bones, factors which perpetrators prefer since STATURE AND ROBUSTICITY the injury effectively marks a victim. The lack (BOTH MEASURES CALCULATED of historical records documenting high rates of USING THE FEMUR) violence is not problematic, since the majority Burial Age Stature Robusticity of the injuries affecting the Carlin men appear to have occurred as a result of low-level con- 1 45–50+ 159.43 ± 3.80 12.77 flict and, as such, were not likely to have been 3 35–45 168.46 ± 3.80 12.37 reported to law professionals or recorded in 4 50+ 169.75 ± 3.80 11.53 news articles. Even today, research has found 5 35–45 162.44 ± 3.80 12.34 that violence in the workplace is severely under- 6 30–40 165.02 ± 3.80 12.70 reported (Bachman 1994; Budd et al. 1996; 7 40–50 167.6 ± 3.80 12.28 Keim 1999; Hesketh et al. 2003). The evidence 8 30–40 154.055 ± 3.80 14.42 therefore suggests that the high frequency of 9 20–30 159.645 ± 3.80 13.63 cranial and facial trauma is more likely to be 10 40–50 167.385 ± 3.80 13.32 the result of violent encounters rather than mul- 11 40–50 158.14 ± 3.80 13.17 tiple accidents. 12 50+ 157.71 ± 3.80 13.86 There is an association documented in this 13 45–50+ 163.73 ± 3.80 12.87 study between cranial trauma and other types of skeletal injuries, and an association between traumatic injury and pathological conditions. These are important findings, as they support an culture is used to suggest that these individuals interpretation of injury recidivism. The distribu- were merchants or shopkeepers who may have tion and type of antemortem cranial and facial been wealthy compared to the other immigrants trauma in relation to postcranial injury and other (Chung et al. 2005; Schmidt 2006). pathological conditions reveals a strong pattern It was noted that four individuals (Burial of repeated trauma over the course of the adult 1, Burial 5, Burial 6, and Burial 7) had short life history for many of the Carlin men. hair and false queues. The justification for the Analysis of activity-level and nutritional false queues is that they were a means for changes to the bones supports the contention them to hold on to some of their traditional that every individual worked hard and showed beliefs because they were unsure whether they signs of stress and strain on his bones. The data would need them in the afterlife (Chung et al. presented in Tables 2 and 4, however, indicate 2005:139). that there does appear to be a significant reduc- Short hair could have been a result of other tion in stature and evidence of other activity- things unrelated to status. It could have been related changes (e.g., entheses and MSMs), ideological, in that they were actively declar- but not in robusticity. As mentioned earlier, ing their intention, as part of the anti-Manchu three individuals were identified by the original movement, to not return to China (Chung et al. researchers as having higher status (Chung et 2005:116). An alternative reason, however, could al. 2005; Schmidt 2006). Burial 7 is considered be that these men chose to dress and cut their higher status because he appeared westernized, hair like European Americans because they had with short hair concealed by a false queue or occupations as merchants, shopkeepers, cooks, ponytail, and had American clothing (Chung et or laundry workers that required them to appear al. 2005:131). Both Burial 11 and Burial 12, more “American” for the their clientele. This on the other hand, are considered higher status hypothesis is supported by recent research on because they were interred in higher-quality migrant men from Mexico coming to California, coffins and had identification bricks buried with which found that the physical appearance, as them (Chung et al. 2005:131). Finally, all three well as the dress, of the immigrating laborers burials had no indication of activity-related affected how Americans perceived them (Parrini changes to the skeleton according to the origi- et al. 2007). So, even though some of these nal osteological analysis. The presence of grave men may have changed their hair and clothes markers and evidence of adoption of American to look more American in order to establish ryan p. harrod, jennifer l. thompson, and debral l. martin—Hard Labor and Hostile Encounters 101 businesses and achieve some wealth, others of would make sense if the activity the individuals them may have made the decision because of were performing was concentrated on repeated anti-Chinese sentiment in Carlin at that time or continual arm movement (e.g., doing laundry (Chung et al. 2005:116). Thus, the reasons for or tasks related to shopkeeping) in lieu of car- short hair on some of the men may have been rying heavy loads (e.g., working on the railroad because of political and/or economic pressures. or in a mine). In addition to racism and anti-immigrant Together, these data indicate that none of the sentiments in Carlin, there may have been Carlin individuals was necessarily a high-class immigrant-on-immigrant violence as well. This citizen buffered against the hardships of being may have been a consequence of competition a Chinese immigrant in the West during this among different social/ethnic groups within the time period. Instead, the data demonstrate that Chinese population itself. Some researchers all of the men were undertaking repetitive tasks suggest that some violence may have been the that caused notable entheses to develop. This result of disputes between rival fraternal orga- conclusion is supported by the discovery that nizations that operated in Chinatown districts each of the 13 individuals had some form of throughout America, often referred to as tongs trauma, and a number of them exhibited patho- (Bennett 1900; Wu 1927; Reynolds 1935; Light logical conditions. Shopkeepers, merchants, and 1974). The word tong is a shortened version of laundry workers may not be at risk for daily Chee Kung Tong (Lister and Lister 1989a:86) trauma related to occupational hazards, feuds or Zhigongtang (Chung and Wegars 2005a:14). with coworkers, or even beatings from employ- Zhigongtang are described in a number of dif- ers, but their bodies reveal that they still were ferent ways, using a variety of names dependent at a higher than average risk of trauma. This on region and time period, such as the Chinese research proposes that, based on all of the Freemasons (Chung and Wegars 2005a:14), the available data, the Carlin Chinese immigrants Active Justice Society (Cheung 2002:40), the experienced trauma as a result of violence, they Hung League or the Society of Heaven and Earth were at risk for increased pathology, and they (Ward and Stirling 1925), and the Triad Society possess work-related entheses as a result of their (Murray and Qin 1994). The benefit of belonging low-status occupations. to a tong is that it allowed individuals a means It could be argued that the violence found on of arranging for their own funerals. The tong these individuals was the result of one of the provided a group of compatriots who could be anti-Chinese riots (Elliott and Rowley 1987:167; counted on to take care of the burial, the dece- Lister and Lister 1989b:57; Cheung 2002:50) dent’s family, and, if necessary, be relied on to and, therefore, represents a nonnormative event, rally for a cause in the name of that person. It simply the result of aberrant behavior. However, was this last task that often resulted in violence. analysis of historical documents from Virginia Thus, it is possible that the individuals indenti- City reveals that violence was not uncommon fied as Burial 11 and Burial 12 were placed in for Chinese immigrants, it was merely another higher-quality coffins and given markers because part of their daily lives. they were high-ranking tong members rather than being merchants as suggested previously. The Conclusions higher status in the tong would have afforded them a better burial, but it may not have pro- The Chinese immigrants living and working tected them from violence. in Carlin, despite having different levels of Documents indicate that some of the Carlin social position within their own community, individuals may have been of higher status were generally considered lower-status members based on their occupations as shop or laundry of society by the dominant European American owners. However, the data presented here show population. This resulted in high frequencies they were still working hard enough to have of activity-induced changes (from hard labor), well-developed muscle insertion sites. Addition- trauma (from being beaten), and pathological ally, the difference in muscle development is conditions (from cramped, unsanitary quarters not greater in the lower extremities but more and lack of medical resources). While others robust in the upper extremities, a pattern that have noted some of these indicators of a hard 102 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) life (Owsley et al. 1997; Chung et al. 2005; analyses using skeletal markers of trauma and Schmidt 2006, 2009), the reanalysis presented fractures, occupational stress, and pathologies here adds additional forensic, medical, biome- have provided a way to look at the biological chanical, and bioarchaeological data for under- and social body, as well as the body politic. standing what Chinese immigrants to Nevada Previous studies of these remains documented experienced in their lifetimes. only the ways in which the biological bodies Although the motivations for the violence were pathological. To expand beyond the bio- may have been multifactorial, one explanation logical body, this analysis reconstructed the is that beating someone repeatedly serves as an cultural body, that is, the individual person effective means of dominating and controlling within a larger cultural framework. This was those whom one wishes to exploit. Historical done by adding to the analysis the historical and accounts of the Chinese immigrant experience archival information on the mortuary context throughout the colonial world suggest that the (how these men were buried) and the larger dominators were likely the “white” colonials community context (where immigrants lived and (i.e., European Americans in Carlin). However, worked). As a final step, the “body politic” was this project also leaves open the possibility that explored, which involves using information on some of the violence was perpetrated within the power relations among the immigrants, as well immigrant Chinese community among different as between the immigrants and the local popula- ethnicities or tongs competing with one another. tion. Collectively, the trauma, pathologies, and The authors would caution that even if the vio- anomalous changes in the skeleton were used lence were between rival Chinese groups, the to flesh out how individuals appear to have competition that existed between these groups resisted, acquiesced, and used agency in their was supported and likely perpetuated by the relationships with both the Carlin residents of values and behaviors of the dominant European European descent and their Chinese counterparts. American population (Light 1974). Some immi- This produced a more-nuanced and multidi- grants may have achieved higher status than mensional reconstruction of the lives of these others and possibly greater degrees of power. immigrant Chinese men. This is especially true for Burial 11 and Burial 12 with the identification of the use of bricks, Acknowledgments the higher quality of the coffins, and the more- abundant grave offerings (Chung et al. 2005). We would like to acknowledge Jamie Vilos, However, regardless of how violence was used who conducted the dental analysis on the Chi- within the immigrant community or between nese immigrants from Carlin. In addition, we the colonial and immigrant communities, it is would like to thank the anonymous reviewers important to clarify the impact of violence on who provided invaluable feedback that greatly individual and collective bodies. Given that all improved the quality of this paper, as well as the individuals in Carlin appear to have suffered our colleague John Crandall who contributed a some sort of trauma and some were repeat- number of useful comments. edly injured, it is likely that violence played a significant role in their lives. The intention References of this analysis is not only to illustrate how challenging the Chinese immigrant life was in Ali, Alicia Alison the West, but how little control some had over 2001 Chinese Indentured Labourers in British Guiana (1838–1900): An Exploration of Colonial Text. that life. Research has shown that social and Master’s thesis, Department of History, University of political power was negotiated and secured for British Columbia, Vancouver. some Chinese immigrants (James et al. 1994), but even that may have been offset by pervasive Ambrose, Stanley H., Jane E. Buikstra, and Harold W. 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Margaret C. Wood lives of free people of color thus offers a unique point of entry to understanding the broader question of the social construction of race in the Mapping the Complexities of Virgin Islands. Neither slave nor fully free, free Race on the Landscape of the people of color struggled to achieve civil equal- Colonial Caribbean, United ity, economic opportunities, wealth, and status in a society fueled by race-based slavery. To do so, States Virgin Islands, 1770–1917 they called upon material strategies that invoked racial categories to strengthen their position in ABSTRACT society. In order to understand how free people Colonial race relations in the Virgin Islands developed as a of color used, manipulated, and transformed the graded color/class system that invested the category of white- material language of race, it is necessary to ness with power and blackness with slavery. Between the two understand how the categories of blackness and ends of the socioracial spectrum a population of freepersons whiteness were created and how ideologies of of color emerged. Examination of two landscapes, one rural race changed over time. and the other urban, demonstrates how socially defined racial groups used landscapes to create, maintain, and transform Over the past three decades historical archae- racial identities. Focus on a Moravian estate landscape in each ologists have demonstrated that landscape-oriented setting reveals a strong commitment to the ideology of white analysis is an effective way to reveal material superiority espoused by the colonial authorities and landowning traces of race, identity, class, resistance, meaning, elite. After freepersons of color were granted full citizenship memory, and power (McGuire 1991; Pulsipher (1830) and the abolition of slavery (1848), socially defined racial groups in rural and urban settings used distinctly dif- 1994; Delle 1998; Epperson 1999; Shackel 2003; ferent spatial and social strategies to make claims about their Mullins 2006). To examine how identities of race racial identities in an environment of continued white privilege. were reinforced through material spatial practices in the Virgin Islands, two locations will be con- Introduction sidered: one rural and one urban. The port city of Charlotte Amalie was the urban, commercial In the colonial Danish West Indies (U.S. Virgin capital of the Virgin Islands and home to the Islands), as in many of the slave societies of the largest community of free people of color in the Americas, an intermediate group of non-European islands. The sleepy East End of the island of St. freepersons emerged that separated the superor- John, on the other hand, was home to a small dinate whites from the blacks over whom they community of free blacks who operated modest exercised complete control. The very existence provisioning estates and worked in a variety of of such a category of “free” persons disrupted maritime occupations (Figure 1). Attention will the neat binary oppositions in which white was be drawn to the landscape of a Moravian estate/ virtually a synonym for freedom, power, and mission in each locale that came to embody privilege, while black was synonymous with ser- racial ideologies of the plantation elite. Material vitude. The social contradiction embodied in free strategies used to claim, assert, and assign racial people of color was compounded by the fact that identities were similar in both rural and urban many were of “mixed” racial ancestry. The exis- contexts during the height of the plantation era. tence of a category of people who were legally Important differences emerged, however, as free free (although with severely attenuated rights) people of color achieved full enfranchisement and and racially ambiguous threw into question the slaves achieved freedom in the mid-19th century. order and structure of the racial hierarchy of In the urban context of Charlotte Amalie claims plantation society. to greater degrees of whiteness were rewarded Historian Neville A. T. Hall has referred to by more access to wealth and power. Exclusive free people of color as an “an intermediate sort spaces of whiteness were maintained to rein- of class” (Hall 1992:139). An examination of the force the power of white privilege. In the rural

Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(4):112–134 Accepted for publication 15 March 2012 Permission to reprint required. Margaret c. wood—Mapping the Complexities of Race on the Landscape of the Colonial Caribbean 113

FIGURE 1. Map showing St. Thomas and St. John with Charlotte Amalie, East End, Nisky estate, and Emmaus estate identified. (Map by author, 2012.) mostly subsistence-based community of the East biological reality. Racialization is the historically End whiteness offered few benefits and spatial/ specific process by which categories are created material distinctions between racial groups were to classify people based on perceived physi- downplayed. cal variations that are assumed to be real and clearly definable. Racial categories are invested Race and Landscape with meanings that confer a suite of presumed in Historical Archaeology characteristics upon entire populations (Harrison 1998; Orser 2007:9–14). Modern forms of race Historical archaeologists have been examin- that exist in the United States and Caribbean ing the complexities of race and its material have their roots in the colonial experience, so it manifestations for decades (Baker 1980; Otto is no surprise that these systems generally asso- 1980; Orser 1988, 1999, 2001a; Leone et al. ciate superior cultural/behavioral characteristics 2005:580–581). Archaeologist Charles Orser with Europeans and negative/inferior traits with argues that with the advent of plantation Africans and Native Americans. The construction archaeology in the 1960s it was inevitable that of racial identities is not a neutral act; rather, historical archaeologists would eventually have it is one that involves the creation of a hier- to confront the complexities of race in some archy of wealth, privilege, prestige, and power. fashion (Orser 2001a:5). It was not until the Over time racial identities have been created to 1990s, however, that more researchers began to justify the treatment of conquered, enslaved, and frame their inquiries explicitly as explorations impoverished peoples and rationalize domination of the social construction of racial identities and by others. The ideology of race thus serves to the lived material outcomes of racism (Babson naturalize profound political, economic, and social 1990; Epperson 1990, 1999; Shackel 1994; inequality by making it appear to be a product of Delle 1998; Mullins 1999a; Orser 1999; Bran- the natural or supernatural order of things rather don 2009:4). The ever-growing literature created than a creation of people and society. Race is by American historical archaeologists over the created to serve particular social interests and is last decade suggests that race and racism are championed by those that have something to gain becoming significant topics within the discipline from selectively marginalizing others (American (Delle 2001; Epperson 2001; Matthews 2001; Anthropological Association 1998). Mullins 2001, 2006; Orser 2001b, 2007; Payn- Scholarship on race in historical archaeol- ter 2001; Shackel 2003; Brandon and Davidson ogy has drawn on mainstream anthropological 2005; Fennell 2009, 2010). research, as well as critical race theory, vindi- In keeping with mainstream anthropological cationalist scholarship, and political economy thought, historical archaeologists understand (Matthews 2001; Epperson 2004; Mullins 2008). race to be a social phenomenon and not a It is well beyond the scope of this paper to 114 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) discuss the details of these schools of thought; privilege, it is possible to gain an understand- however, central concepts from these paradigms ing of who benefits from racism and how they have been potently employed by archaeologists do so. who seek to understand the material manifesta- In order to break down the notion that white- tions of race and racism. Critical race theorists, ness exists as a transhistorical norm, historical for example, embrace the premise that race is archaeologists have worked to document the socially constructed and emphatically reject the origin of the category of whiteness and the notion that race exists as an objective biological growth of white privilege (Epperson 1990, reality. While challenging the reality of bio- 1999, 2001; Bell 2005). Allison Bell argues logical racial categories, however, critical race that material evidence of the roots of white- theorists also emphasize that in a social and ness in the United States lies in the remains material sense race is very real indeed. They of early-17th-century Virginia, where the use caution that the analysis of race as a social of earthfast domestic structures with open floor construction should not be deployed to deny plans was central to the process of creating the “reality” of race or racism as a profound social interdependence and white solidarity in social force that shapes the lived experiences the Chesapeake (Bell 2005). Terrance Epperson, of all people (Epperson 2004:105). Race thus however, argues that until the end of the 17th can be understood as a real dimension of social century “there were no white people in Vir- life that is rooted in some reasonably objective ginia” (Epperson 1999:160). In other words, the material distinctions. In the United States today, term, concept, category, and reality of privilege for example, a person’s racial identity will have defined by whiteness did not exist in the early an influence on a myriad of lived experiences 17th century. Rather, the pertinent distinctions including access to health care, income, occu- between people centered on a Christian vs. pational opportunities, home ownership, and Negro dichotomy. The permanent enslavement of educational level. Paul Mullins argues that race people from Africa was rationalized on the basis must have materiality because racial subjectiv- that they were not Christians (and concomitantly ity is a concrete experience structured by lived Negro). Epperson uses documentary and spatial reality (Mullins 2006:62–63). analysis to chronicle the creation of the legal Much of the current uptick of interest in category of whiteness and its associated social, race and racism focuses on the experiences of political, and juridical privileges. Epperson African Americans (Orser 1988; Delle 1998; demonstrates a trend toward greater residential Mullins 1999a; Leone et al. 2005; Fennell 2009, separation of white Christian indentured servants 2010). This research has produced important and enslaved non-Christian black people. Epper- insights on the way that racially marginalized son emphasizes that the process of residential subjects have been instrumentally disempowered separation was not simply a reflection of the by antiblack racism or have sought to evade process of racialization but rather was part and its effects. Some scholars have also recently parcel of the process itself. He argues that racial begun to explore the “other side of racism,” categories were created and recognized, at least white privilege (Epperson 1999, 2001; Paynter in part, out of the initial separation of Christian 2001; Bell 2005; Brandon and Davidson 2005; indentured servants and Negro slaves. Mullins 2006; Orser 2007:72–124). By tracing To be white in Virginia at the end of the the emergence of whiteness as a racial category, 17th century was to be free. Even the poorest as opposed to an inevitability, researchers draw white person had privilege greater than those attention to the fact that racial categories are who were considered nonwhite. Many scholars entirely created and are as much about securing have pointed out that the creation of whiteness privilege for some as they are about oppressing during this period helped to forestall the power others (Mullins 2006). The study of whiteness of the lower classes through a divide-and- has the power to dislodge normalized views conquer strategy that encouraged poor whites of difference and forces archaeologists to con- to perceive that they had more in common front how racism is rooted in white supremacy, with elite whites than they did with poor and which grants privileges to those classed as white enslaved people of African descent with whom (Harrison 1998). By choosing to look at white they shared a similar class identity (Shackel Margaret c. wood—Mapping the Complexities of Race on the Landscape of the Colonial Caribbean 115

1994; Epperson 1999; Matthews 2001:76). In by the emergence of complex creole identities the Virgin Islands, it will be seen that a very that confounded early attempts by white elites similar process played out as some lighter- to create a clear and simple class structure skinned free people of color sought to secure based on perceived racial difference. Matthews their position in society through reference to an also points out the complexity of racial con- existing racial hierarchy that invested power in structs and how they are often fractured by whiteness (Hall 1992:176). class interests. In the Chesapeake, whites cre- An excellent example of the perpetual remak- ated a coalition based on shared whiteness and ing of whiteness and white privilege comes the concomitant privileges of freedom (Bell from the work of labor historian David Roediger 2005). Elites, however, also distinguished and (1991). Roediger documents how Irish immi- distanced themselves from the poor whites by grants to the United States in the late 19th cen- enforcing rational commodity-based exchange tury were initially assigned a nonwhite, immi- in their material interactions. The construction grant/Irish racial identity. This racial category of permanent, maintenance-free brick domestic was similar to the status of blacks, in the sense structures in the 18th century allowed the elite that both groups were relegated to the lowest- to evade social relationships and obligations to paying, dirtiest jobs, and both groups hovered in poor whites. These homes signaled both the the lowest strata of the social order. Over time, privileges and limitations of whiteness by rein- however, the Irish used a variety of strategies, forcing the power of the elite (Shackel 1994; including embracing antiblack racism, and were Matthews 2001:75–80). able to transform their racial identity to become Terrence Epperson has argued that attempts at “white” (Roediger 1991). Whiteness conferred a domination, like those discussed above, always “white man’s wages” and improved social and include gestures of both inclusion and exclusion material conditions for the Irish, as well as the (Epperson 1999). While gestures of inclusion psychological benefit of perceived superiority. facilitate the ability of the elite to control and Archaeologists Charles Orser (2007:72–124) and manipulate oppressed populations, gestures of Steven Brighton (2005) have explored the ways exclusion allow the members of the elite to that material culture was part of this process at distinguish themselves and validate their socially the Five Points site in New York City, as Irish superior position. These tendencies of power can immigrants made efforts to conform materi- also be read on racialized plantation landscapes ally to the perception of what it meant to be where enslaved workers were both subject to white in the United States. These studies are a the unblinking disciplinary gaze of authorities reminder that racialization is entirely cultural, and simultaneously rendered invisible as people and qualities that are perceived to be pertinent and the real source of elite wealth (Epperson to racial classification, whether they be physi- 1990; Delle 1998; Brandon and Davidson 2005). cal, behavioral, or cultural, will vary over time. Importantly, gestures of exclusion always make In the Virgin Islands it will be seen that some room for subversion and redefinition. people of color were considered white and were While there is no single type of material cul- afforded the social benefits of whiteness. In both ture that has proven most effective in the exam- cases whiteness was not solely about appearance ination of the processes of racialization, many but about status, class, and privilege. researchers have turned to landscape and spatial The subtleties of similarly complicated racial analysis as productive lines of inquiry. Draw- systems have been explored archaeologically ing on scholars like Lefevre (Lefevre 1974), and serve to disrupt assumptions that race is Foucault (Foucault 1979), Bourdieu (Bourdieu stable or exists separate from specific social 1990), and Soja (Soja 1989), archaeologists have circumstances. Christopher Matthews (2001), explored the inseparable connection between for example, examines how race developed as a physical landscapes and the social relations that contingent social fact in two different contexts are constructed, reconstructed, and maintained in the 18th century. Using architecture and arti- within them (Orser 2006). Landscapes thus are facts to piece together patterns in commodity not only reflections of the social order, ideology, and gift exchange, Matthews shows how a fluid or particular ways of seeing the world, they are racial system developed in New Orleans, marked also vehicles that function to structure thought 116 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) and action. Because elites most often hold the of the landowning family and asserting Eng- power to create lasting, formalized landscapes, land’s control over its colonies. In the Virgin they most clearly contain information about this Islands color (as a form of cultural capital) group of people that sought to legitimate the was embedded in landscapes, which asserted the existing social order and make claims to power naturalness of racial difference and reinforced and identity. Because all landscapes, however, the power associated with whiteness. consist of what archaeologist Barbara Bender Just as the exercise of power can be subtle would characterize as positive space (elite dis- and hidden, so too can acts of racism be course) and negative space (those to whom it blurred and unclear. In his research on the relates), it is possible to reconstruct the world 19th-century community of New Philadelphia of the less powerful through absences, gaps, in Illinois, Christopher Fennel explores how and in-between spaces. All claims to identity structural racism impacted the destiny of this involve not only definition of the self but also, town (Fennell 2009, 2010). Founded by Afri- of necessity, must define an “Other” in con- can Americans, New Philadelphia was home trast. Thus, any material claim to identity or to a diverse community of blacks and whites. authority will carry this contrast with it (Bender There were no documented incidents of conflict 1993:248). or racial tension in the community, but racism Researchers working in plantation and post- clearly led to its demise. Railroad company emancipation contexts alike have shown how officials decided to bypass New Philadelphia arrangement of landscape and space has been when they created routes, despite the fact that used to both naturalize the power of the elite the community was optimally positioned. Rail- and discipline subaltern groups through sur- road officials who made these decisions did not veillance (Shackel 1994; Delle 1998, 2001; leave any documentary trace of blatant racist Epperson 2000; Brandon and Davidson 2005). sentiments. Fennel characterizes what happened To some extent this strategy was symbolic, as at New Philadelphia as an example of averse elites claimed central and significant places on racism, in which members of a dominant social the landscape to demonstrate their personal or group channel economic opportunities and social institutional authority. These material strategies resources away from individuals targeted by also carried with them the real possibilities of their racial prejudices. Anthropologist Fay Har- control, domination, and violence (Delle 2001). rison has argued that “even in the absence of Claims to power are not always couched in overt race-centered prejudice, racism can be the direct reference to clearly definable symbols or unintended consequence of everyday discourses overt threats of control and violence. Charles and practices that perpetuate and reinforce Orser (2006) borrows from Pierre Bourdieu an oppressive structure of power” (Harrison the concepts of cultural capital and symbolic 1998:611). violence in his examination of elite landscapes Bourdieu, Harrison, and Fennel’s observations in Ireland. Cultural capital includes the things, are pertinent to this study in two ways. The two skills, knowledge, education, social connec- Moravian mission landscapes upon which I will tions, and experiences that an individual needs focus were created by enslaved people under the to operate effectively as a member of a social rule of Moravian missionaries from Germany class. These things confer a degree of power and the United States. Moravians were among and authority in specific social settings. Sym- the earliest missionaries to attempt to convert bolic violence involves the imposition of catego- enslaved people. Missionaries were known to ries of thought and perception upon dominated work alongside enslaved peoples in the fields, social groups who then take the social order they taught slaves to read, educated children, as just, right, or natural. In essence symbolic and generally worked to ameliorate the condi- violence is enacted when overt coercion is tion of slavery. Moravians, however, also openly deferred in favor of symbolic manipulation. In condoned slavery. They operated their permanent Ireland, elite estate landscapes with carefully mission stations as profit-making sugar and created ruins, deer parks, and gardens of exotic cotton estates, and they owned enslaved people plant species served a pedagogical function of from the time they arrived on the island until reminding people of the antiquity and authority the abolition of slavery in 1848. Some historians Margaret c. wood—Mapping the Complexities of Race on the Landscape of the Colonial Caribbean 117 have treated this seeming contradiction with a “a Christian ... cannot be a slave or a servant” degree of perplexity and have a difficult time (Carstens 1997:1). Further reinforcing the link acknowledging that missionaries who were doing between Christianity, whiteness, and power on good deeds on one level were ultimately perpet- one hand and blackness and servitude on the uating racism, inequality, and the institution of other, Carsten elaborates the punishment for slavery. Although there is a dearth of venomous slaves in the following language: and degrading racialized rhetoric among the missionaries, an examination of the landscapes cre- If a slave yells at a Christian, he loses his tongue. And ated by this group will demonstrate the extent if he defies a Christian he loses his life. If a slave lays hands on a Christian ... he must pay for that action to which they were representative of white elite by losing both his hand and his life ... if any Negro planter-class ideology that sought to perpetuate looks sour or grumbles against any Christian ... then class privilege linked to whiteness. he receives 100 lashes (Carstens 1997:16).

Whiteness and Power: Slave, negro, black, and non-Christian (implied) Ideologies of Race in the Caribbean are clearly synonymous in this construction and white/Christian/free are synonymous. Mental Folk racial systems that emerged in the Carib- and linguistic gymnastics were required when bean were distinct from many of those that characteristics from these identity packages did developed in the United States. Like most racial not conform to the idealized structures. For classifications this system used physical features example, “free Negro” could refer to manumitted to symbolize a suite of assumed biological, enslaved people. Further distinctions were made intellectual, social, and cultural attributes that for “free men” who had converted to Christian- were ultimately employed to rank groups in ity and “free slaves” who had not converted to relation to one another and define each group’s Christianity (Carstens 1997:2). As will be seen, role within stratified society. In the Virgin the appearance of Moravian missionaries who Islands, as in much of the colonial Caribbean, a sought to convert slaves to Christianity created racial hierarchy developed that arranged people something of a problem with this schema. on a loosely defined continuum between a pres- Epithets of “heathenism” were hurled at tigious white pole and a devalued black one. enslaved people and free people of color, and This folk racial system also asserted that dif- were used to characterize a variety of cultural ferences between racial groups were differences behaviors including dancing, drumming, storytell- in kind rather than differences in degree. Racial ing, and healing, among others. Thus, heathenism distinctions were believed to entail a strong link did not solely imply non-Christian beliefs; it also between race, character, culture, and class. entailed any African-derived cultural behaviors Most white Europeans living on the Virgin that could be construed as non-Christian and thus Islands in the 18th century reasoned that Afri- were perceived as synonymous with evil. Planter cans should and could be enslaved because they Reimert Haagensen offered a grim assessment were “heathens,” not necessarily because they of the enslaved population on St. Croix, assert- were black (Hall 1992:41–44). Conversely, white ing that “they are evil by nature. Their black Europeans believed that they were free because skin gives proof of their wickedness and they they were Christians. While black/heathen/slave are destined to slavery. In countries where these consisted of one identity package, white/Chris- blacks enjoy liberty, no Christian can get on or tian/freeperson existed as another. Indeed, these be liked” (Haagensen 1994:36). terms were often used interchangeably. Reimert The Danish West Indian Slave Code of 1733 Haagensen, an 18th-century planter, described stated that enslaved people had been “consigned mulattoes as “bred from a white and a black, to servitude by the Almighty, and petrified or rather a Christian and a slave” (Haagensen in dumb superstition to his ignorance” (Hall 1994). Estate-owner Johan Lorentz Carsten pro- 1992:57). Thus, in the 18th century enslaved per- vides a detailed account of life on St. Thomas sons’ non-Christian identities were construed as in the 18th century in which he makes a very the ultimate rationalization for their enslavement. clear link between Christianity, whiteness, free- Skin color, meanwhile, was an important physical dom, and personhood. Carsten states that strictly distinction that had ramifications for a person’s 118 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) role in life. Blackness and the social role asso- Thomas. On the island of St. John, 113 whites ciated with this physical characteristic––namely operated estates where 2,306 slaves labored and slavery—were viewed as divine punishment for 15 free people of color lived (Hall 1992:5). The the ancient sins of Ham (Hall 1992:42; Sensbach numerical supremacy of the slave population 1998:20,34). Skin color thus marked someone as was magnified by the fact that most agricultural a heathen and as a slave. estates in the country were operated in absentia. While the general order of valued racial- Estate owners usually lived either abroad or in ized categories was maintained over time, the Charlotte Amalie, only occasionally visiting their underlying justification for the system changed holdings in the country. Estate business was left at the beginning of the 19th century as alterna- to a small number of bookkeepers and managers, tive frameworks based on biological concepts who by the 19th century were primarily lower- of race were devised. According to this line of class Irish and Scots-Irish (Hall 1992:32). thinking there were many real, measurable, and observable physical differences between races. TABLE 1 These physical differences were clues to deeper POPULATION OF BLACKS, WHITES, AND FREED distinctions including intelligence, capacity for BLACKS IN THE VIRGIN ISLANDS civilized behavior, moral orientation, and possession of refined human characteristics. While the Year Slaves Whites Freedmen 18th-century framework justified slavery through 1755 5,980 583 138 supernatural sanction, the 19th-century scheme 1770 6,640 546 67 rationalized the existing structures of inequality 1789 6,814 659 176 as a product of natural forces. Both ultimately 1797 6,761 839 254 achieved the same ends. 1815 6,699 2,279 2,555 People who were enslaved on the Virgin 1835 7,258 9,239a – Islands were called Negro, although their national 1846 5,284 10,239a – origin and outward appearance varied greatly. The aIncludes freedmen term Negro was used as a synonym of slave and seems to indicate the condition of enslavement While Danish West Indian authorities attempted as much as skin color. The term black was used to discourage sexual relationships between white interchangeably with both Negro and slave. men and black women, it proved impossible Enslaved people always made up the majority to prevent white planters and overseers from of the population of the Virgin Islands in the having sexual intercourse with slave women on colonial era. They outnumbered free people by their plantations (Olwig 1985:37). The offspring a ratio of as much as 10:1 in rural areas and from these unions were referred to a mulattoes, 5:1 in urban settings (Hall 1992:162) (Table and their skin tone was perceived as yellow 1). Slaves generally worked in the fields, mills, (Haagensen 1994). While most of these children and the houses of sugar, cotton, and provision- toiled in servitude next to their mothers, others ing estates. A small number lived in the port were granted their freedom. For children who city of Charlotte Amalie, where they labored were fathered by estate owners, manumission in a variety of maritime and artisanal trades usually occurred at the death of their fathers (Olwig 1985:13–42; Hall 1992:70–109). White and was stipulated in the will (Hall 1992:140). Europeans were a small minority that controlled These bequests often included manumission of all economic and political activity throughout the mother of the child and sometimes included the 18th, 19th, and early 20th centuries. The a stipend on which the newly free were to live, Danes controlled the islands for most of their furniture, household items, and even slaves. Free history, however, estate owners originated from people of color used these economic resources a variety of nations, including Ireland, Scotland, and became invested with a stake in slave own- Germany, and France. For a brief period in the ership. By the early 19th century mulatto and early 19th century, the British controlled the black freedmen owned two-thirds of all slaves islands and had an important cultural influence. and a substantial amount of private property in In 1797 there were 726 whites, 239 free people the urban areas of the Danish West Indies (Hall of color, and 4,769 enslaved people living on St. 1992:152). Other paths to manumission included Margaret c. wood—Mapping the Complexities of Race on the Landscape of the Colonial Caribbean 119 self-purchase, which was achieved by some craft attributed to the belief that greater degrees of specialists in the cities. whiteness (in a strictly biological sense) carried By the late 1820s the population of free people with them superior culture, values, intelligence, of color had grown to close to 9,000, most living and character. In reality lighter-skinned free on St. Thomas, where they could make a living people were given more opportunity by whites, in the harbor city. In Charlotte Amalie, free and their somatic appearance translated into women lived in close proximity to a large popu- more avenues for economic and social success. lation of sailors and traders who passed through Color in the Virgin Islands, however, was the port, as well as the landed elite who kept not an immutable and solely observable fact. homes in the cities. Mulatto and Negro women Race was a malleable category, and a person’s continued to have both short-term and ongoing family history, individual conduct, economic sexual relationships with white men. White male well being, profession, social interactions, and dominance made the possibility of a relationship marriage choices could modify racial identity. between a white woman and a black man next to In his study of race in the U.S. Virgin Islands impossible (Olwig 1985:37; Hall 1992:152). The in the 1940s, Eric Williams (1945) notes the somatic consequences of this sexual activity cre- confluence of race and class. He argues that in ated an evolving mosaic of colors and classifica- the Caribbean people are not only as white as tions. Estate-owner Reimert Haagensen identified they look. By virtue of their position or wealth at least three intermediate racial categories. The people may move about in white society, and by child of white and black parents was a mulatto. virtue of that interaction are considered white. The child of mulatto and white parents was a Within this system, lightness/whiteness and mucedis (mustice); and the child of a mucedis upper status tend to accompany one another as and white parents was “nearly white” (Haagensen much as do darkness and lower status (Mintz 1994:44). Other terms used for the “nearly 1974:53). Whiteness or darkness, however, were white” category included “casticer,” “pusticer,” not solely visual attributes but, rather, included or “griffe” (Hall 1992:151). The community of important historical, social, economic, political, free people of color thus included all of these and gendered components. categories in addition to Negro. It is not clear In 1830, free people of color were awarded if there were specific terms used to refer to the full rights of citizenship. As part of this process child of mulatto and black parents, mucedes and they were divided into two classes. Those in the black parents, or nearly white and black parents. first category were made first-class citizens, with Analysis of police records in Charlotte Amalie full rights, privileges, and duties. They were suggests that interpersonal conflict within the free placed on equal footing with whites and were black community often had its roots in consid- treated as whites. People in the second category erations of color (Hall 1992:164). Individuals were second-class citizens. The governor of the in the lighter categories often filed complaints Virgin Islands was empowered to “transfer” a against individuals in darker categories for citizen from one status to another (Williams “impertinence and threatening behavior” (Hall 1945). The division between first-class and sec- 1992:164). Clearly, color graduations had become ond-class citizens was clearly structured to ben- a component in the competitive race for status efit free people who most closely approximated and economic opportunity in the Virgin Islands. the European phenotypic form, but allowed for Physical features that served to mark racial the inclusion of those who could “pass” based identity, such as skin color, were not easily read on “good conduct, deserving rank, and cultivated for individuals who fell between the socioracial mind” (Hall 1992:174). poles. Color served primarily as a clue to an While official racial designation was controlled individual’s ancestry. An individual with lighter by the state, individuals also manipulated their skin generally held higher social prestige and racial identities through social behavior. Some was presumed to have more genealogical dis- families were known to have changed their tance from the state of slavery. Lighter-skinned racial designations within a generation through free people were more likely to work in skilled success, strategic interactions, and selective rep- professions and own real estate. The success resentation to state authorities, such as census of lighter-skinned free people of color was takers. Some colonial legislators bemoaned the 120 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) fact that many reputable white families in the would continue until the abolition of slavery in Danish West Indies could trace their ancestry to 1848 (Furley 1965:4). By the end of the 18th blacks. Accordingly they suggested that it may century Moravian missionaries ran six sepa- be “useful to prescribe certain generations after rate estates in the Danish West Indies. These which, descendants of Negroes, who have white included Nisky (founded 1771) in the urban ancestry in an unbroken line could be declared port city of Charlotte Amalie on the island of white” (Hall 1992:153). St. Thomas, and Emmaus (founded 1782) on the rural East End of the island of St. John. Landscape and the Ideology of Race at The landscapes of Emmaus and Nisky mis- Two Moravian Estates/Missions sions/estates provide this study’s two key examples. Both estates have been impacted by In 1732, two Moravian missionaries came hurricanes, fires, and other disasters so some ashore on the island of St. Thomas ready to structures have been rebuilt as many as four begin their work in the Danish West Indies. times on their original locations (Virgin Islands It is no surprise that the white planter elite Planning Office 1976, 1977). Using both archae- was concerned about the sudden appearance of ological and documentary evidence, however, it missionaries who intended to convert slaves to is possible to piece together the essential ele- Christianity. If slaves were to become Christian ments of these landscapes and explore how they this would remove one of the primary distin- incorporated, internalized, and transformed the guishing characteristics of a slave. The planter ideology of white privilege. elite was at first determined to drive the mis- The fact that these manmade landscapes exist sionaries from the islands. They soon realized, at all is evidence of the strong social connec- however, the benefits of the missionaries’ mes- tions between the missionaries and other white sage. Indeed the Moravian missionaries and the elite landowners. Construction of the mission/ planter elite shared very similar perspectives on estates was completed almost entirely by enslaved the institution of slavery. Both believed that the laborers. While the missionaries owned slaves, existing social order had been created by God they often did not control enough skilled labor and thus was good. The Moravians preached to complete their building projects. Much of the that it was everyone’s duty to endure gladly the work was accomplished by enslaved masons, state into which God had placed them, slave bricklayers, and carpenters who were “loaned” or free. Enslaved converts were encouraged to by friendly proprietors free of charge. Large respect their “duty to God and man” (Furley numbers of unskilled laborers were also provided 1965:15). The planter elite recognized that the to the Moravians for the more labor-intensive corollary of conversion was a compliant labor work of building terraces, clearing rubble, and force, and they soon were providing support for carting donated raw materials to the building the missionary endeavor. The Moravians worked site (Furley 1965:7). The landed elite hoped that within the framework of slave society and did by encouraging missionary activities they would not seek to change it. By Christianizing slaves secure a tranquil labor force. These landscapes they hoped to make them better slaves (Furley thus are monuments to the enslaved people who 1965:15). built and rebuilt them; and they are testaments The Moravians began their work by integrat- to the interdependence of white elites. ing themselves into plantation society not as Moravian missionaries were acutely conscious slaves or as simple laborers, which had been that the landscapes they created were instru- their original intention, but rather as slave mental in shaping the perceptions of outsiders owners (Furley 1965:3). In 1737, the mission- as well as fostering specific social relations aries acquired their first estate on St. Thomas within their communities (Murtagh 1967:9; along with 250 enslaved people who lived on Smaby 1988:95; Thomas 1994:15; Lydon 2009). the land (Hutton 1922:48; Hamilton and Ham- Given the fact that Moravian missionaries in the ilton 1983:149). This provided the white mis- Virgin Islands embraced slaveholding ideology sionaries with financial support and the seeds of and sought to ingratiate themselves with other a congregation, setting a precedent for land and landowners and colonial administrators, it is slave ownership by Moravian missionaries that not surprising that they chose elite structures Margaret c. wood—Mapping the Complexities of Race on the Landscape of the Colonial Caribbean 121 and landscapes as models for the estates they sanctuaries, and together these buildings anchored created. Danish West Indian plantation and the estate complexes on the highest elevations elite urban architecture was centered on the of the properties. The mission house that is vis- construction of complexes that usually consisted ible at Emmaus today is the original structure, of a centrally placed house, as well as other which was built sometime between 1750 and associated support structures including kitchens, 1780 (Figure 4). It is a two-and-one-half-story privies, slave quarters, cisterns, workshops and structure constructed from rubble masonry, coral, outdoor work areas, and cemeteries (Chapman and wood that was covered in plaster. The build- 1995:150). The landscapes at Emmaus and ing measures approximately 37 × 50 ft., with a Nisky also included one additional structure, a wood-framed gallery supported by brick pillars church (Figures 2 and 3). extending an additional 12 ft. from the west side Most Caribbean plantation landscapes tended of the building and overlooking the slave village to focus on a centrally placed, large domestic below (Virgin Islands Planning Office 1976). The structure or great house (Pulsipher and Goodwin mission house at Nisky in Charlotte Amalie was 1982, 1999; Armstrong 1990; Delle 1999). The gutted by fire in 1971, but much of the origi- plantation houses at both Emmaus and Nisky nal exterior of an 1829 version of this building missions/estates served as the primary residence remains intact (Figure 5). The building is a two- for the missionaries and were called either the story structure built from rubble masonry and mission house or manse. Despite the special wood with a full second-story gallery and hipped terminology these structures were essentially roof (Virgin Islands Planning Office 1977). like other plantation great houses. While the Both the style and use of space in the mission church structures were the dominant feature on houses conformed to patterns of elite architecture the landscape in terms of massing and size, the in the Danish West Indies (Chapman 1995:149). mission houses were closely associated with the The height and prominence of these structures

FIGURE 2. Map of the Emmaus estate/mission. (Map by author, 2012.) 122 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

FIGURE 3. Map of the Nisky estate/mission. (Map by author, 2012.)

FIGURE 4. Photograph of the mission house (manse) at the Emmaus estate, St. John, U.S. Virgin Islands, showing second- story gallery (Virgin Islands Planning Office 1976). Margaret c. wood—Mapping the Complexities of Race on the Landscape of the Colonial Caribbean 123

FIGURE 5. Photograph of the mission house (manse) at the Nisky estate, St. Thomas, U.S. Virgin Islands, showing the second-story gallery (Virgin Islands Planning Office 1977). corresponds to similar strategies that emphasized or windows connecting the gallery to the inte- power and reinforced control in other Caribbean rior space were opened they provided a liminal plantation contexts (Armstrong 1990; Delle 1999; space that was both (and neither) inside and Pulsipher and Goodwin 1999). The buildings outside. Galleries were intensely social spaces. that surrounded the mission house—including They provided access to breezes in the evening the slave quarters—were at a lower elevation, and comfort and shade during the day. It is were smaller, only rose to one or one-and-one- obvious that galleries allowed missionaries, in half stories, and housed greater numbers of both their roles as pastors and as estate owners, people. The organization of the estate/mission a privileged perch from which to monitor their complex speaks the same spatial language as converts/slaves and thus were instrumental in other plantation houses and served to legitimize enacting social control. Galleries had significant the social hierarchy by placing the missionaries/ racial and gendered meanings as well. estate owners in the center and diminishing the White women never made up more than 45% position of the enslaved. of the free white population in the Danish West The organization of space within the mission Indies (Hall 1992:152). Moravian missionaries, houses is also consistent with general Danish however, came to the Virgin Islands as husband/ West Indian plantation and urban elite patterns wife teams. Ideally, women missionaries were (Chapman 1995). For example, the second floor supposed to minister to women in the congre- of both mission houses was reserved as a resi- gation; their actual activities, however, are not dence for the missionaries/estate owners, while well documented. What is known about the the ground floor was used for more-utilitarian experiences of white women in the Danish West functions. The mission houses at both Emmaus Indies is that their lives centered mainly on and Nisky also have galleries, second-story their homes, which became both their domain porch-like features, that were a defining element and their prison. White women had extremely of elite Danish West Indian houses (Figures 4 limited mobility and were condemned to stay and 5) (Chapman 1995:152). When the doors inside, especially during the daylight hours when 124 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) workers, artisans, and other potentially pollut- a standing one-and-one-half-story building that ing characters were roaming the landscape. The served as a slave house is located immediately intensity of the heat and sunshine was often west of the mission house (Figure 3). It is cited as a reason to reinforce white women’s constructed from brick and stone rubble and captivity. Elite white women thus spent their has five doorway openings on both the north days waiting for the sun to go down and for and south walls. An additional rubble-and-brick slaves and free people of color to clear the structure measuring 33 × 36 ft. has been identi- streets in compliance with their 8 P.M. curfew fied as quarters for grooms and servants (Virgin (Chapman 1995:167). The seclusion of white Islands Planning Office 1977). It is not clear if women in their homes during the daylight hours this residential distinction indicated a difference was also tied to expectations of feminine beauty in legal status (free black wage laborers vs. that placed a high value on “whiteness” and enslaved blacks) or merely marked a distinc- the maintenance of pale complexions (Chapman tion between slaves who worked in the house 1995:168). and barns as opposed to field slaves. Whichever Galleries played an important role in this pro- is the case, it is possible that this residential cess. Contemporary accounts suggest that these separation may also signal a distinction based spaces allowed women a view of the world on color. If the Danish West Indies system is from which they were isolated. In Charlotte similar to other plantation systems, house slaves Amalie white women were known to spend and servants held privileged positions that were most of the daylight hours in their second-story often, but not always, awarded to mulattoes or galleries (Chapman 1995). From this privileged lighter-skinned people (Carstens 1997:4). location they managed their household servants Although missionaries attempted to teach by while not sullying themselves with interaction example by adopting a hardworking lifestyle–– in the broader (blacker) social world. Linger- laboring in the fields and at trades along with ing under the shade of the gallery roof also their slaves––they did not live like slaves. It is allowed women to conform to ideals of beauty difficult to assess the living conditions in these that mandated pale, unblemished skin. Galler- structures, but one critic characterized the living ies thus served as stages for the enshrinement conditions on a Moravian mission in St. Croix and enactment of proper white womanhood. On in the 1840s in the following way: these second-story platforms white women were separate and inviolate, their white skin a badge We came upon 28 Negros who belong to them of the difference between black and white, [Moravians] ... in exchange for the slave’ pains they give them neither good dwellings, good beds, nor enslaved and free. good habits. We have visited the huts of the Negros Like other plantation residential complexes, belonging to the Moravian Brethren and we must say housing for the enslaved at Emmaus and Nisky that there are no ... dwellings ... that are worse, none was placed at a lower elevation but contiguous that are grosser, none more marked by the seal of all to the main house (Hall 1992:76). At Emmaus the miseries of servitude. The contrast between these miserable holes and the large, spacious airy houses the slave village consisted of at least four struc- into which the ministers retire is shocking and sad tures and was located west of the mission house (Shoelcher 1994). and church (Figure 2). The foundations of these structures were documented archaeologically, and The contrast between the conditions under a watercolor painting of the area shows a slave which missionaries and their enslaved laborers village in this location at least as far back as lived was not only noted by outsiders. Mission- 1833. The remains consist of rubble-stone foun- ary Leonard Dober served briefly as an assistant dations built on terraced platforms with retain- to the governor of the islands and expressed ing walls. Only two of the foundations were a sense of guilt about dining in lavish style complete enough to determine the dimensions with the island elite when he had originally of the structures; one measured 20 × 20 ft. intended to work with the enslaved population and the other 40 × 20 ft. In the mid-19th cen- as a fellow slave (Furley 1965:9). The material tury Emmaus was home to 48 enslaved people distinction between the enslaved and the white who must have lived in these four structures missionaries was clear. Because missionaries and shared the nearby kitchen/oven. At Nisky shared a conviction that the existing hierarchy Margaret c. wood—Mapping the Complexities of Race on the Landscape of the Colonial Caribbean 125 was justified, they allied themselves socially stone, conch shells, clumps of lilies, and bricks with white elite society through interaction and (Armstrong 2002; Lenik 2004; Blouet 2007). shared a vision of how landscapes should be At least one contemporary observer notes that organized, which provided a material reference funerals were conducted for creole people who to their shared ideologies of race. had been born on the island and had established strong social ties or achieved respected positions Race and Death at Moravian Missions in the community. Bussals, slaves born in Africa who had not established significant social connec- Moravian missionaries differed from main- tions were lashed to a board and thrown into the stream racialized thinking in the Virgin Islands sea (Carstens 1994:15). in one important way. Heathenism, they rea- In the 18th century whites in the Virgin Islands soned, was a set of learned behaviors that could were either buried in the Danish Cemetery in be eliminated through education and conversion. Charlotte Amalie or in special burial grounds As discussed earlier, popular 18th-century justi- on the rural estates. Many estate owners lived fications for slavery strongly emphasized that it in Charlotte Amalie, and the Danish Cemetery, was possible to enslave Africans and people of which was reserved for Lutheran and Reformed African descent because they were non-Christian colonists, became their last resting place. Their heathen. When the Moravians arrived on the burials were usually marked with formally island with the intent of converting slaves to engraved stones or tombs. On rural estates the Christianity they threatened to undercut this burial places of white landowners and managers rationalization. The ideologies that underpinned tended to be located on rises or hills, marked the institution of slavery, however, shifted during with formally engraved stones or tombs, and the first three decades of the 19th century. Race some were enclosed by fences (Blouet 2007). was a central aspect to both the 18th- and 19th- The preservation of these early graves is rela- century slave-owning ideologies, but the versions tively poor, and it is often difficult to connect of racism that emerged in the 19th century the identities of specific individuals with graves. more strongly emphasized physical differences During the 18th century, however, it does appear that carried with them a suite of inferior social, that enslaved people and free people of color moral, spiritual, and intellectual qualities. Burial were not often allowed in church cemeteries patterns at Emmaus and Nisky estates reveal the or other burial places reserved for European emergence of this new way of thinking and may colonists (Blouet 2007). The important distinction have played a role in creating more biological between the two groups was their Christian or explanations for race and inequality. non-Christian identity. Non-Christians could not Enslaved people and free people of color in be buried in consecrated burial grounds. Thus, the Caribbean buried their dead in several ways. the 18th-century ideology that was used to ratio- Some were interred under the floors of their nalize slavery and racism mandated an absolute houses, in their yards, or in slave cemeteries separation between Christian/white/elite bodies (Handler and Lang 1978:173–174; Oldendorp and heathen/black/enslaved bodies. 1987:97; Brady 1994:168; Carstens 1994:14; When Moravians established their estates/mis- Armstrong 2002; Lenik 2004; Blouet 2007). sions they included spaces for the burial of the Burial was preceded by a period of public dead. Although the rest of their estates mirrored mourning that included wailing, laments, a feast, the material patterns of the planter elite, their and a procession (Carstens 1994:14–15). Funer- cemeteries did not conform to the completely als of enslaved people were very threatening to segregated patterns of burial used by other plant- white plantocracy who feared the emotion, music, ers. The missionaries brought with them unique dancing, and rituals that were part of these burial practices that had been established by the events (Hall 1992:58). At the gravesite food and founders of their sect. Dead Moravians were containers full of beverages were placed on the interred in rows that were organized according coffin before it was covered with earth. Burials to gender and age. At Nisky there were sepa- placed in yards or cemeteries tended to be placed rate rows for boys, girls, women, and men. At in clusters or rows and were marked in a variety Emmaus, there were separate rows for children of ways including mounds of rocks, rings of (boys on one side, girls on the other), women, 126 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) and men. This practice was an extension of a close examination of the burials in Zone 1 at social practice called the “choir system,” whereby both cemeteries reveals that until the middle church members associated with those who were of the 19th century all of the internments in most like themselves (Fries 1973:53; Smith 1978; Zone 1 contained the bodies of individuals who Smaby 1988:10). Burials were placed sequen- would have been considered white. Because tially in orderly, well-spaced rows with engraved these graves are marked with the name, place of headstones placed flush with the ground (Taylor birth, date of birth, place of death, and date of 1992). This practice was meant to emphasize the death it is possible to trace most individuals to communitarian aspects of the religion and the a northern European birthplace or to European- Moravians’ “equal community in Christ” (Fries born parents. While this does not prove abso- 1973:49–50). lutely that these individuals would have been In the cemeteries at Emmaus and Nisky buri- considered white in the Danish West Indian als are divided into two spatially and materially context, it is highly likely that they were. distinct zones (Figures 6 and 7). In Zone 1, flat In Zone 2 graves are arranged in clusters engraved headstones are arranged in neat rows and in rows, and are marked in several ways according to European Moravian tradition. A including rock ovals, mounds of earth, mounds

FIGURE 6. Map of the cemetery at the Emmaus estate, St. John, U.S. Virgin Islands, showing graves dating between 1770 and 1917, and graves without inscriptions. Ovals indicate mounded rock, shell, and earthen grave markers. Graves shaded in light gray are of individuals known to be of European descent. Graves shaded in dark gray are individuals of African or “mixed” descent. (Map by author, 2012.) Margaret c. wood—Mapping the Complexities of Race on the Landscape of the Colonial Caribbean 127

FIGURE 7. Map of the cemetery at the Nisky Estate, St. John, U.S. Virgin Islands, showing graves dating between 1770 and 1917, and graves without inscriptions. Ovals indicate mounded rock, shell, earthen grave markers. Graves shaded in light gray are of individuals known to be of European descent. (Map by author, 2012.)

of rock, shell, lilies, and Christmas bushes (Oldendorp 1987:418; Brady 1994:168). The (Comocladia dodonaea). The graves in Zone 2 argument that the stone circles, conch-shell are not inscribed in any way. An approximation mounds, and stone piles mark the interment of of the date of these burials, however, can be enslaved and free black converts is strengthened ascertained through an examination of ceramic by the fact that there are striking stylistic simi- sherds that are scattered around several inter- larities between these burials and other known ments. The shattered remains of annular and African Caribbean burials (Jamieson 1995; Delle sponge-decorated pearlware vessels (1785–1840) 2001; Pulsipher and Goodwin 2001; Armstrong that may have been used in mourning ritu- 2002; Lenik 2004). als suggest that some of these burials date as By blatantly bringing slaves and free people early as the late 18th century. If Zone 1 were of color into Christian cemetery landscapes in reserved for white missionaries/estate owners it the 18th century, Moravians were challenging seems reasonable to assume that Zone 2 was the validity of the existing conceptual distinc- the location where enslaved and free people tions between enslaved people and free people. of color were buried. Contemporary accounts If slaves and free people of color were Chris- indicate that enslaved people and free people tians and could be buried in Christian space, of color were indeed buried in Moravian church then the underlying rationale that heathenism cemeteries, however, inscribed burials of these was the ultimate reason for their enslavement people are not evident on the landscape today was no longer valid. Moravians, however, 128 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) maintained a clear and absolute division between antipathy toward freepersons espoused by the black space and white space. Ultimately this white population took the form of a variety of burial pattern may have been instrumental in material and spatial strategies intended to signal the acceptance (or perhaps development) of new clear distinctions between free people of color ideas about race that were based more com- and whites. Freedmen were compelled to wear pletely on physical difference rooted in white- a cockade in their hats and carry papers with ness and blackness. This landscape asserted that them at all times to prove their free status. blacks and whites were different, not because Sumptuary laws restricted the kinds of fabric and of learned cultural behaviors like religion, but jewelry free women of color could wear (Hall rather because of some essential distinctions that 1992:149). The free black militia served as the were rooted in biology. The renewed creation main military defensive unit of the islands, and of racial difference was, in part, a result of the many free men enlisted for an opportunity at tension created by bringing white/free and black/ economic and social mobility. When officers in enslaved bodies into close proximity to one this regiment were invited to the governor-gen- another while also maintaining spatial segrega- eral’s residence, however, they entered through tion between whites and blacks. a side door and ate in a separate dining room. Although free people of color owned real estate Landscape and the Negotiation in many areas of Charlotte Amalie, they could of Racial Identity only live in specified neighborhoods called the Free Guts, where house size was limited to 30 With the poles of whiteness and blackness well × 30 ft. (Hall 1992:146). Free people of color established, free people of color in the Virgin were legally forbidden to adopt “white” family Islands negotiated a discrete yet viable middle names, and groups of free blacks were forbid- ground for themselves. The freedman popula- den to gather for weddings, funerals, festivities, tion was relatively small in the 18th century, or any other social event without permission but by 1815 free people of color outnumbered and oversight by white colonial authorities (Hall free whites on all of the islands of the Danish 1992:173). All persons of color, slave or free, West Indies. In 1835 they made up 72% of the were required to conform to strict curfews and population on St. Thomas, and in the port city of were obliged to be off the street by 8 P.M. These Charlotte Amalie they outnumbered whites by a restrictions represented the persistent attempts ratio of three to one (Hall 1992:5,180,189). Most of local elites to blur the line of distinction free people lived in Charlotte Amalie, where they between freedmen and slaves, and widen the gap could obtain employment in a variety of trades, separating freedman and white. One contemporary serve in the island militia, or work as landlords, observer expressed the hope that these forms of hucksters, and laundresses. On the island of St. social and residential apartheid would impress John, however, a small landowning community upon free blacks their place in the social order of free people of color grew on the rural East (Hall 1992). End of the island. The population of free people In the first two decades of the 19th century, of color exhibited considerable internal diver- however, things began to change. Freedmen sity with differences in wealth, capital, color, began forcefully petitioning for amelioration of and national origin. With growing numbers and their condition, and, whites began to grow less increasing capital the freedmen began to push for assured that the system of slavery could be per- more social privileges and political rights in slave petuated. In this fluid social landscape, whites society. As they did so, rural and urban free feared the incipient class formation that could people of color took different paths to establish potentially link all people of African descent their places in society. (Hall 1992:160). In order to stave off this pos- Before 1800 freedmen lived under restrictions sibility, many of the draconian restrictions on that narrowed the avenues of economic oppor- free people of color were relaxed, and by the tunity open to them and defined their social 1830s all of them were officially eliminated. By space both literally and figuratively. Freeper- opening up the opportunity for economic gain sons living in Charlotte Amalie were especially and improvement of social status for some free subject to these restrictions. Deep-seated racist people of color, whites hoped to take advantage Margaret c. wood—Mapping the Complexities of Race on the Landscape of the Colonial Caribbean 129 of the buffer created by this intermediate class. family estates and maritime businesses operated They hoped that free people of color would per- by free blacks (Armstrong 2002). This social ceive that their interests were more closely linked and economic context was very different from with the white elite rather than the enslaved the one faced by free people of color in urban black masses. By the 1830s residential segrega- Charlotte Amalie. tion was not enforced, and more well-to-do free This difference in the strategies of urban and people of color lived in neighborhoods outside rural free people of color can be seen in the the Free Guts. Professional nonwhite businessmen later-19th-century burial patterns at Emmaus (East emerged, and some free blacks even purchased End, St. John) and Nisky (Charlotte Amalie, sugar estates (Hall 1992:174). The unofficial St. Thomas). In the urban center, burials at the consort of Governor Peter von Scholten was a estate/mission of Nisky continued to be segre- free woman of color, Anna Heegaard. A woman gated by race, with whites interred in Zone 1 and of means in her own right, Anna Heegaard and all people of African descent in Zone 2 (Figure the governor hosted glittering events, attended 7). This pattern at first seems surprising because by the growing free black professional class and the 19th century was a period of dramatic social white elite alike. improvement for all people of color, including These new opportunities for free people of the abolition of the slave trade in 1806, for- color were clearly linked to color. The legisla- malized political rights for free people of color tion which abolished many of the restrictive in 1830, and the abolition of slavery in 1848. policies on free blacks clearly favored individu- These changes were accompanied by a dramatic als who most closely approximated the European decrease in the number of whites living on the phenotype (Hall 1992:176). Over the course of island in the last quarter of the century. And, yet, the 18th century free people of color had also every individual interred in Zone 1 at Nisky can created and participated in a system in which be traced to European ancestors. Burials in Zone skin color was socially relevant (Hall 1992:186). 1 that date after the 1870s, when there were few Some members of both groups thus were in whites living in the area, are marked by long, agreement that whiteness was equated with sometimes 50-year gaps between interments. This privilege. Indeed, as the rights of free people pattern continued until 1949. of color were being formalized, more “culti- Perhaps it is predictable that the logic of vated” freepersons pushed for the distinction of racism would structure burial patterns in the first- and second-class citizens and an enforced context of plantation society. What is more apprenticeship period for those manumitted after surprising is that this pattern of segregated 1830. A process of internal differentiation was in burials continued until the middle of the 20th train, producing a stratum of freepersons with a century. After abolition the Moravians trans- suite of cultural capital, including skin color, that formed their estates into churches and trained separated them from their peers. local West Indian “native” ministers to head It is important to note, however, that this was the congregations. Even though there were very primarily an urban phenomenon. In rural areas, few whites on the islands and more opportuni- like the East End of St. John, where free people ties were open to people of African descent, of color did not articulate with white authorities the spatial distinctions between white and black on a daily basis, the population of free people were maintained in the urban cemetery at Nisky. of color had close ties to the enslaved commu- This may have been the case because, as Eric nity. On St. John free people owned their own Williams noted, class and color were deeply land, boats, nets, and other means of production, intertwined (Williams 1945). Lighter skin was thus, there were fewer benefits associated with one type of cultural capital that afforded some whiteness for them. In addition, this free black people with greater opportunities. By maintain- community had formed through the intermar- ing segregated burial practices, people in this riage between a relatively small group of white urban context both before and after abolition settlers who owned modest provisioning estates were reemphasizing the importance and value of and enslaved and free laborers whom they had whiteness, which they used to their own benefit. brought to the island. Over time the commu- The abolition of slavery did not end racism, nity fused into a group of collectively managed it simply transformed it. In Charlotte Amalie 130 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) white privilege was still a pertinent part of the biologically based racism emerged. As the landscape both socially and materially. bodies of whites and blacks were brought into In rural St. John a very different pattern close proximity in cemeteries, the distinction of emerges. The community at Emmaus did not Christian vs. heathen no longer applied. Segre- maintain spatially segregated burial patterns. gated burial practices within these cemeteries, Beginning in the 1880s burials of people with however, maintained a distinction between white some degree of African heritage begin to popu- and black, and may have been instrumental in late spaces previously reserved for whites. The the development of forms of racism that essen- burial of William George is the first to break tialized physical features and innate character- the pattern of segregation. George died in 1881 istics. Learned cultural attributes like religion and was placed in a row that had previously were no longer part of the racial package. been reserved for white men. The George Within the constraints of a racialized social family was one of the original white families and physical landscape, free people of color that settled on the East End of St. John in the attempted to carve out a space for themselves. late 18th century. By the 1880s generations of Free blacks living on the rural East End of the George family had intermarried with free St. John developed a relationship to the white people of color and enslaved people (Armstrong community that was distinctively different from 2002). William George’s burial is next to the the relationship urban free people of color in grave of Henrietta Andrew, a mulatto woman Charlotte Amalie developed. In the rural setting, born in St. Thomas. Her inclusion in a row less-affluent white landowners intermarried with reserved for men further suggests a breakdown enslaved and free people of color, and formed of the rigid social and spatial organization that an integrated, somewhat self-sufficient com- European Moravians had imposed. Other buri- munity based on maritime trade, for which the als marked by mounds, rings, shells, and plants benefits of whiteness were less tangible. After were added to the landscape as time went on, the abolition of slavery the rural free black many occupying the zone previously reserved community downplayed class/color distinctions for white missionaries. on the East End of St. John through both social and spatial strategies. Conclusions Some urban free people of color attempted to use the cultural capital of skin color to In the Virgin Islands, landscapes embodied improve their social opportunities. After earning the ideologies of race. Moravian missionaries full citizen rights in 1830, urban free people embraced the racial ideologies of the slave- of color elaborated preexisting color/class dif- owning landed elite, and they incorporated ferences within their community, which associ- themselves into plantation society as slave ated higher class and status with lighter skin. owners. As such their estates/missions look On the landscape of the Nisky mission/estate much like other estates in the Danish West in urban Charlotte Amalie this translated into Indies. The placement of the mission house/great a continuation of segregated burial practices house on a prominent elevation overlooking that served to reemphasize the significance of the diminished inferior slave residences mirrors whiteness even after the abolition of slavery the material claims to power and social control and departure of many whites from the islands. made by other white landowners. The use of In Charlotte Amalie, color was still a pertinent elite architectural forms including the addition part of peoples’ identities and could be segued of second-story galleries to their homes that into social and economic opportunities. insured the surveillance of the enslaved popula- Although these missions/estates are only tion and provided a stage for the enactment and a small sample of the total landscape, they enshrinement of white womanhood. reveal tantalizing clues to the ways that people In the cemeteries associated with these misuse space to reinforce the social order, make sion/estates, burial patterns reveal a change claims to identity, and impose meanings on in the underlying rationale for the existence the cultural categories that people create. Race, of slavery. As Moravians and other Christian of course, is not real in a biological sense, sects began to convert enslaved people, a more but it is meaningful as a social category that Margaret c. wood—Mapping the Complexities of Race on the Landscape of the Colonial Caribbean 131 is created in a specific time and place. In the Bell, Alison Danish West Indies, the values of blackness and 2005 White Ethnogenesis and Gradual Capitalism: whiteness were created through history, action, Perspectives from Colonial Archaeological Sites in the Chesapeake. American Anthropologist economy, and brute force. They were also cre- 107(3):446–460. ated in everyday discursive spatial practice that embodied and sometimes created the categories Bender, Barbara by which people structured their thoughts. 1993 Stonehenge: Contested Landscapes (Medieval to Today). In Landscape: Politics and Perspectives, Cemeteries, galleries, great houses, sumptuary Barbara Bender, editor, pp. 245–279. Berg Publishers, laws, architectural style, and residential isola- Oxford, UK. tion were all used to mark differences between people. These signs, symbols, and spaces Blouet, Helen became important embodiments and conduits 2007 Grave Site Identification on St. John, U.S. Virgin Islands: The Use of Grave Markers and Commemorative of racialized ideologies that asserted the reality Space during the Danish Colonial Period. African and purported rightness of white privilege in the Diaspora Archaeology Network Newsletter 4. African colonial Caribbean. Diaspora Archaeology Network http://www.diaspora. uiuc.edu/news1207/news1207.html#5. Accessed 27 December 2011.

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Daniel O. Sayers marronage and globalized enslavement systems, but also the great significance of maroons in African diasporic histories (R. Price 1996). Marronage Perspective for Archaeologists around the globe have made Historical Archaeology in the important contributions to discussions of mar- United States ronage and have actively sought to provide interpretations that inform broader discourses ABSTRACT on the subject across African diaspora–focused disciplines (Orser 1996; Orser and Funari 2001; Historical archaeologists in the U.S. have been interested Weik 2002, 2009; La Rosa Corzo 2003; Agorsah in resistance among enslaved African diasporans for several 2007). In the U.S., which for the purposes of decades. Marronage has often been noted as being a forceful and powerful example of captive resistance in these discussions. this study is understood as the current 50 states Generally, our understandings of U.S. marronage have been of the Union, marronage studies in archaeol- shaped by perceptions of the process that severely downplay ogy have been much discussed and appear to its social, identificatory, cultural, and politicoeconomic impacts. be considered a major area of research and Equally important, national academic and public discourses focus in the field (Ferguson 1992; Weik 1997; have long misinterpreted relevant phenomena, such as the Underground Railroad, in ways that undermine the realization Singleton 1999; Leone et al. 2005). With Elaine of the expansiveness, historical gravity, and African diasporic Nichols’s late 1980s study of a maroon site roots of marronage in the U.S. There is thus a need for a associated with the Great Dismal Swamp (Nich- perspective on the phenomenon of marronage in the U.S that ols 1988), an era of enthusiasm, discussion, and accurately recognizes its origins, scope, scale, and complexity. research began in U.S.-focused archaeology, In establishing the basis for this more inclusive marronage perspective, attention will turn to developing a preliminary which, for example, saw work at Fort Mose archaeological model for the recovery of information about (Deagan and MacMahon 1995) and Pilaklikaha marronage in a variety of disparate site contexts. in Florida (Weik 1997, 2002, 2009), as well as further studies in the Great Dismal Swamp Introduction (Sayers 2006a, 2008a). Several relatively recent reviews are quite informative on the surprising For many scholars of anthropology and his- amount of maroon archaeology that has been tory, maroons were profoundly significant people done in the U.S. (Weik 1997; Leone et al. in enslavement regimes throughout the Western 2005), and archaeologists can be satisfied with Hemisphere and in Africa (Herskovits 1941; what are most obviously very great successes in Mintz and Price 1983; S. Price 1984, 1989; R. a few research contexts. Price 1990, 1996, 2002; Weik 2002; Norton and Nonetheless, it is the view here that historical Espenshade 2007). Maroons were self-liberators archaeologists can—and in fact need to—dramat- from the captive conditions of enslavement who ically expand the influence of their research and regularly formed communities and other social voices in discourses on marronage, a topic area enclaves, and they certainly represent very that interests people across so many disciplines compelling examples of resistance, defiance, (and publics). As will be argued, in order to and group solidarity (Yelvington 2005:xi). But, achieve this goal some fundamental misgivings equally important in contemporary discourses and misperceptions of marronage in the U.S. is the view that maroon communities were his- that are also represented in and fueled by pres- torically important loci of cultural, ideational, ent professional vocabularies must be eliminated. aesthetic, and politicoeconomic developments, This transformation will occur commensurate an aggregate process generally referred to as with a reconceptualization of U.S. marronage as marronage (Parris 1981; Patterson 1996; Price a very complex and extremely expansive African and Price 1999; Bilby 2005). Scholars recognize diasporic historical process. It will be argued not only the dialectical relationship between that a reconceptualization of marronage and

Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(4):135–161 Accepted for publication 30 August 2011 Permission to reprint required. 136 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) attendant transformations in key areas of archae- system—among enslaved populations and ologists’ analytical language will be a guide in communities agents acted out their wills, the development of potentially highly productive sought self-empowerment through purposeful research models. Such models can provide the action and praxis in the world, and exerted basis for building solid knowledge of the gen- themselves to contest and undermine systemic erally downplayed, lost, and veiled histories of thralldom (Franklin 1967; Frey 1991; Aptheker maroons in the U.S. Should a wide-ranging and 1993; Smith 2005). Resistance, as scholars have contextually nuanced knowledge of marronage noted, was in fact inherent in the dialectics in the U.S. be developed through archaeological of the political economy and cultural systems research, archaeologists will emerge as a power- of the CEMP (Genovese 1972; Zinn 1980; ful collective voice in ongoing international and Davidson 1996:82). It is generally recognized, national discourses, both public and academic, however, that resistance acts and processes on this most significant African diasporic histori- must be contextualized within the cultural, cal phenomenon. ideational (and ideological), indentificatory, and/or politicoeconomic milieus in which they Global Historical Marronage occurred or persisted (Blassingame 1972; Mintz and Price 1983; Thompson 2006; Weik 2009). In agreement with Marx, the view here is that So, while resistance represents a core or central the “Capitalist Mode of Production” (CMP) had aspect of African diaspora studies, researchers its origins in the “Feudal Mode of Production” must recognize that it had complex multiscalar (Marx 1989, 1998). The early, immature CMP interconnections and power that should compel preceded (and spurred on) colonial and impe- archaeologists to de-center, but by no means rial occupation of the Western Hemisphere and ignore, resistance as such within studies. This regions of the Eastern Hemisphere (e.g., India) certainly holds true for scholars of marronage (Wolf 1997). Eventually, wage labor, in which around the globe and in the U.S. workers’ labor power is bought by capitalists, emerged as a defining aspect of the relations Characteristics and Manifestations of production in the mature CMP (Aptheker of Marronage 1966:17–34). This fact, perhaps more so than any other, distinguished the CMP from other At its basic level, marronage can be under- contemporaneous modes of production around stood as the willful self-extrication of individu- the globe and in North America, including that als or groups from conditions of enslavement, system typically called slavery. In the Marx- on short-term (petit marronage) and permanent ian spirit, I here offer the phrase “Capitalistic bases (grand marronage) (R. Price 1996:3; Weik Enslavement Mode of Production” (CEMP) 1997). All types of marronage, including various to describe that notorious historical system in forms of short-term extrication on plantations, which human beings, most often but not exclu- farms, and amidst other landscapes are histori- sively Africans and people of African descent, cally and anthropologically significant (Thomp- were legally owned and exchanged as market- son 2006:53–66). Nonetheless, hereafter the valued, laboring, and biologically reproductive focus will be primarily on marronage in which commodities (Aptheker 1966:17; Wolf 1997). people self-withdrew from the CEMP on perma- The geographically expanding CEMP was thus nent bases (i.e., grand marronage). Novel com- severely racialized (Johnston 1970; Zinn 1980) munities, social enclaves, settlement networks, and a critical force in promulgating the African cultural traditions, and political economies diaspora. Importantly, while labor exploitation emerged through the marronage process, and systems and other elements distinguish the CEMP such formations often, though not always, lasted and CMP, they dialectically articulated with one for years, decades, and even centuries up to the another and held many politicoeconomic aspects present (S. Price 1984; R. Price 2002; La Rosa in common (Genovese 1965, 1976). Corzo 2003; Agorsah 2007). Equally important, With the emergence and growth of the in other cases of grand marronage, maroons racialized CEMP came resistance and defiance joined existing non-maroon communities and from within that brutal, violent, and oppressive contributed to their historical development. While daniel o. sayers—Marronage Perspective for Historical Archaeology in the United States 137 such communities may not have been maroon present in Cuba by the first quarter of the 16th communities in the strictest sense, they included century (De La Riva 1996:49–51), and enslavers maroons and were directly impacted by the pro- viewed them as a chronic threat well into the cess of marronage (Weik 2009). 19th century (La Rosa Corzo 2003). Spanish According to Alvin O. Thompson (2006:9): Mexico also saw the rise of marronage in the “Marronage was the most extreme form of ... earliest decades of the 16th century (Davidson resistance, since it involved opting out of the 1996; Weik 2008), and the same held true in system of oppression altogether and establish- Colombia (Escalante 1996). Jamaican marronage ing a new kind of society in which the former is rightly well known for its long history, the enslaved persons took (or sought to take) con- roles maroons played in revolts and wars, and trol of their own lives and destin[i]es.” And, the emergence of maroon communities that have as noted maroon-studies scholar Richard Price persisted up to present (Patterson 1996; Bilby (1996:2) maintains, “Throughout Afro-America 2005). And, of course, there was Palmares, the ... [maroon] communities stood out as an heroic maroon nation that emerged in Brazil and lasted challenge to white authority, and as the living for nearly 100 years—that duration represent- proof of the existence of a slave consciousness ing the bulk of the 17th century (Orser 1996; that refused to be limited by the whites’ con- Funari 2003; De Carvalho 2007). The list of ception or manipulation of it.” Marronage thus geopolities in which marronage occurred can reflected not only self-determining resistance. be extended to include all French, English, and It also represented a long-term conscious- Spanish colonies, a variety of locations in Africa ness formed through direct experiences of and (Wilson 2007) and North America, and the now being in a most oppressive and unjust system, U.S. (Rout 1976; Kopytoff 1978; Campbell a mode of production that worked to prevent 1988; Agorsah 1994; R. Price 1996; Grant 2002; such forms of existential and social awareness Ejstrud 2008). It is important to note that, in from erupting among the exploited and enslaved many instances, maroons throughout the Western (Thompson 2006:21–28). That consciousness Hemisphere played central and significant roles of condition, a “true consciousness” of a kind, in various liberationist insurrections, rebellions, clearly resulted in a consistent mode of praxis wars, and coups that occurred within the CEMP by which marooning human beings strove to (Genovese 1979; S. Price 1984; Patterson 1996; eliminate the strictures and stranglehold of the Orser and Funari 2001). While there are many CEMP through radical community and cultural general characteristics of marronage at the genesis (Mulroy 1993:33). So, while marronage global or mode-of-production scale, the specific has direct implications for cultural, economic, forms and contours of local marronage varied and social resistance and development, it is cru- extensively throughout the centuries in which cial that it also demonstrates that enslaved Afri- the CEMP dominated in various geopolities (R. can diasporans acted through autexousia, “the Price 1996 xi–34; La Rosa Corzo 2003). power to constitute one’s own being” (Pagels Maroon communities are seen by researchers 1988:74), and that such power in existential as social formations through which to observe self-determination and self-awareness did have the historical development of new African-rooted great historical impacts and gravity. cultural traditions and ideational systems through Marronage was by no means rare or epiphe- processes such as creolization and ethnogenesis nomenal in the Western Hemisphere. Rather, (Herskovits 1941; Mintz and Price 1983; Weik it occurred constantly and chronically in both 2002; R. Price 2006). When maroon communi- hemispheres (Orser and Funari 2001). Ovando, ties around the globe are considered, there exist, a governor of Hispaniola in 1501, refused to in various cases documented, historical glimpses allow more African laborers because “they fled of some community traditions; religious, aes- amongst the Indians and taught them bad cus- thetic, and cosmological belief systems; kin- toms, and never could be captured” (Du Bois ship systems and gender relations; and the 1915:47). In Panama, beginning as early as per- dynamics of social organization (Parris 1981; haps the 1520s, maroon settlements were a regu- S. Price 1984; Kopytoff 1987; Van Wetering lar part of the economic and social landscape 1996; Bilby 2005). Furthermore, as has been (Parris 1981:179–187). Maroon palenques were well studied, contemporary maroon communities 138 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) that are primarily composed of the descendents has suggested that because maroons in the U.S. of original maroon populations are still located tended to collect in very small groups, “they in traditional lands and territories, in Surinam may be called ‘maroons’ only as a courtesy” and Jamaica for example (R. Price 1990, 2002; when considered comparatively with maroons Bilby 2005). Such contemporary communities and marronage elsewhere in the hemisphere. For have provided scholars with the opportunity to Genovese, who echoes pre–Civil War enslaver examine cultural marronage, past and present, sentiments, maroon activities in the U.S. gen- through historical and contemporary ethno- erally amounted to harassment and “banditry” graphic and archaeological methods (Köbben because maroons were often simply “outlaws” 1996; Van Wetering 1996; Price and Price 1999; and “desperadoes” (Genovese 1979:78). In fact, Bilby 2005; Agorsah 2007). These studies point Genovese comes close to adjudging that marron- to some potential areas of research and analysis age in the Old South was not on par, in terms in archaeological studies of marronage in the of its cultural impacts and politicoeconomic U.S. and demonstrate a great diversity and range significance, with marronage elsewhere, mainly of cultural systems and practices among maroon because of the limited number of successful communities past and present. Therefore, if CEMP insurrections in which maroons were marronage in the now U.S. is to be accurately involved and the dearth of documented large comprehended, then the microscalar specificities and multigenerational maroon communities or and contextual characteristics of marronage, societies in the U.S. and the potential for explorations of resistance, Certainly, not all scholars share Genovese’s political economy, communities, and cultural and surprisingly dismissive tone and acceptance of social traditions must be carefully considered, enslaver misperceptions of the extent and nature while being very aware of the dynamic global of marronage. Nonetheless, there does exist a dimensions of a locally contingent process. general qualifying impulse to see marronage in the U.S. as having had less (or much more Perspectives on Marronage subtle and indirect) historical impact on and in the United States gravity within the CEMP and in the emergence of African diasporic cultural traditions than While usually working with very limited and it had elsewhere (Frey 1991; Morgan 1998; scarce historiographic materials, historians in Franklin and Schweninger 1999). Also, most the U.S., since the publication of the vanguard historians and other researchers conservatively study by Herbert Aptheker (1939), have pro- take the limited documentary record as a gener- duced much important work on marronage in ally accurate and complete tool for assessing the the U.S. (Leaming 1979; Landers 1984; Katz degree to which marronage occurred and how 1986; Bateman 1990; Mulroy 1993; Lockley influential it was in the social, cultural, and 2009). Maroons in the colonies and later states politicoeconomic histories of the U.S. (Geno- are often described in period sources, through vese 1979). There also appears to be a general enslaver language and terms, as “outliers,” understanding that marronage was a phenom- “desperadoes,” and “banditti” who were guilty enon only of the 18th- and 19th-century “Old of “depredations” on farms and plantations, South” (Lockley 2009:xvi–xx); though scholars “guerilla” warfare, “raids,” “great mischief,” and researchers recognize that enslaved cap- and “petty plundering” (Genovese 1979:52–81; tives did permanently escape to areas and other Aptheker 1991:11–30). Thus, if one is to rely systems outside the “Old South,” they do not nearly exclusively on the documentary record as typically recognize such processes as marron- have most maroon scholars to date (Aptheker age and participants as maroons (Merrill 1963; 1939, 1991; Mullin 1972; Genovese 1979; Hall Blockson 1987; Switala 2001). Finally, it is 1992; Schweninger 2002), marronage in the underrecognized by—not at all to say unknown U.S. appears to have been chronic, but spo- to—scholars that the CEMP, and thus marron- radic, throughout the CEMP era. Nonetheless, age, existed in what later became “free” states for many, the significance of U.S. marronage in the north. is not without its qualifications and caveats. As a result of such views, there is a tendency For example, Eugene Genovese (1979:76–77) in most scholarship toward not recognizing daniel o. sayers—Marronage Perspective for Historical Archaeology in the United States 139 significant aspects of marronage in U.S. history, a limited range of contexts. The extralimital and/or labeling and conceiving of the variety dimension consisted of those historical circum- of forms of marronage differentially relative stances where self-emancipating maroons trans- to region and time period. It is not surprising planted to and joined or formed social enclaves then that the historical importance and impact and communities at locations and places outside of marronage in the U.S. is often downplayed the structural extent of the CEMP as it existed or lost in scholarship because that historical at any given time. process is known and perceived in extremely It is recognized that the boundaries and edges attenuated or conceptually fragmented ways. of the CEMP dramatically transformed and were In short, the collective comprehension of the occasionally loosely or ambiguously defined power and significance of marronage has been in the course of U.S. history. This means that severely weakened by a “divide and undermine” researchers must determine where and when process of historical discourse, interpretation, enslavement systems existed in the region and conceptualization in academic, public, and wherein their sites are located. For example, government sectors. northern and western areas of the U.S. may have been areas of intralimital marronage (ear- Reconceptualizing Marronage lier in CEMP phases) as well as extralimital in the United States marronage (later in CMP-dominated phases), and both processes might have had impacts on In the United States, historians and archae- any given site or community prior to the Civil ologists of marronage have admirably derived War. insights from documentary, oral-traditional, and This perspective presumes that the histori- archaeological sources (Nichols 1988; Mulroy cal CEMP was composed of a unique set of 1993; Thompson 2006; Weik 2009). From such dynamic and contradictory structures and struc- source-based scholarship, a conceptual frame- turational elements (e.g., systemic reliance on work that highlights some of the main con- enslaved and semi-enslaved labor, processes tingent forms and contexts of marronage and of resistance, social hierarchies based on class underscores the manifold and complex nature and racial caste, pursuit of surplus wealth, and of that process can be developed. While not racialized paternalistic ideologies). However, exhaustive in scope and breadth—that is, every many aspects of the U.S. CEMP, such as com- possible and actual context in which marronage modities produced within its labor systems, its occurred in the U.S. cannot be elaborated upon racial and political ideologies, and its monetary or even recognized hereafter—this basic frame- capital, flowed well beyond its structural limits work is one means by which a very complex and were key in its dialectical articulation and and dialectical historical phenomenon and pro- disarticulation with other modes of production cess can begin to be grasped. It is hoped that around the globe, including indigenous modes this reconceptualization can then provide the and the CMP (Genovese 1965; Mintz 1985; basis for the development of productive archaeo- Wolf 1997). Marronage was similarly extra- logical research models and compel future structural in its reach: while directly driven by archaeological research to recognize marronage African American autexousia and willful tenacity in historical contexts and at archaeological sites locally, marronage emerged dialectically from where, perhaps, it was not recognized before. within the CEMP to have dramatic transforma- In earlier work, I drew a distinction between tive social and economic impacts and articula- what I called “extralimital” and “intralimital” tions beyond the structural limits of that system dimensions of the historical marronage process in other modes of production (Thompson 2006). in the U.S. (Sayers 2004, 2006a, 2008a; Sayers et al. 2007). The intralimital dimension consisted Intralimital Grand Marronage Contexts of those historical circumstances where marronage occurred in locations and places within Herbert Aptheker’s (1939) research on maroon the confines of the existing CEMP. Most U.S. communities in the U.S. suggested that such marronage scholarship recognizes and focuses groups formed in every CEMP-dominated upon this dimension, though ultimately only in state and many of the early colonies. When 140 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) considering intralimital contexts, primary sources marginalized remote landscape at one point in infrequently contain information as to precisely time could have been developed at a later time, where any given maroon settlement was located, hampering and even eliminating the prospects of how long it lasted, and details as to its appear- grand marronage. But marronage was a very ance, although there are occasional exceptions fluid and flexible process that kept pace with (Hall 1992; Lockley 2009; Weik 2009). In short, the contingencies, exigencies, and transmogri- historical intralimital grand marronage in the fications of uneven geographical development, U.S. poses a range of interpretive obstacles expansion, and colonizing settlement within for archaeologists, not the least of which are the CEMP. Because of the dynamics of mar- the extreme ambiguities and gaping lacunae in ginal landscape transformation and emergence, documentation, and uncertainties as to settlement maroons did find remote places to settle. locations in geographic space (Lockley 2009). Intralimital urban environments also were a But what is certain is that intralimital maroon draw for maroons. In such populated landscapes, settlements most often emerged within remote maroons found anonymity and larger African and systemically marginalized landscapes American communities to blend in with (Wade (Aptheker 1939; Genovese 1979; Thomp- 1964; Franklin 1967; Thompson 2006:104). While son 2006; Lockley 2009). While not without urban landscapes probably did not attract the definitional gray areas, marginalized remote large numbers of committed maroons that remote landscapes within the CEMP were those that landscapes did, they were important loci of grand were contained within its bounds but were not marronage. Cities did not assure the safety of directly transformed and developed by purvey- maroons to the degree that remote places did, ors of that system—one aspect of larger-scale but for a minority of maroons it was worth the uneven geographical development processes risk given the possibility of longer-term self- (Harvey 2006). So, vast wooded tracts, moun- emancipation (Franklin 1967). tains, river courses, and swamps were predomi- Several variables that may be most apparent at nant areas of grand marronage in intralimital smaller scales of analysis would have helped to contexts. For example, the Great Dismal Swamp determine the character and intensity of intralim- in North Carolina and Virginia was home to a ital grand marronage in specific areas, including very large maroon population in the 18th and the speed with which the CEMP developed; the 19th centuries (Nichols 1988), as were Florida intensity and rapidity in the development of swamps during those periods when enslavement land; the overall size of the African diasporic labor systems were dominant (Weik 2002). The population in a given region or locale at a given major bayous and swamps that surrounded New time; the specific character of colonial, state, and Orleans were also places of heavy marronage local governments (and legal systems); and the during the pre–Civil War centuries (Hall 1992). relative proximity of ecological zones and land- The large wooded tracts of Alabama and the scapes appropriate for long-term marronage. Such woods, riverine landscapes, and swamps of regional and local differences would help insure South Carolina and Georgia were noted loci that intralimital grand marronage varied quite of rather intensive and chronic grand marron- widely over the pre–Civil War centuries during age (Aptheker 1939:175–176; Lockley 2009). which the CEMP persisted in the U.S. Such are the kinds of landscapes and locations that are typically associated with marronage Extralimital Grand Marronage Contexts, and maroon communities in the U.S. (Parent Language, and Conceptualizations 2003:159–172). Landscapes within pre– and post–Revolu- Most U.S. marronage scholarship must con- tionary War CEMP systems were subject to servatively rely on the opinions, descriptions, significant transformations in cast and character interpretations, reports, and judgments found in as settlement expanded and intensified. Swamps period documents. As significant, it narrowly were drained and developed in whole or part, focuses upon a small range of intralimital vast forests were lumbered, rivers were used as contexts, ignoring the vast range of marronage major transportation routes and power sources, contexts outside the CEMP. It is at this point and mountains mined and settled. Thus, a that the so-called Underground Railroad must daniel o. sayers—Marronage Perspective for Historical Archaeology in the United States 141 enter this discussion and a case be presented the term “maroon” instead of others, such as for the adoption of a different terminology that “freedom seekers,” is not a mere preference or, reflects a more African diasporic–focused- per in the vernacular, “simply semantics”—to the spective and conceptualization of the process contrary, marronage and derivative terms have of marronage. no synonyms. The words used to label, describe, As I polemically argued elsewhere (Sayers and signify phenomena have direct connec- 2004), the popular labeling of one major aspect tions with the way in which those phenomena of U.S. marronage as the “Underground Rail- are conceived (Wittgenstein 1958). Words and road” (UGRR) represents a major unjustifiable concepts are critical and active elements in con- linguistic and conceptual fragmentation of that temporary discourses, narratives, and praxeolo- process of African and African American resis- gies (Habermas 1973:1–40; Foucault 1974), and tance, self-determination, and cultural genesis. perspectives on history (Pêcheux 1988), all of It is thought that the UGRR is different than which are inherently politicized (Blakey 1994; and distinct from marronage, and this concep- Lindsey 2010). In agreement with Christopher tual schism is apparent in nearly all literature Tilley (1995:108) that “[p]olitical values are on marronage and the UGRR (Sayers 2004). embodied in the very language in which we With some recent exceptions (LaRoche 2004; write ... the choice of descriptive terms is value- Leone et al. 2005; Thompson 2006), scholars laden,” scholars must be strategically selective who focus on marronage seldom connect that in the terms chosen and marshaled in discus- process with the UGRR, while very little UGRR sions because their conceptualizations hinge scholarship equates its subject with marronage. upon those words while the entire linguistic- Because the UGRR is rarely understood as conceptualization process is discursively political having been marronage, the agentive autexousia, (LaRoche and Blakey 1997:93–95). self-determination, and cultural genesis aspects In using the term marronage and its deriva- of the process are virtually eliminated by typi- tive forms, radical action among African Ameri- cal and accepted definitions (Sayers 2004). The cans is explicitly engaged, pernicious and weak UGRR is most often defined in part or in whole Eurocentric conceptualizations (such as the as a system of assistance through which African UGRR, discussed below) are undermined, and American people achieved freedom with the direct discourses on the African diasporic nature help of benevolent assistants who are seen as of the process are generated (R. Price 1996:xi– the principal progenitors of that kindly, helpful 30). Furthermore, the term marronage centers system (National Park Service 1998; Thompson the view on the CEMP (and the conditions of 2006). Thompson (2006:104) allows the point enslavement) and directly connotes the sociocul- to be made somewhat concretely: throughout tural, ideational, and politicoeconomic strength the entire history of the so-called UGRR “3200 and power of African American autexousia and active workers [assistants] ... helped 100,000 praxis across the centuries (Sayers 2004; Sayers fugitives to freedom.” Meanwhile, the primary et al. 2007). Further, the word has very deep African and African American actors are under- historical etymological roots in the Arawakan/ stood as having been anything but maroons— Taino language, transformed through early runaways, fugitives, and freedom seekers are the colonial Spanish, English, Dutch, and French most common labels for such UGRR participants, translation processes that analogized maroons and they are observed largely as a migratory with wild nonhuman beings and emphasized population, defined only by their flight. It is the uncontrollable resistance to captivity and fierce- view here that understandings of this history ness (R. Price 1996:xi–xii; Weik 2002). Finally, that compel overwhelming scholarly emphasis the word has a most powerful intellectual and and valorization to be placed on assistants (3.2% political significative freight and weight in of the total population of people involved in public, nationalist, and scholarly discussions the process, according to Thompson’s numbers) and understandings of history throughout the and their benevolent networks are fundamentally hemisphere and world (Hilliard 1995; R. Price flawed (Sayers 2004). 1996; Bilby 2005; Agorsah 2007; Weik 2009). The decision to use the term “marronage” Of other terms, such as UGRR and freedom instead of the “Underground Railroad,” and seekers, it could scarcely be suggested that they 142 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) command anything approaching the connota- those who helped the seekers of that freedom, tive, deep-history force of the term marronage, because assistants to maroons lived along some while it is also clear that they do not evoke such routes (Sayers 2004). and sustain such a rich and powerful African It must be recognized that many maroons diaspora–focused conceptualization. Rather, they did not transplant to Canada (or Mexico) but, simply feed and sustain a kind of “feel-good” rather, stayed on in the farms, towns, and cities (or apathetic) and facile historical awareness of the “free” states and non-CEMP territories (Sayers 2004). For example, the term “runaway” of the U.S.; Harriett Tubman, Sojourner Truth, focuses all attention on a very limited aspect and Frederick Douglass were maroons in this of each maroon’s life—the moments of flight view, then, to give familiar examples. With only. The term “fugitive” defines maroons by maroons settling in such a wide variety of direct reference to enslavers’ laws and legal locales in extralimital contexts, it can be said customs, implies that they were still enslaved that grand marronage was a contributing force upon marooning, and connotes that they are in the histories of those locales. Marronage did living precariously as outlaws. The more not somehow magically disappear once a given recently embraced term “freedom seekers” has maroon settled outside the CEMP proper. When several inherent problems. One is certainly its scholars neglect to explicitly supplant the term transparent connection to modern bourgeois ide- and concept “Underground Railroad” with the ology that posits that wage-labor systems and African- and African American–centered process CMP lifeways represent and provide freedom of marronage, they are uncritically (and, one in any significant sense of the word. It also, would assume, unintentionally) perpetuating the like the other examples, draws attention to the conditions of this popular misconceptualization transient moments of extrication from enslave- of who was significant in this massive-scale ment. Finally, it may presume that maroons process of defiance against the CEMP. were intending on finding “freedom” as it is This linguistic and perspectival shift entails understood contemporarily. seeing that marronage was very much an The fragmenting view that separates the African diasporic and dialectical process that UGRR from marronage in the U.S. is perpetu- significantly engaged and impacted the political ated, in part, through the tacit assumption that economies, social systems, and cultural tradi- extralimital maroons generally headed to Canada tions of innumerable towns, regions, and cities and, to a lesser extent, Mexico. In the typical in the U.S. For example, maroons, despite high view, UGRR “fugitives” simply passed through degrees of labor exploitation and social and the “free” states and territories, and thus as indi- economic racism (a challenge to any sense that viduals, families, and communities the primary “freedom” was a result of this process), found actors in this process have been made somewhat themselves amidst and among waves of coloniz- invisible to U.S. historians, the public, and fed- ing settlers that flooded the territories, making eral agencies. This has resulted in the relatively significant contributions to early hinterland com- bizarre situation in UGRR discourses where an munity development and political economies in excessive amount of historical attention, often the process (LaRoche 2004; Sayers 2004). It terribly romanticized, is paid to abolitionists is also important to recognize that as CEMP and European Americans who assisted maroons and CMP expansion occurred and promulgated (Hine 1992; LaRoche 2004; Sayers 2004; indigenous-American diasporas, marronage Lindsey 2010). While not all abolitionists were impacted both aspects of that process: maroons non–African Americans, it is a clearly European joined developing expansionist communities, American–aggrandizing narrative and percep- and they joined indigenous Americans in newly tion of an African- and African American–dia- diasporacized regions and territories beyond sporic process and phenomenon (Paynter 1994; expansionist zones (Porter 1956; Willis 1963; National Park Service 1998). Another result is Leaming 1979; Nash 1982; Katz 1986; Weik that an excessive amount of attention is paid to 2009). Finally, extralimital maroons also formed the routes and paths that “freedom seekers” took communities within established and congested to achieve their “freedom,” an additional point urban and maritime landscapes (Thompson of emphasis that allows people to focus on 2006). Thus, they continued leading meaningful daniel o. sayers—Marronage Perspective for Historical Archaeology in the United States 143 lives as marooning people in non-CEMP states amounts to an extremely limited universe of and territories, opened businesses, negotiated archaeological data and information, as literature and resisted racism and exploitation, joined reviews ultimately demonstrate (Singleton 1995; abolitionist causes, formed churches, labored on Singleton and Bograd 1995; Weik 1997; Leone farms and in factories, joined indigenous-Amer- et al. 2005)—at least when conceived of relative ican communities and tribes, and developed kin to the volume of work done in other African and community groups and systems (Douglass diasporic contexts. It is not the intent here, in 1855; Blockson 1987; Hine 1992; Franklin and any way, to impugn or cast aspersions on the Schweninger 1999; LaRoche 2004). previous work of archaeologists of marronage in Extralimital marronage, then, was not just the U.S. Rather, it must simply be pointed out simply the event of escape from enslavement that, given the expansiveness and significance but also the continuation of social and politi- of marronage in the U.S. and the apparent coeconomic life for maroons in new contexts; interest in the topic in the field and beyond, this is how marronage in intralimital contexts there is a need for more field-based information is generally understood, and it is how it should and analyses. A perspectival shift as advocated be understood in extralimital contexts as well. here may be one means by which archaeolo- For example, intralimital marronage scholars do gists can explore the extraordinary contextual, not typically pay great attention to the flight of politicoeconomic, and cultural complexities of maroons and then consider their communities, U.S. marronage by allowing the recognition of cultural systems, and daily lives to be relatively marronage in a more diverse range of site types unimportant. Thus, UGRR sites and other extra- and contexts than other perspectives have hith- limital contexts can be productively explored erto allowed. And this perspective can be direct from a marronage perspective. Studies of 18th- and overt. Sites and histories can be interpreted and 19th-century African American communities through an explicit “worn on our sleeves” mar- and enclaves in regions dominated by other ronage perspective in the same prima facie modes of production, such as the CMP (Wild manner as do, for example, archaeological schol- 2008; Armstrong and Hill 2009; Barton 2009), ars that seek understandings of history through should include understandings and perspectives overtly expressed gender, class, and ethnicity that are formulated through the recognition that perspectives—or evolutionary and “scientific” maroons were likely a significant demographic perspectives, for that matter. within those communities. Such an incredibly Most maroon-related archaeology that has powerful and radical phenomenon in U.S. his- been done in the U.S. has centered on Florida tory as extralimital marronage (Buckmaster (Deagan and MacMahon 1995; Deagan and 1992) merits this kind of attention and central- Landers 1999; Weik 2002, 2005, 2009). It must izing focus by archaeologists. be stated outright: Florida marronage archaeology has been quite significant and has provided Marronage Archaeology in the United States much insight for which documents may have not allowed. Florida represents a most unique Over 15 years ago, noted maroon-sites archae- context in which marronage occurred. The fairly ologist Terrance Weik (1997) outlined several consistent military struggle between the Spanish, central issues facing maroon scholarship in English, Seminoles, maroons, and, later, the U.S. archaeology. He saw maroon studies as having for control of Florida into the 1840s resulted in already contributed, or as having the potential periods when maroons from neighboring South- to contribute, to discussions of the African ern colonies and states (e.g., Georgia, South diaspora, resistance, cultural resiliency, and Carolina, and Mississippi) found refuge and cultural syncretism (exemplified by discourses periodic possibilities of legal manumission (e.g., and debates on Africanisms). The view here is maroons “earning” legal release from enslave- that in the U.S. discussions in maroon archae- ment through military service) (Giddings 1858; ology have been sustained on very important Mulroy 1993). work done by individual researchers (Nichols The half-dozen or so maroon studies in Flor- 1988; Deagan and MacMahon 1995; Weik ida collectively stand as not only the majority 2002, 2009). However, that work in aggregate but exemplars in U.S. marronage archaeology 144 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

(Weisman 1989, 1999, 2000; Deagan and McMa- of which I am aware that focus on marronage, hon 1995; Weik 2002, 2009; Baram 2009). For as such, in what here would be called extralimital example, Terrance Weik (2002, 2007, 2009) has contexts. While some researchers have focused provided an extremely important study of Pilak- on the UGRR, they do not explicitly supplant likaha, an early-19th-century African Seminole the divisive concept of the UGRR with that of settlement in Sumter County, central Florida, in marronage. For example, in a very laudable and which maroons were critical participants. His nuanced work, LaRoche (2004) does explicitly research explores a variety of aspects of com- recognize a diasporic connection between marron- munity life through an ethnogenesis perspec- age and the UGRR. However, she does focus on tive, including social structure and hierarchy, the UGRR as such, and her framework subsumes demographics, labor systems, exchange relations, more traditionally recognized maroon communi- community subsistence, and ceremonial customs. ties (i.e., remote intralimital communities) in the Because Pilaklikaha was relatively well docu- category of “Free African American Communi- mented, Weik was able to locate a portion or area ties” (LaRoche 2004:105–106; Leone et al. 2005). of the overall settlement and recover more than The perspective that drives LaRoche’s important 1,000 artifacts that he determined related to it analysis thus represents a fundamentally different (Weik 2009:215). Despite the fact that few intact perspective than advocated here. cultural features were recorded in excavations due With the vast majority of distinct studies to heavy plowing, the study was able to convinc- that explicitly explore marronage having been ingly develop a sophisticated interpretation of the done in Florida and the Great Dismal Swamp social, cultural-ethnic, and politicoeconomic com- in North Carolina and Virginia (approximately plexities of Pilaklikaha community history. Also, eight sustained and/or ongoing promising studies the rich documentation and high degree to which in total), the knowledge of marronage through historical research had been previously done on archaeological research is uneven and limited African Seminole and related histories was clearly when considering all other CEMP colonies and important in helping Weik (2009) present his states (again, reference at present is only to proj- detailed and sophisticated analysis. Ultimately, ects where analysts explicitly interpret their sites Weik brought data and previous research infor- as being marronage related). Thus, archaeologists mation together and, with an anthropological and are not yet in a position to offer detailed insight marronage-attuned perspective, generated novel from historical archaeological perspectives on insights into African Seminole and diasporic marronage and the social and economic systems histories. that emerged thereby. Equally important, the field Outside Florida, work at sites that are rec- does not have a solid understanding of basic ognized by site analysts as being marronage- archaeological aspects of marronage, such as the related is relatively limited. In Virginia and North archaeological potential of maroon sites and the Carolina work on marronage sites has focused on variability in maroon settlement locations, tempo- the Great Dismal Swamp (Nichols 1988; Sayers ral durability, and size (both spatial and demo- 2006a, 2006b, 2007, 2008a, 2008b; Sayers et al. graphic scopes). In short, the basic elements of 2007). However, most Southern states are not any systematic and accreting comparative knowl- represented in the archaeological literature on edge base of maroon-sites archaeology, outside marronage, though, as discussed previously, what Florida and perhaps the Great Dismal Swamp, would be called intralimital marronage is known are generally limited at present. Thus, unlike to have occurred in each of those states (Aptheker other aspects of African diasporic archaeology, 1939; Katz 1986; Hall 1992). There are also no such as plantation studies (Orser 1988; Babson archaeological studies in Northern states in which 1990; Epperson 1999; Singleton 1999), a critical the CEMP existed prior to or in articulation with mass of researchers has yet to develop detailed the CMP, where intralimital marronage as such and nuanced anthropological perspectives on mar- is recognized as a diasporic process that may ronage in the U.S. that are supported by strong have impacted sites and regional histories, though material culture and landscape information from there are some that recognize the UGRR having multiple sites that reflect, or begin to reflect, the impacted such areas (Barton 2009). Finally, there dimensions, breadth, and transformative power of are no published examples of archaeological work that historical process. daniel o. sayers—Marronage Perspective for Historical Archaeology in the United States 145

In order for historical archaeological research communities (Weik 2002:3), nuanced spatial, to become a truly effective means of expanding politicoeconomic, and historical contextualizing and refining the knowledge of marronage in the is necessary. But, however limited the documen- U.S., there is a great need for basic, nuts-and- tary record may be for a given intralimital con- bolts research driven by perspectives that allow text, the information on marronage that it does for seeing marronage in contexts as differing as yield must be used to the utmost. Explicit and swamps, urban neighborhoods, maritime towns, implicit commentary on maroons and marronage and in Midwestern towns, for example. Of can occur in every kind of document imagin- course, such an expansive range of marronage able (Aptheker 1939; Leaming 1979; Cohen contexts means that there will be an equally 2001; Sayers 2008a; Lockley 2009). Secondary diverse constellation of landscapes, site types, scholarly research sources will likely also be and artifact regimes associated with marronage important in developing maroon-site research in the U.S. Thus, it would seem that developing models. Researchers can use the information context-specific landscape and artifact-signature contained in such potentially disparate sources models might prove productive in opening doors in an exhaustive, coherent, and critical fashion to increasing the archaeological understanding of while also recognizing that the documentary marronage in the U.S. evidence they have located, and most scholarly commentary, allows only a very small glimpse Archaeological Modeling of Marronage into the degree to which marronage likely occurred in most contexts. Finally, contempo- It is the view here that in order for maroon rary communities and tribes may be sources of archaeology to be a successful research area in the historical information relevant to understanding U.S., models for site location, landscape, artifact marronage in a given context, though it may distribution, and artifact-assemblage patterns need well be that, for many people, these will be to be developed and tested through intensive field- guarded histories that are not easily or readily work in conjunction with document-based knowl- shared with others. edge and, when germane, oral-history information With an informed understanding from docu- (Weik 2002, 2009). Because of the apparent comments, previous research, and oral traditions, plex of contexts, archaeologists should develop a archaeological-model development in most detailed sense of what to expect in terms of the intralimital maroon contexts will also require following: variability in site types associated with some creativity and flexibility on the part of marronage; the probable landscapes that were researchers insofar as maroon settlements repre- used and culturally developed under marronage sent relatively unique occupations. The general systems; and the ranges of material culture that surreptitiousness that accompanied marronage, were used under varying conditions. Such models as well as variability in local conditions, will of varying scales and foci are commonly used require researchers to be very sensitive to period archaeological tools, but in maroon archaeology temporal, spatial, cultural, and politicoeconomic little work has been done to develop them for conditions. Research at sites associated with anticipated and actual sites. Site type, proxemics, intralimital marronage may also require creative and landscape modeling and interpretation have, and novel, or at least nonstandard, approaches collectively, a long and successful track record in in developing survey and excavation methods, historical archaeology (South 1978; Garman 1994; given that they will often have to take place Mires 1995; Delle 1998; Leone 2005, 2010), and in remote and undeveloped landscapes (Sayers few historical contexts call for the development 2006b; Sayers et al. 2007). of such basic analytical and practical tools and Intralimital marronage contexts will represent methods as do sites and landscapes associated great interpretive challenges to researchers. As with marronage. can be extrapolated from Orser and Funari’s (2001) essay on maroon archaeology in the Intralimital Marronage Modeling Western Hemisphere, many maroon contexts and sites in the U.S. will be virtually indis- Given the limitations and ambiguities in tinguishable from indigenous-American habita- the documentation of most maroon lives and tion sites due to the fact that maroons often 146 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) used hand-thrown ceramics and stone tools, The Great Dismal Swamp is located in south- and because indigenous Americans were often eastern Virginia and northeastern North Carolina, part of maroon communities (and vice versa). between the James River and the Albemarle In addition, maroon sites will usually be very Sound, near the Atlantic coast. From contact to ambiguous and difficult to find on/in the ground. ca. 1800, the swamp was perhaps 2,000 sq. mi. Finally, researchers may be tempted to seek a in size. After companies began canal excavation definitive “maroon” site signature and/or artifact and lumbering projects in the swamp, largely a regime, possibly driven by ethnicity and identity post-1800 phenomenon with 18th-century roots, theories (Perry and Paynter 1999). That is, they its size diminished, water flow in the swamp may presume that there is a relatively repeated was altered by canals, and its floral and faunal range of archaeological patterns and artifact types regimes partially transformed. By the turn of common to most or all intralimital maroon settle- the 20th century, the swamp was perhaps half ments given that they were composed primarily its original size. At present, the U.S. Fish and of Africans, African Americans, and indigenous Wildlife Service stewards the largest remaining Americans (e.g., expectations on recovering contiguous tract of the swamp (ca. 190 sq. mi.) colonoware and quartz crystals). This kind of as a national wildlife refuge. view and research goal may be, at a minimum, I opted to focus my fieldwork within the counterproductive and lead to excessive confu- refuge rather than the former swampland sions and intractable ambiguities in such contexts beyond. I knew from the literature that much (Sayers et al. 2007; Sayers 2008a). of the refuge had been continuously owned by canal and lumber corporations since the late Productive Intralimital Models and Research: 1700s and had thus probably not been impacted The Great Dismal Swamp Landscape Study by wholesale disturbances like plowing. Fur- thermore, the refuge contained many antebellum I initiated the Great Dismal Swamp Land- canals (most of which were heavily discussed in scape Study (GDSLS) in 2002 as a doctoral period literature and sources) and was of appre- dissertation project. My interests at the start ciable enough size that, in my view, it stood as a were primarily in the purported maroon com- reasonable representative sample of the pre–Civil munities that had formed in the Great Dismal War swamp landscape. But it was also clear that Swamp prior to the Civil War. After six months extremely limited previous archaeological survey of pre-field archival and library research, it was and no intensive excavations had occurred in clear that, potentially, thousands of maroons the refuge. had lived in the Dismal during the century In closely assessing a variety of primary and a half prior to the Civil War. However, it sources (Aitchison and Parker 1763; Ruffin 1837; was also apparent that maroons were not the Crayon 1856; Olmsted 1856; Redpath 1857) and only people to have lived in the swamp after secondary sources (Leaming 1979; Wolf 2002; contact, as a large number of diasporic indig- Martin 2004), I postulated that any actual swamp enous Americans (people forced/coerced from community would have been structurated by a their traditional homelands in the region) and relatively predictable “mode of communitiza- thousands of enslaved African American canal- tion” (Sayers et al. 2007; Sayers 2008a). Dismal company workers (primarily from the 1790s Swamp modes of communitization were rooted until the Civil War) also lived for long periods in the specific reasons each individual had for in the swamp. If the limited documentary and transplanting permanently to the swamp while secondary sources were to be believed, a “Dia- also being dialectically related to the transform- sporic World” (Sayers 2008a) emerged in the ing nature of the swamp landscape throughout Great Dismal Swamp, one that had persisted for the 1600–1860 era. Because modes of com- centuries and in which thousands of people from munitization represented structurated social, several social, identificatory, politicoeconomic, cultural, and politicoeconomic processes (e.g., and ethnic backgrounds joined together. In that kinship systems, labor allocation, production and swamp world, marronage was a most important acquisition of resources and material culture, and and impacting process throughout much of the social organization) through which daily life and pre–Civil War historical period. cultural traditions among social groups emerged daniel o. sayers—Marronage Perspective for Historical Archaeology in the United States 147 and persisted, it was further elaborated that each therein. Nonetheless, I also believed that even- mode of communitization resulted in differing tually archaeologists might be in a position to general landscape and artifact patterns that could postulate periods of time when maroons may be discerned through excavations. have been the predominant population of a given In all, three modes of communitization were community (i.e., a maroon-dominated community) discerned from preliminary primary and second- and, possibly, determine with confidence that ary sources, and, in keeping with the focus of certain features, materials, or landscape signatures this discussion, each mode made grand marron- may be maroon related, once ample archaeologi- age practicable for individuals. These included cal and field-developed data became available and the interior-scission, the perimetrical-semi-inde- analyzable. pendent, and the canal-company-labor-exploitation Site survey in the refuge began in the fall of (after ca. 1765) modes of communitization. To 2003, after Hurricane Isabel had done significant state it somewhat simply, each mode can be seen damage, razing tens of thousands of trees. Sev- as falling within a continuum of community con- eral islands (n=8) in the refuge were archaeo- nection with the outside world, its markets, and logically discovered, ranging from 1 to 40 ac. in its cultural systems. The scission mode stood size, and, in most cases, the larger islands had at one end of the continuum, characterized by relatively significant topographic variation. During relatively extreme community self-reliance, com- the initial eight-month season, the team excavated munity labor regimes, and swamp-subsistence shovel-test pits on several of the islands and practices; would-be maroon community members also systematically surveyed Isabel-razed trees had to desire self-removal from the outside world for exposed materials and features. The latter and take part in and contribute to a self-reliant exponentially increased the yield of efforts and community on permanent bases. By contrast, the the percentage of subsurface island soils that canal-company-labor-exploitation mode stood at were exposed for recordation. Both methods the other end of the continuum, where commu- combined, the team was able to determine with nities were heavily (though not entirely) reliant certainty that soils of the islands visited were on the outside world for daily used items, sub- relatively pristine (no wholesale disturbances to sistence, and, of course, information. Maroons stratigraphic sequences), was able to provide the who wished to live in the swamp but maintain first archaeological data on the temporal range connections with the outside world and even pos- of occupation of the landforms in the refuge sibly earn money to buy freedom for themselves (from at least ca. 3000 B.C. to present), and or loved ones opted to work and live surrepti- demonstrated the kinds of precontact cultural tiously among enslaved canal-company laborers materials that were buried on islands that would proper (Crayon 1856; Olmsted 1856). However, have been available for reuse by later diasporic canals were relatively easy to access for 19th- communities. Importantly, also found at several century enslavers, and there was an elevated islands was strong preliminary evidence for the risk and danger living and working in the canal various modes of communitization that were settlements. While much more detail about the hypothesized to have been formed by maroons site landscape and artifact models developed for and other diasporans (Sayers 2006b). the project has been provided elsewhere (Sayers The models developed for the GDSLS were 2006b, 2007, 2008a; Sayers et al. 2007), what extremely productive in site discovery and pre- should be clear from this abbreviated discussion liminary artifact and data recovery. Thus, two is that pre-field research allowed me to postulate subsequent seasons (eight months each) followed that maroons occupied a range of communities that mostly focused on intensive and extensive throughout the historical period, communities that excavations at sites that were particularly promis- may have had non-maroon diasporic members as ing. As reported elsewhere (Sayers et al. 2007; well. I did not begin field research looking for Sayers 2008a, 2008b), these sites yielded very a “maroon site” signature along any lines. But, significant information on marronage and on I could hypothesize that all historical diasporic- diasporic communities that formed after 1600 but community sites would be directly informative before the Civil War. For example, at a 20 ac. about marronage in the Dismal Swamp and its North Carolina island the team calls the nameless impacts on the diasporic world that emerged site (31GA120), I was able to demonstrate that 148 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) the archaeological record exhibited all major and ledges, and flat-area settlement to be common- most minor characteristics predicted for historical place among maroons, as might have been inten- interior-scission communities. Over 100 excavation tional flattening (terraforming) on mountainsides units yielded evidence of several historical post-infor settlement, as was done in Cuba (La Rosa ground structures and, possibly, water-storage pits, Corzo 2003). But archaeologists could, in moun- with an attendant artifact assemblage dominated tain and hill contexts, seek reasonably defensible by reused stone tools, debitage, and burnt clay, locales to try to home in on maroon settlements. while mass-produced outside-world materials were As with swamps and similar landscapes, higher rare and limited in the main to several examples relative percentages of locally available materials of lead shot. The dearth of temporally diagnostic and lower relative percentages of mass-produced mass-produced materials required alternative dating materials might be anticipated in mountain and methods, and optically stimulated luminescence hill contexts. samples were taken from five of the architectural Intralimital maroons who fled to urban areas and landscape features at the site. The dated took advantage of congested and anonymous samples, when combined with all chronological conditions to live safely within the CEMP system. information, point to a relatively constant occupa- Researchers could include marronage in the tion of that area of the site from contact until ca. conceptualizations of what processes impacted 1775 (Feathers 2007; Sayers 2008a:176–182). With and contributed to social and politicoeconomic confidently contextualized archaeological informa- dynamics of specific urban landscapes. At the tion, I was able to explore issues centering on site scale, it might be most productive to seek community organization, community subsistence the micromarginalized spaces and places within and labor systems, possible exchange relations urban properties as loci of individual or small- with other scission settlements in the swamp, and group maroon inhabitation. For example, carriage the role of community status in the development houses, sheds, storage buildings, and perhaps even of scission cultural landscapes across the island subterranean spaces like tunnels or rooms extend- (Sayers 2008a:144–197). Building off those arguing from standing structures might be productive ments, I was then in a position to discuss the points of focus. Researchers could develop models impacts and significances of marronage, diasporic of expected landscape and artifact patterning. If exile, and politicoeconomic alienation on that anomalous and unanticipated areas of domestic (or island’s scission communities over two centuries other) debris are recovered, one might consider (Sayers 2008a:238–273). Recent GDSLS archae- whether maroons lived in the marginal zones of a ology field schools have, as a result of previous given urban property or landscape. Clearly, urban- work, been able to investigate more fine-tuned site research has to gauge the possible impacts issues that center on the impacts of 1800–1860 of marronage at several scales and provide some canal-company operations in the swamp on scis- documentary evidence that marronage occurred sion communities, and post-1800 abandonment or in a given location in order to produce sound differential use of certain parts of the nameless interpretations. But the first step toward doing this site (Sayers 2010). is to recognize that, historically, grand marronage Beyond the nameless site, intensive work also did in fact happen in intralimital urban areas, took place at other sites in the refuge, and excava- and that maroons were community members and tions also demonstrated the productivity of GDSLS residents. models at those sites associated with the various diasporic modes of communitization postulated Extralimital Marronage Modeling for the historical period of the swamp (Sayers 2008a:197–237, 2008b). Ultimately, it is certain Marronage had far-reaching impacts in extra- that had I not developed predictive models for limital regions, as potentially 100,000 or more site location, modes of communization, and arti- maroons transplanted to such areas throughout the fact signatures, the results of excavations would pre–Civil War era (National Park Service 1998; have been far more muddled and perhaps very Sayers 2004; Thompson 2006). Maroons who inconclusive. self-extricated to areas outside the CEMP relocated In other remote intralimital contexts, such as to cities, towns, and agrarian regions (Armstrong mountains, archaeologists might expect caves, and Hill 2009), as well as indigenous-American daniel o. sayers—Marronage Perspective for Historical Archaeology in the United States 149 territories and marginalized remote landscapes flowed, while much of the surrounding land- (Feder 1993), for example. It is difficult, in fact, scape was turned over to agriculture (Dunbar to imagine any extralimital context that does not and May 1995). This expansionist process was have the potential to inform researchers about also a diasporic one as many indigenous Ameri- marronage or, at least, allow for marronage as cans were forced to new homelands to the west a key element in one’s research perspective. It (Neumeyer 1991). Extralimital marronage, also certainly would be most interesting to witness a diasporic process, was a critical aspect of the archaeologists with a marronage perspective revis- expansion and regional CMP development in iting sites previously interpreted through UGRR southwestern Michigan (Sayers 2004). foci. However, it must also be recognized that the In the 1990s, I was involved with histo- diversity of the kinds of site impacted and directly riographic and archaeological work in Battle connected with marronage will require archaeolo- Creek and the southwestern Michigan region gists to move well beyond the preserved homes, more generally. Excavations in Battle Creek at parcels, and churches of European American and the Shepard farmstead site (1996 and 1998), an African American abolitionists. Similar to intralim- extant Greek Revival farmhouse constructed in ital contexts, the documentary record in extralim- the mid-19th century that is located just south ital contexts has its lacunae and severe ambiguities of the city of Battle Creek proper, were in part in regard to maroons themselves. Researchers will prompted by local interest in finding evidence of likely find that they must take part in a greater secret tunnels or other archaeological evidence of degree of argumentation than is usual to make the UGRR at the site. While no such evidence cases for maroons having been present at sites at was found, documentary research on the site and which they work—though, of course, there will region did indicate that the UGRR impacted the be exceptions. history of the region and, probably, the site itself Given the ubiquity of farmstead sites in extra- (Sayers and Lapham 1996; Sayers 2004). limital contexts (Wilson 1990; Orser 1991; Maroons did in fact settle in Battle Creek Kulikoff 1992; Groover 2008), such sites may very early in the town’s history. Battle Creek provide great, and readily available, opportunities was settled in 1833–1834, and the first maroons to explore marronage. On farmsteads across most were present in the town and/or outlying regions regions, laborers were brought onto farms, join- as early as 1837 (Barnes 1908). Between 1840 ing farm families in daily labor, socializing, and, and 1860, the African American community often, residing at the places they worked (Schob continued to grow and flourish, spurred on by 1975; McMurry 1998). Maroons were among the arrival of maroons (including Sojourner these nonfamilial laborers who directly contributed Truth, who moved to the immediate area in to the ascendancy of the family farm across the ca. 1857), while being a critical force in the antebellum CMP landscape in the U.S. If archae- development and intensification of the town- ologists can begin to explore the day-to-day lives and-country dynamic that characterized the of maroons in such contexts, it will be recognized city’s relationship with outlying agrarian regions that farmsteads often had direct historical connec- (Gaston 1976). During this time African Ameri- tions with the global African diasporic process of cans were employed as farm laborers, barbers, marronage, and that marronage was significant in clergy, domestic workers, and house-maintenance the rise of capitalist agrarian America. workers, for example, throughout the city and immediate area (Sayers 1999). Contemporane- Extralimital Marronage: An Example ously, African American enclaves and commu- from the Midwest nities that most likely included maroons had formed throughout the southwestern region in Battle Creek, Michigan, was settled as part Michigan, including Ramptown, Niles, Vandalia, of the processes of westward expansion of the and Kalamazoo (Wilson 1985). CMP in the 1830s. Located in the southwestern Again, it was part of community lore that part of the state, some 120 mi. west of Detroit the Shepard farmstead and family had some (settled in 1701), Battle Creek developed quickly connection to the UGRR, and documentary as one of the several towns in the region to and research did provide some support for that from which capital, people, and commodities general idea. Warren Shepard, the husband of 150 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

Almeda Shepard and father of several children, June through 11 September 1850) and Henry kept an account book (Shepard [1843–1860]) of Willis appears to have been responsible for the his various transactions between 1843 and the cost of the food and items Pitts consumed at the late 1850s. Of particular interest was that he Shepard farm (Shepard [1843–1860]:19). It is maintained running debit and credit accounts for very likely that Elijah Pitts was a maroon, and extrafamilial laborers (over 30 in number) who Willis and the Shepard family worked out an worked on the farm, including on the construc- arrangement to allow him to stay in the Battle tion of the extant house (ca. 1853–1854). Creek area in the summer of 1850. During that One worker, Pompey Tucker, is mentioned time, Pitts appears to have done no work at the in several late-1850s entries in the account farm, but he consumed a variety of foods and ledger. He stood out, given his first name; as items (e.g., butter, potatoes, eggs, apples, and is well known, enslavers forced names on cap- sundries at a local mercantilist’s shop). Many tive people, often those of famous or ancient other extrafamilial workers on the farm that are personages, and indeed scholars cite the name recorded in the account ledger may have been “Pompey” as a relatively common example maroons, but the evidence is not as strong or (Davidson and Lytle 1992:170–171). Pompey is lacking. Finally, the 1860 federal popula- Tucker’s status as maroon is confirmed through tion census indicates that an African American an early-20th-century article where he is listed laborer named Exum Johnson was at the farm, as one of many maroons who came to the area and he is listed as being born in Canada. It very early (Barnes 1908), suggesting he had may very well be that Exum was a maroon, lived locally for some time before working on the assertion of Canadian birth being a ruse to the Shepard farm. The account-ledger entries indicate his birth outside enslavement conditions, provide important information on the daily life though additional documentation was not located of the marooning Pompey Tucker between 1857 (Sayers and Lapham 1996). While it is possible and 1859. During that time, Pompey performed that Exum was a Canadian by birth, it would a variety of jobs at the farm including threshing seem unlikely that he would take the risks of and harvesting grain, cutting and husking corn, false capture, mistaken identity, and subsequent butchering animals, drawing stalks, threshing enslavement in the U.S. (i.e., being forcibly beans and oats, planting, hoeing potatoes, sawing taken to the South). wood, backing the barn with potatoes, drawing Analyses of the historical and archaeologi- fence rails, working on a drain (Shepard [1843– cal record of the Shepard farmstead focused 1860]:74,77–80,82), and doing “work on walk on farmstead layout and landscape patterns in [and] garden” (Shepard [1843–1860]:77). Also, the region (Sayers and Nassaney 1999) and on in several entries it is mentioned that his sons exploring gender, class and labor, and ideology helped him in his work, and, interestingly, there in the mid-19th-century transition to agrarian may be an oblique reference to a connection capitalism (Sayers 2003). While the UGRR was between Pompey and Henry Willis, the Shepards’ recognized in site-history narratives developed in abolitionist neighbor (Shepard [1843–1860]:78). the project (Sayers and Lapham 1996; Nassaney For his work, Pompey Tucker received goods 1998; Sayers 1999), excavated materials did not, in-kind and occasionally cash. For example, at the time, appear to reflect its impact. Pompey took as remuneration a variety of items While no definitive direct evidence of maroon throughout the years, such as butter, pork, flour, inhabitation came to light in excavations, there cheese, wheat, lard, candles, mutton, meal, salt, may be certain subassemblages that could bear corn, and fish. It is not clear if Pompey lived reanalysis through the marronage perspective on the farm or whether he worked by day and advocated here. For example, a suite of artifacts lived elsewhere. But, given that it is certain that associated with extrafamilial laborers who cre- other extrafamilial laborers did live and work at ated a workspace in the rear of the extant farm- the farm, it is certainly possible that Pompey and house during its construction was recovered in perhaps his children were housed somewhere at excavations (Sayers 2003). It was interesting to the Shepard farmstead. me that, in the antebellum era, a central locus Also, in the Shepard account ledger, one of labor was selected in the rear of the house, Elijah Pitts has a short-term account (dated 5 clearly within emerging private farmscape space daniel o. sayers—Marronage Perspective for Historical Archaeology in the United States 151 and away from view of the public thoroughfare of the project. Maps of the farmstead and that ran in front of the domicile. I argued that account-ledger information indicate that at least this specific decision to have non-family work- two barns were present at the farm by the late ers stationed in the private rear areas of the 1850s, and maps provided relatively precise farmstead had a complicated variety of class, information on the locations of each structure labor, ideology, and kinship implications given (Sayers 2003). Some excavation units were the quasi-genteel, middle-class, and progressive placed in a small woodlot just south of the position of the Shepard family and farm at the extant house, thought to be the location of one time (Sayers 2003). However, when African of the barns. It is interesting that, despite the American maroons are known to have been fact that the entire area had been greatly dis- part of the farm-labor force, the implications turbed by the construction of a fish pond in the of such private labor spaces in the farmstead 20th century, a possible plank of barn wood, a landscape become more dialectically complex sherd of mid-19th-century brown transfer-printed than previously envisioned. Marooning African ironstone, and a sherd of a thick hand-thrown American laborers, such as Pompey Tucker, may ceramic bowl were recovered in excavations in have been a critical element in the emergence that woodlot (Nassaney 1998). In fact, excava- and perpetuation of multivalent private spaces, tions in the woodlot produced the only other where workers and manual labor were in effect definitive 19th-century materials, some of which segregated from public areas and private family could be generally considered domestic items, spaces in homes and yards. While class, gender, recovered at the site outside of a significant kinship relations, and ideologies had power- domestic refuse midden located in the rear ful roles in the emergence of private locales, of the farmhouse. While there is no way to spaces, and landscapes (Osterud 1991), racism be extraordinarily confident with the limited and racialization may have been a critical aspect evidence, the presence of domestic refuse con- of those divisive processes as well (Stine 1990). centrated in a former-barn area may relate to In this case, marronage was a process that con- the housing of non-family workers in the barn tributed to the racialization of an increasingly (or near it). And, given the fact that a known capitalist(ic) farmstead and likely had impacts maroon, Pompey Tucker, can be associated with on relations among workers and the gendering a barn at the Shepard farmstead (even if only of spaces. At the same time, maroons were not fleetingly in the documentary record), the pres- entirely safe when living in extralimital contexts ence of domestic items in a barn locus raises an (e.g., there were laws that made marooning and eyebrow of interest. Might it be that racializa- harboring maroons illegal in such contexts), and tion and countersurveillance processes instigated maroons at the Shepard farmstead may have pressures on African American maroons to live found working and living in its nonpublic areas in the outbuildings of the Shepard farm? Did to be a safer approach than risking exposure to maroons generally find themselves working and informants in the more visible areas of the farm, living in the non-family private spaces and such as in front of the house and along the buildings of the Shepard farmstead, perhaps roads that surrounded the parcel. Thus, counter- using older vessels and other domestic items in surveillance and surreptitiousness may have been those specific areas? There does seem to bea a daily aspect of life at the Shepard farmstead pattern observable in the kinds of work Pompey as maroons and members of the Shepard family, Tucker performed. Most of the jobs he is listed who likely knew or suspected the maroon status as having done were likely not performed in the of individuals, sought to keep the presence of front yard and public spaces of the farmstead. the former as unknown and unobserved as was For example, it is known from farmstead mod- possible. Like racialization, this also may have eling in the region that gardens and associated been a critical aspect of the emergence of pri- walkways were typically in the private, rear vate and public spaces in this agrarian context areas of farmhouse backyards (Sayers and Nas- and others. saney 1999), and Pompey’s work on and in the Locating archaeological evidence of the out- garden, most likely including hoeing potatoes, buildings, including barns, associated with the occurred in the back spaces of the farmyard. antebellum farmstead was a significant goal Also, a creek ran through the property, primarily 152 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) near the barns and the private space of the marronage was an important source of African farmstead (Sayers 2003), and perhaps the drain American settlement, community development, he worked on was associated with diverting and cultural genesis. The innumerable farmstead, flow from it. Finally, he clearly worked inthe town, and industrial sites in the region have the barn(s), and it is also reasonable to surmise that potential to provide archaeological evidence of most of the tasks he was set to, such as sawing maroon lives and this most important process. rails and wood, butchering animals, and husking While rare, communities composed primarily corn were done in the barn areas or otherwise- of maroons emerged in extralimital contexts. private areas of the farmstead. These kinds of communities could have formed The Pompey Tucker and Elijah Pitt entries as maroons came to own land (or individuals in the account ledger demonstrate that maroons opened their land to fellow maroons), or, as were part of key aspects of the day-to-day life was the case with Ramptown, as labor-exploiting at the Shepard farmstead—they worked assorted landowners granted plots of agricultural land to tasks that helped the farmstead persist, and they maroons, which helped a community of maroons consumed products of their own labor and the to coalesce (Campbell and Nassaney 2005). In labor of other workers and the Shepard family. such extralimital communities, maroon families With the knowledge that Pompey Tucker split may have produced much of their own food rails, helped with drainage systems, and worked and provided some of the surpluses to exploit- on the garden, it is also certain that he helped ing landowners while living in family cabins the development of the farmscape, which was a and accessing a variety of mass-produced goods key element of the transition to agrarian capital- (ceramics, iron objects, decorative objects, etc.). ism (Sayers 2003). But in the general scenario While they may have acquired many of their suggested by existing evidence, marronage is goods through donation, they may have also directly connected and dialectically related to a developed their own intracommunity trade net- number of phenomena at the Shepard farmstead, works as well as barter systems with people in including the emergence of extrafamilial labor nearby towns and farms (Campbell and Nassaney systems, the racialization of spaces and places, 2005). the multivalencies of private and public spaces, There are also sites that do in fact represent, to the production of agricultural surpluses, and the varying degrees, the transient period of maroon emergence of a capitalistic farmstead in general. escape itself, such as tunnels, paths of flight, Meanwhile, insight is developed into what the and some abolitionist and sympathizer homes lives of maroons may have been like, especially and churches (Armstrong and Wurst 2003; Delle on a day-to-day basis in an extralimital context. 2008; Delle and Shellenhammer 2008). Other The archaeological potential for addressing the possible extralimital contexts include urban areas, impact of maroons and marronage at the Shepard African American churches and related cemeteries farmstead is strong, particularly if a marronage (LaRoche 2004), lumber camps, mining districts perspective were to guide future excavations and and towns (Wild 2008), maritime ports and towns be used in refining models of farmscape layout (and ships themselves), and indigenous-territory and the constituent aspects of the 19th-century sites where maroons fled to join communities. transition to agrarian capitalism (Sayers 2003). While it is not possible here to detail every pos- If several farmstead and agrarian sites were sible extralimital marronage context exhaustively to be compared in the region, it should become and provide ideas on possible archaeological much more apparent that marronage made signifi- signatures, the few examples provided may help cant contributions to such an important historical point in directions that will allow researchers to process as agrarian capitalist and cultural devel- recognize marronage at whatever level(s) possible opment. It should also become clear that marron- in the documentary and archaeological record. age was a far more critical aspect of social and economic histories than is typically recognized. Conclusion It is known that hundreds of maroons labored to survive and were members of communities Marronage not only occurred in the now U.S. in Battle Creek prior to the Civil War. It is also during its complexly transforming diasporic certain that in the southwestern Michigan region CEMP era, it was an integral and far-reaching daniel o. sayers—Marronage Perspective for Historical Archaeology in the United States 153 process in the country’s history. The perspective the thousands of maroons who contributed labor, that has been advocated is a dynamic process- lives, and well-being to the Revolutionary War, oriented one that understands that marronage the Seminole Wars, the Civil War, and vari- was intimately connected with the African ous insurrections and revolts can be considered diaspora and the various modes of production, (Giddings 1858; Franklin and Schweninger such as the CEMP and CMP, that have existed 1999; Thompson 2006). Common assumptions throughout modern history. Scholars can envi- that maroons did not substantially contribute sion and interpret African diasporic history in to significant revolts and insurrections compel ways that make certain and clear the funda- researchers, such as Genovese (1979), to miss mental significance and near-universal impacts the opportunity to find the opposite evidence in and dimensions of marronage. This is not an the documentary record and assess the enormity altogether common understanding in much lit- of the significance of marronage in the history erature on the African diaspora, marronage, and of radical liberationist revolutionary process and the UGRR in the U.S. warfare in the U.S. Scholars can also certainly In adopting the perspective advocated here, consider the great degree to which marronage what the researcher recognizes is that a vast and maroons contributed to the platforms and number of captive people in the CEMP did actions of the abolition movement—including maroon in the U.S.—that number is surely in but going well beyond figureheads such as Fred- the hundreds of thousands between ca. 1550 and erick Douglass, Sojourner Truth, and Harriett 1860. This view does not allow us to think of Tubman—and thus to state and national political and to consider maroons as having been only histories (Quarles 1969; Sewell 1980). As one sporadically present outlaws and brigands, or as last example of the many possible, archaeolo- having been “freedom seekers” that are defined gists can begin to consider how marronage and by the fact that a few apparently benevolent the threat of marronage impacted and perhaps people assisted them in their efforts at success- stood as primary causes of surveillance systems, ful freedom seeking (the standard UGRR-focused landscape arrangements, and structures of work grasp of the situation). Rather, the process of and labor forces at sites (e.g., plantations, farms, marronage was a consistent aspect of the CEMP and urban spaces) throughout the CEMP and and CMP as generation after generation of cap- beyond (Aptheker 1993). tive African diasporans saw tens of thousands of In thinking of sites directly associated with people physically self-extricate from the social, the central actors in the process of marronage, economic, cultural, and existential brutalities of archaeological materials of the lived worlds of enslavement. And these numbers do not consider maroons have the potential to be used in dra- the millions of individuals across that span that matically effective fashion to explore heretofore extricated themselves for short periods of time uncertain and unknown aspects of their agentive or found other fleeting means of achieving a autexousia, cultural systems, community structur- similar result (e.g., drinking alcohol [Smith ations, political economies, and social relations. 2008], hiding across plantations, and imagining The contexts to which these many thousands other living conditions). marooned are quite varied and complex in their The potential significance of archaeology in development. While the potential is great, in expanding, refining, and galvanizing our gen- few cases have researchers been able to get past eral understanding of marronage in the U.S. is the potentiality stage. It is clear that there is a apparent. The documentary record of marronage need for basic archaeological work in various in the U.S. is scant and dreadfully incomplete, marronage contexts in order for detailed site as much research has shown. And yet glimpses interpretations to be produced and for broader of the significance of marronage in U.S. history comparative studies to be successfully realized. are discernible. For example, the “Fugitive Slave It is also the case that, as the Shepard farmstead Law” of 1850 (or, better, the “Anti-Marronage example indicates, previously excavated sites Law of 1850”), as well as earlier laws, stands can be revisited and research designs further as evidence of the great importance of mar- developed in ways that will allow researchers ronage and its threat to the hegemonic power to recover evidence of marronage; existing col- structures of the CEMP and CMP. Or perhaps lections, one would hope, could be reanalyzed 154 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) through a marronage perspective as well. How- of my master’s thesis, and my research on ever future research proceeds, without solid marronage in southwest Michigan were made archaeological data generated from multiple sites possible through Western Michigan University’s in different contexts and with much discussion Department of Anthropology and the Historical of marronage happening in the field, one must Society of Battle Creek Berenice Bryant Lowe wonder if there is a danger of a myth emerging Fellowship. Since 2002, the Great Dismal that allows archaeologists to think that enough Swamp Landscape Study has been supported fieldwork is being done and reasonable analyti- by the College of William and Mary Depart- cal ground is being covered, when in fact they ment of Anthropology, the American University are not. Department of Anthropology, and the U.S. Fish In order to identify, locate, excavate, and and Wildlife Service. The GDSLS has ben- interpret maroon sites successfully, it has efited from the generous support of the Canon been argued that a comprehensive marronage National Parks Science Scholars Program and perspective will help in the development of a National Endowment for the Humanities “We an array of site- and context-specific models the People” Collaborative Grant (RZ-51219-10); for U.S. research. It is the hope here that the the views expressed in this essay do not nec- general framework that is based on the intra- essarily reflect those of the NEH or any other limital and extralimital distinction can be used supporter of this project. While my gratitude and expanded upon in efforts to develop this for such professional and personal support over comprehensive approach to U.S. marronage the past 15 years knows no limit, the ideas histories. Archaeology must bring its consider- presented here are my own and, for good or ill, able interpretive power and access to new bases I stand responsible for them. of information—the archaeological record—into the contemporary discourses on marronage and References African diasporic U.S. history. One certain way to see this happen is to cast aside the view Agorsah, A. Kofi that marronage, though very significant on the 2007 Scars of Brutality: Archaeology of the Maroons in the Caribbean. In Archaeology of the Atlantic Africa and the global scale, was only a sporadically enacted African Diaspora, A. Ogundiran and T. Falola, editors, form of resistance by a few thousand in select pp. 332–354. Indiana University Press, Bloomington. areas of the U.S. Archaeologists must begin to realize that for several centuries, marronage Agorsah, A. Kofi (editor) 1994 Maroon Heritage: Archaeological Ethnographic was a keystone African diasporic process in the and Historical Perspectives. 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Daniel G. Roberts and although he maintained a strong interest in history and his thesis was on the fur trade in North Dakota’s Red River Valley, he had little A Conversation with firsthand experience in historical archaeology. Ronald L. Michael But three summer stints as a ranger/historian with the National Park Service at Grand Portage National Monument in Minnesota changed all that, and he went on to receive his doctorate at Ball State under the mentoring of archaeologist B. K. Swartz, Jr. Yet even his doctorate and dissertation topic were unusual: rather than the typical Ph.D., he received the Ed.D., and rather than the usual narrative dissertation his dissertation was a comprehensive, annotated archaeological bibliography that is still used throughout the state of Indiana today. After receipt of his Ed.D. degree, Ronn began a long and productive teaching career at California University of Pennsylvania, where he developed and creatively taught a number of highly unusual courses on various technological processes, and he founded and managed his own consulting company for two decades simultaneously with his teaching. But it is his work as the longtime editor of Historical Archaeol- ogy that best defines Ronn to most historical archaeologists. There is nothing typical about the way in When Ronn took over the editorial responsi- which Ronald L. Michael came to embrace bilities for the society’s journal, publication of archaeology as a profession, nor in the way in Historical Archaeology was nearly two years which he pursued his career. From a very early in arrears. He quickly went about the task of age he had an interest in American history and marshalling old and new manuscript submis- later developed interests in anthropology and sions to bring the journal up to date, which he industrial technology that he ultimately par- accomplished in only one year. Although the layed into two advanced degrees and a 36-year first volume to bear his name as editor was teaching career at a university in Pennsylvania volume 12, in reality he put together the previ- that many think is in California. His bachelor’s ous volume almost single-handedly. By 1980, he and master’s degrees are from schools in North had caught up and began making plans to issue Dakota that offered virtually no archaeology or the journal twice a year instead of only once. anthropology courses. Undaunted, and together Amazingly, within a year, the journal was pub- with his mentor at the University of North lished with two numbers each year, and by 1990 Dakota, Ronn created a master’s curriculum it had become a quarterly publication, which it combining anthropology and history practically still is today. Along the way, Ronn also revived from scratch, and along the way received a the dormant Special Publications series, which teaching certificate that allowed him to teach saw seven volumes published before it morphed various subjects most anywhere in North into a yearly thematic volume; initiated a very Dakota. After receipt of his master’s degree, useful bibliographic series called Guides to

Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(4):162–182 Accepted for publication 30 August 2011 Permission to reprint required. daniel g. roberts—A Conversation with Ronald L. Michael 163 the Archaeological Literature of the Immigrant trees and brush, mowing grass, and doing vari- Experience in America, which has five volumes ous other daily chores that keep him physically published to date; developed relationships with fit and looking a good 10 to 15 years younger several university presses; and brought the soci- than he really is. However, he still maintains ety’s publishing programs into the digital age. frequent contact through email and by telephone The position of editor in the Society for His- with his many friends and colleagues in the pro- torical Archaeology is filled on an appointed, fession, and rarely fails to attend the society’s three-year renewal basis rather than an elected annual conference. I caught up with Ronn on 7 one. Every three years, Ronn would signify January 2010, in a suite at the society’s annual his willingness to continue on, and every three meeting at Amelia Island Plantation, Florida, years the president and board of directors would and thoroughly enjoyed conducting the follow- recognize Ronn’s talents and reappoint him. ing interview. Frankly, it was his job for life if he wanted it, he was that good, but after 27 years at the edi- I’d like to start by asking how and when you first torial helm Ronn finally made the hard decision got interested in archaeology. to retire in 2004. Quite a run for a small-town boy from the Midwest who had little exposure Michael: My interest in archaeology first to historical archaeology until he was well along came about when I was at Jamestown College in his career in, er, well, historical archaeology. in Jamestown, North Dakota. There was no During his highly productive career, Ronn was anthropology program at Jamestown College at also busy doing other things besides tending to that time, but at the end of my senior year I the society’s publishing programs. He routinely had gotten a job with the National Park Service had a teaching load of three or four courses at as a seasonal ranger/historian at Grand Portage California University of Pennsylvania and for National Monument, Grand Portage, Minnesota. many years directed the university’s archaeology Although I was a physics major and graduated program. In order to provide a ready outlet for with a physics degree, I actually had a double his advanced students to gain hands-on experi- major in history because, at some point in my ence in applied archaeology, in 1977 he founded four years as an undergraduate student, I real- his own consulting firm, NPW Consultants, Inc., ized I didn’t want to end up in a lab for the which for 20 years was a cultural resources rest of my life. And so I got a job at Grand force to be reckoned with in Pennsylvania and Portage, not really knowing what to expect. the surrounding states. Alan Woolworth of the Minnesota Historical Meanwhile, in 1978 he began an eight-year Society was in charge of a field crew under tenure on the Commonwealth Historic Preserva- contract to the National Park Service doing tion Board, chairing the Pennsylvania National archaeology at the fur-trading post. This really Register for Historic Places Review Committee intrigued me, and I spent a lot of time talking for six years, and, in 1981, he was a founding to Alan and his wife Nancy, and some of the member of the Pennsylvania Archaeological crew, about what they were doing. Council, the commonwealth’s first and only professional organization, and served three con- When I left that fall to go to the University secutive two-year terms as the organization’s of North Dakota to begin a master’s program first president. And Ronn didn’t limit his editing in history, I inquired about the possibility of talents to the Society for Historical Archaeol- combining archaeology with history. My mentor, ogy––for more than 25 years he also served a gentleman by the name of Elywn Robinson, as editor of Pennsylvania Archaeologist, the who was a well-known northern plains historian, quarterly journal of the Society for Pennsylvania long since deceased, got me into the anthropol- Archaeology and one of the best state archaeo- ogy program at North Dakota where there was logical journals in the country. a freshly minted Ph.D. anthropologist from the Ronn has been happily retired to his farm University of Missouri by the name of Raoul in southwestern Pennsylvania for several years Anderson, who left North Dakota in 1966 for now. To hear him tell it, he is now doing what Memorial University, St. John’s, Newfound- he always wanted to do: planting trees, clearing land, where he became well known for his 164 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) whaling-community research. For some reason Wisconsin at Milwaukee, as well as Northern he was taken by the fact that I had an interest Illinois University. Eventually I applied to all in both archaeology and history. The program of those schools and was accepted at each of offered no real courses for me to take, so them, but it was only at Northern Illinois and Anderson designed some reading courses for me. Wisconsin at Milwaukee where it seemed they I don’t know if he realized he almost killed me, were interested in letting me try to combine but he gave me a reading list of 10 books every anthropology with history. week for four semesters, which taught me in a real hurry how to use book reviews, learn how In the meantime, one of my colleagues at to look up topic sentences, and things like that. Lakeland was finishing his doctorate at Ball We discussed all 10 books each week. State University. He informed me they had a doctoral program with a lot of flexibility. It was When I finished my master’s degree, my goal a history department program, but it allowed was not to find a job in historical archaeol- you to take courses in a variety of different ogy. When I had begun at the University of disciplines. He put me in contact with the his- North Dakota, I realized that it would take tory department chair. I explained to him what I me two years to finish my master’s degree. So would like to do, and he provided me with con- I enrolled in what at that time was called a tacts among the anthropology faculty, including fifth-year professional-education program, which Dave Scrutin and B. K. (Ben) Swartz, Jr. So, I would lead to a teaching certificate. So, with applied to Ball State because they really seemed this teaching certificate in hand, I was certi- enthusiastic about what I wanted to do. They fied to teach high-school history and physics in also offered me a nice fellowship, $3,600.00 a North Dakota and elsewhere. I started looking year, which was a lot of money at that time. I for high-school history-teaching jobs, mainly in started classes in the fall of 1967. Ray White, suburban Chicago and was offered a few, except who was a Western historian, was my history they were for teaching physics and coaching advisor, and Ben Swartz was my anthropology tennis, which I didn’t want to do. So again, my advisor. And so that’s the way I got started in mentor at the University of North Dakota, Dr. historical archaeology. Robinson, came through by saying, “I just heard from the president of a small college in Wiscon- It sounds to me that the seeds of historical sin. Would you be interested in a teaching job archaeology were really planted in your first in that kind of environment?” And that was the summer at Grand Portage. first time I had ever given any consideration to college teaching, and so I went for the interview Michael: They were. In fact, I forgot to say and was hired at Lakeland College, outside of earlier that I wrote my master’s thesis at the Sheboygan, Wisconsin. I would teach history, University of North Dakota on the fur trade of but I still had to coach the men’s tennis team. the Red River valley of North Dakota. At Grand Portage I read practically every book and fur What year was this? trade journal the National Park Service had in their library. From that reading it was clear little Michael: This would have been 1965. By the research had been done on the fur trade along time I arrived at Lakeland, I had spent three the Red River. My thesis was all historical, as summers at Grand Portage. During the summer at that time no historical archaeology had been before I started at Lakeland, Alan Woolworth done in the river valley, not even in Winnipeg, was there again, and so I became more inter- Manitoba. ested in archaeology, although I didn’t do any actual excavation. Once I started teaching at What was your dissertation topic at Ball State? Lakeland College, I realized I was interested in going beyond a master’s degree, but I still Michael: Well, my dissertation topic was very wanted to combine anthropology and history. strange. I had to satisfy Ben Swartz, who had So I started contacting graduate schools, includ- a reputation with graduate students of not being ing the universities of Michigan, Illinois, and easy to get along with. He alienated his students daniel g. roberts—A Conversation with Ronald L. Michael 165 more than anything else, and I believe I was the Can you tell us why your doctorate is a doctorate of only student of his that ever got through the education rather than a doctorate of philosophy? program. I approached him with various historical archaeology topics, and he had no interest Michael: At Ball State, at this time, you could in any of them. However, he had an interest take your doctorate either as a Ph.D. or an in bibliographies, and I had known that for Ed.D. If you took it as a Ph.D. you had to pass some time. In fact, I had done a few annotated two different language tests, but if you took it bibliographies for him, just because he wanted as an Ed.D, you could substitute statistics for them, and I needed him “to be on my side.” one language. And so I decided to do the latter. And so I did the only thing I could get him to I decided I didn’t need two foreign languages agree to for my dissertation topic—a complete in order to do research, so that’s the reason I annotated bibliography of all archaeological lit- ended up with an Ed.D. erature in the state of Indiana “since year one.” This didn’t appeal to me to any great extent, but So, you were awarded your doctorate of education nevertheless, I started going through all the old in 1969. Is that correct? publications in Indiana. I spent days down at the Indiana State Archives in Indianapolis going Michael: Yes, I finished in 1969, but I went through everything relating to archaeology and through graduation in the spring of 1970. history, including everything that Glenn Black The only reason I mention this discrepancy is had done. And that was my dissertation. It was because the formal records of Ball State show the strangest dissertation you could ever think of. my graduation date to be 1970. But, all the However, it’s amazing how many people have papers were signed in the fall of 1969. come up to me and mentioned how useful the bibliography was in their research. In the meantime, before you actually had your degree in hand, were you job hunting? It seems to me that you were nearly in an intellectual vacuum at Ball State in regard to Michael: Yes, in the spring of 1969, all of us historical archaeology. who were going to be finished that year were counseled by the history department faculty. And Michael: Aside from Jim Keller at the Univer- they were very good, providing tips on how to sity of Indiana, I didn’t run into anybody, while get a job, and they helped us put vitas together at Ball State, anywhere in Indiana that knew and edited them. Using department funds, the anything about historical archaeology, and at the department chair sent our vitas to all the col- time Kellar wasn’t particularly enthusiastic about leges and universities in the United States. He it. There was an archaeology program in Indiana just blanketed the whole country with them. State University at Terre Haute, but they knew And I had several responses. In particular, I was nothing about historical archaeology. There was home for lunch one day, and the phone rang. nobody, absolutely nobody in historical archaeol- The lady said she was calling from California ogy. I got to know several prehistorians in the State College and mentioned the department region through Ben Swartz, including Jimmy chair who wanted to talk to me. Griffin, but there were no historical archaeologists anywhere in the vicinity. This call was made on the basis of the blanket mailing? That’s an interesting story. You really were sort of independently developing as a historical Michael: Yes, the blanket mailing only. I had archaeologist. not applied to this school. I never heard of this school. In fact, I remember thinking she was Michael: Yes, but I didn’t know it at the time. calling from Sacramento or somewhere in Cali- In fact, when I went out to look for a job, my fornia. I knew nothing about specific colleges initial job offers had nothing to do with historical and universities in Pennsylvania. Indiana, where archaeology, because nobody was hiring histori- I was living then, was the farthest south and east cal archaeologists. They just offered history jobs. that I had ever lived. So, the department chair 166 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) got on the phone, told me that he had received had the authority to decide who to hire, but my vita, and asked me to come for an interview. it would be up to the president to tender the His name was Phil Jack. But since I had never money offer. I was advised by Phil Jack to say heard of the school and I was just about ready to how much money I wanted, which of course accept an offer at Eastern Kentucky University, I stunned me. Because California State College (as wasn’t really very interested in further interviews. it was called at that time) is wholly owned by I do remember asking Phil Jack questions about the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, university the program. He explained they were trying to employees collectively bargain by commonwealth develop a new anthropology program with a law, and, as a result, there are salary schedules focus in archaeology instead of cultural anthro- for each job title. I knew how much I had been pology. They already had three archaeologists offered elsewhere, and being young and naïve, I on staff, although one was going to be leaving, looked at the salary schedule and chose a sum and they wanted to replace him with a historical that was beyond anything I had been offered archaeologist. elsewhere. Phil Jack told me that if it’s too much money the president will tell you so, but if it’s That was pretty forward thinking way back in 1969. less than he would be willing to pay you, he will not increase his offer. When I talked to the Michael: Yes, it really was. They knew noth- president, I told him what I’d like for a starting ing, really, about historical archaeology. How- salary, and he said, “That’s fine.” I then had ever, since it was a six-hour drive just to get to confess that I would not have my degree in there for an interview, I can remember asking hand, because I could not defend my dissertation him on the telephone, “What are my chances of until fall. I assured him it would be done, but I you offering me a job if I come for an inter- said I understand that it’s often necessary to pay view?” Obviously you don’t want to say that if a person less until they actually have the degree you want a job, but I didn’t need another offer, in hand. He said, “No, that’s okay, I trust you.” as I already had several, and I especially didn’t And so I got the salary I requested. The deal need it at some place that I had never heard of. was actually better than that, because California State College at that time was on a trimester A bit forward of you, I’d say. system, and since they had a big archaeology program during the summer, I was uncondition- Michael: Yes, but his immediate reply back ally guaranteed a third semester each year, which was that if I was as good in person as I was on gave me 30% more money. So it was an offer I paper they would probably offer me the job. So, could not refuse. I went back to Ball State and that intrigued me. I made the trip, and when I told my advisor what I was offered as a nine- got there, they put me up in a small downtown month salary, and he said I would be making hotel, where I had a room above a bar. When more than he was making, which was a little I got up the next morning, the morning of the embarrassing. I let another person on my com- interview, my car was covered with coal soot. mittee know what I was offered, and I’ll never Where I lived, coal was going out of fashion, forget that his whole facial expression changed but in California, Pennsylvania, coal was still when I told him the amount. So, that’s how I king. And my car was all black, and I was came to California State College, now California not happy. But I went for the interview which University of Pennsylvania. was with an archaeologist, a historian, and the department chair. We spent several hours in the It sounds like you were really impressive in your morning talking, and then they excused me and interview, or they were really desperate. asked me to come back after lunchtime; when I did, only the department chair was there, and Michael: I’ve often wondered how or why he said, “We’d like to invite you to join the this happened. I never could figure out why I faculty.” That really surprised me. He also said got hired at such a high salary. I did find out I needed to go talk to the president of the uni- a couple months after starting at California that versity, because it was the president who would the college was short of people with doctorates decide the money part of the offer. The faculty and would shortly be up for accreditation review, daniel g. roberts—A Conversation with Ronald L. Michael 167 but they clearly didn’t have to pay the kind of had been the plan, health issues arose with Bill money they paid me to get such people. In fact, Womsley, the senior anthropologist/archaeologist I was hired as an associate professor, a higher who was supposed to be in charge. Consequently, rank than where I should have been hired. I was asked to run the entire field school by Phil Jack, both prehistoric and historical archaeology. That’s unheard of. Furthermore, Phil also asked me to take over coordination of the Master’s of Arts in Social Michael: I only had two real years of college Sciences program. So, by the end of my first experience at Lakeland College. In order to hire year at California, I was in charge of running me as an associate professor, I had to have five both the historical and prehistoric field schools, years teaching experience. When I came back plus a master’s program. Shortly thereafter, and from talking to the president, I remember very for the next 10 years, I was also a member of clearly that the department chair said, “We have the college graduate council. to find some more teaching experience in your background to put on your application to the Sounds like you were doing everything. What were state.” And I thought to myself, “I don’t know the other faculty members doing? where you’re going to find this experience.” I was only 27 years old. But he asked had I ever Michael: Well, some of them didn’t do much, been a Boy Scout leader, and I had. Then he which became a point of contention in later asked, “Did you ever teach Sunday school?” years. After I was there for six or seven years, And, well, I had, and together we found other I was asked to run for department chair, which “teaching” experience in my background. I left I did not want to do because I already had that interview and headed back to Ball State plenty to do. I was part of a 30-faculty social convinced that the state would not accept my science department at that time, and fortunately application with the “ginned up” teaching expe- I did not get voted in as chair, and several of rience. But, within two weeks, I had a letter of my colleagues came up and apologized for not appointment with everything approved. voting for me because they were afraid that I would expect them to do too many things. This Talk about being in the right place at the right was an absolute relief because, as I said, I did time. not want any part of it. The university provost had told me I wouldn’t like the job, although he Michael: That’s exactly right. It was nothing noted I would likely find it easy, but annoying. more than being in the right place at the right The point is, California State College provided time. I don’t know what they really saw in my me with every opportunity to do almost anything vita because I hadn’t done a whole lot at that I wanted. time. I guess whatever I said in the interview was exactly what they wanted to hear. And so, So going back to the summer of 1970, where were when I got to California, even though I didn’t the two archaeological field schools held? know what to anticipate, having already taught in college, I wasn’t intimidated. All I knew was that Michael: I picked a 19th-century stagecoach I would be teaching mainly archaeology. tavern along the National Pike (present-day US 40) for the historical archaeology field school, This would have been the fall of 1969? and the prehistoric field school was held at a big late-prehistoric village close to the college, Michael: Yes, fall of 1969. where the field school had been held for the past couple of years. The previous archaeol- So, you got through this incredible interview ogy was done by Bill Womsley, who was a process and, let’s be frank, lucked out. Ph.D. student of Bill Sanders at the Penn State University. In 1970 another of Sanders’s Ph.D. Michael: No question about it that I lucked out, students, Joe Marino, directed the prehistoric and I continued to luck out. Instead of just run- archaeology field school, and he decided that ning a historical archaeology field school, which we were dealing with a huge mound where the 168 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

Aztecs had once been, and it caused an abso- thus had an opportunity to test and excavate the lute furor. I got a call from Don Dragoo at the site, but it was just too hard for us to get to. Carnegie Museum of Natural History, in Pitts- The commute was a lengthy drive over several burgh, who wanted to know what was going on hilly, winding roads, and we had students who down there. Barry Kent, the Pennsylvania state could only work in the field half a day because archaeologist also became involved because he of their class schedules. The college would not had gotten calls from all kinds of people about allow us to set up a field camp to take the stu- what nut was attributing a late-prehistoric vil- dents overnight, so we simply weren’t able to lage site in Pennsylvania to the Aztecs. The accommodate our students at Meadowcroft. The situation was especially sensitive for Barry property owner had collected numerous artifacts Kent because he, Marino, and Womsley had all from the site and was quite persuasive. He felt graduated with Ph.D’s, from Penn State within strongly that the site had more research potential a few years of each other. Attempts to temper than the Carnegie Museum staff had projected. Marino’s words and actions met with minimal We were interested in doing additional study at success that summer, but he never again par- the site, but we just couldn’t accommodate our ticipated in any of the university’s archaeology field-school students. field programs. So you actually had the right of first refusal to It appears the college followed through with their excavate Meadowcroft Rockshelter and passed on intention to emphasize archaeology. it? I understand you then recommended the project to Jim Adovasio? Michael: Yes, they did follow through. We had access to the students in the Ph.D. program at Michael: Yes, and we were very happy to do the University of Pittsburgh. That’s how I came so because we had become good friends with to know Ron Carlisle, who was a Pitt student Jim, and we could not have done the rockshelter working on his master’s degree at the time. He the justice it deserved, using it as a training site came to work for me as a field supervisor. Ron for undergraduate students. Adovasio’s training and other field supervisors were mostly students with Jesse Jennings at Utah had focused on of Jim Richardson. At about the same time, rockshelter excavations in the West. Jim Adovasio came to Pittsburgh and began to excavate Meadowcroft Rockshelter, after Cali- You have no regrets turning down an opportunity fornia State College declined the invitation to to excavate the now world-famous Meadowcroft excavate it. Rockshelter?

So you and your students actually had first Michael: No! If the truth be known, I was reported Meadowcroft Rockshelter? having fun teaching every day. I was given a lot of freedom, enough freedom that I could Michael: Not exactly. Meadowcroft was a have hung myself in the process. I wasn’t previously known prehistoric site on a family particularly excited by the thought of a rock- farm owned by Albert Miller. Miller had a shelter excavation, because it’s a difficult type strong interest in history and archaeology, and of site to research. I was more interested in had convinced staff at the Carnegie Museum to other prospects at that time. The first year I test the site. They did test it, concluding that it was at the university I was asked to apply to didn’t have much research potential. the National Science Foundation for a Student Science Training Program grant. The previous Is that right? year the staff had applied for the same grant, but it had been denied. The grant would allow Michael: Yes, it’s well known that Carnegie us to bring highly motivated academic stu- wrote off the site; I think the staff later found dents from across the country to campus for a this to be quite embarrassing. I don’t remem- summer field program. We were in the midst of ber who did the testing, but that’s what the trying to build a strong, large, field program and Carnegie opinion was. California State College trying to excavate a rockshelter wasn’t a good daniel g. roberts—A Conversation with Ronald L. Michael 169 fit for us at that time. We were successful in in the graduate program that I was coordinat- obtaining the NSF grant. We were also getting ing. We put a research methods course in the a fairly large number of field school students program that was subject specific, so I started from other universities, including the University teaching that once a year. I still continued to of Pittsburgh. Prior to Adovasio operating a teach upper-division courses. Slowly the World field school at the rockshelter, Pitt had no local/ Culture courses were phased out, so after a regional archaeology field schools. At the time while, I didn’t have to teach them any longer, we probably had the largest regional archaeol- and I thereafter had a three-hour load reduction ogy field school. During the early to mid-1970’s and thus only taught nine hours each semester. we normally had six professional staff assigned to our field schools and would enroll 75 to Were most of your students local? What kind of 100 students each summer through our two six- students were they, and how many of them went on week-long sessions, and we were operating both to practice archaeology as a profession? a prehistoric and a historic field school in each six-week session. Michael: At California, the majority of the students, probably 90%, were from southwestern How many years did you run the field school? Pennsylvania. We did have some students from Maryland, New York, and New Jersey. Interest- Michael: I ran the field school from the fall ingly, in spite of the predominance of local stu- of 1969 through 1985. dents, I’d say probably two-thirds of our anthropology majors were not from Pennsylvania. For Fifteen-plus years is a long time. some reason, archaeology and anthropology did not appeal much to local students as a career Michael: Yes, and after a while, I became tired choice. I think part of the reason for this was of it. It took a lot of energy, and by then I was because they were first-generation college stu- doing so many other things. In fact, in 1978 I dents, and most families were employed in the established a corporation to undertake compli- steel or coal industry and were not oriented to a ance archaeology, hiring mainly our field-school profession like anthropology/archaeology. Parents graduates. It was time for somebody else to run and students were more interested in a major the university field schools. that would lead to an instant job at the end of the four-year degree. During my earlier years at What were you focusing on in your teaching at the university, the majority of the students were this time? majoring in some kind of a teaching program; it changed through the years as public-school Michael: When I came to California, much teaching jobs diminished. to my surprise, I was given all upper-division archaeology classes to teach, with the excep- A reasonable number of our anthropology tion that every student at California Univer- graduates went into graduate programs, but not sity at that time had to take a course entitled always anthropology graduate programs. I don’t World Culture. So, for the first three years, if I know how many of them finished, but our very remember correctly, I was teaching two sections first anthropology major, who graduated two of World Culture each semester. Our total teach- years after I arrived there, later got his Ph.D. ing load was four classes or 12 semester hours. and taught in the Alabama university system. His name was Harry Holstein, and he’s now retired. That’s a pretty heavy teaching load. We also had several that went into historical archaeology at the master’s level, including Mary Michael: That was the state-system require- Zylowski, Mark Wittkofski, Mark Henshaw, and ment in Pennsylvania and still is the same Arron Kotlensky. The school did a poor job of today. For the first several years, I would teach tracking graduates in any program. They didn’t two classes in World Culture, and two upper- provide funds for us for such research, so we division archaeology classes. Then I began never really tracked graduates who enrolled in teaching graduate research and writing methods Ph.D. programs. 170 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

Another woman who went on to get her then to North Dakota. From a young age, my master’s degree and completed almost all work father told me that I was inquisitive and a for a Ph.D. and is working successfully, at a good observer. I would carefully watch adults high level, in the CRM field is Denise Grantz. do their daily tasks, and as a youngster grow- I know there are several other practicing archae- ing up about 200 mi. north of Detroit, we had ologists with master’s degrees, but how many a neighbor who lived a lifestyle that was more finished their Ph.D.’s I just don’t know. We had like that of the late 19th century than anything a fair number of graduate students at California else. I spent a lot of time with him. He was who received a master of arts degree with an a man in his 70s, a retired lumberjack, and he emphasis in CRM and worked or are working was very friendly to me, although all the other in that field. A couple of those graduates are neighborhood kids were scared to death of him. working in the museum-management field, e.g., He was a very nice man and would let me tag Kelly Cosgrove. along as he worked at home, let me observe what he was doing, and so on. He had chickens What was the typical class size that you taught? that he would butcher, planted a large garden with simple tools and horses, and repaired all Michael: Well, in the early years, we were told types of equipment. A short distance away from we would have about 35 students. We didn’t his house and my home was a general repair have large auditorium facilities in the newly garage, where they did auto-body and welding built building where I taught and had an office work, and I’d hang out there, learning to under- and where our lab was located. There were stand the technology of welding. In addition, I three classrooms that would hold about 200 had a friend whose father owned a farm-imple- students, but in anthropology we didn’t have ment supply store about two blocks away from any classes that size. Most of our classes were my house. I spent a lot of time at this store, no larger than 30, but most of my classes were sometimes helping, but mostly just watching the even smaller because they were upper-division men work. The people who worked there were classes and were with students who were spe- very nice. I’m sure I asked more questions of cifically interested in anthropology. them than they had ever heard anyone ask. All those experiences spurred my interest in technol- As I mentioned earlier, our field-school ogy, simple technology, how things worked and classes were some of our largest classes. A how you used tools, and so forth. My father lot of students, from widely varying majors, had shown me the crafts of carpentry, plumb- were attracted to these field schools, but for ing, and electrical work as a youngster, and as some reason this didn’t translate into our I got older I was always very fascinated with anthropology program attracting large numbers that type of thing. of majors. Over the years, we had some very good students in the field programs, most of When I was at Grand Portage, the Park Ser- whom were not anthropology majors. Students vice was reconstructing part of the facilities, and frequently took the field school as an elective in they were squaring felled logs with felling axes, their major or sometimes just as a free elective. broad axes, and adzes, so I got the opportunity to learn to do that. This wasn’t part of my job, Tell us about your early interest in 18th- and but when I showed an interest and was willing 19th-century technology, and how you eventually to spend some free time to do it, the craftsmen used this interest and knowledge quite effectively were glad to have me work with them to learn in your teaching. their craft. When it got closer to the American Bicentennial in 1976, I began tying technology Michael: As a youngster, my family moved into our historical archaeological field schools. around a lot. My father was in aircraft com- The students and I would sit around at lunch- munications with the federal government, and time and talk about the artifacts that we had I got to live in a number of different places. been finding, and the students, of course, hada I was born in Ohio, went from there to Chi- lot of questions about the technology, how the cago, then to Detroit, to central Michigan, and artifacts were made, how they functioned, etc. daniel g. roberts—A Conversation with Ronald L. Michael 171

We’d also talk about the plants that had been of the classroom building. After our forge smoke growing across and around the site where we filtered into all the classrooms and the students were working and how the people would use were evacuated from the building one day, the those plants. It was either in 1974 or 1975 that dean decided that teaching blacksmithing wasn’t some of the field-school students approached me feasible any longer. after the field school concluded, asking whether we could develop a class where they could learn How did you procure the necessary raw materials more about 18th- and 19th-century technology. for the technology class?

I had never really given such a class a whole Michael: Most of the time I procured the lot of thought. At that time, curriculum devel- necessary raw materials for the class myself. opment in colleges was very loose in the sense I would charge the students a $5 flat fee that that all kinds of courses were being developed, netted about $125, and I would go to a dairy unusual types of courses, so developing a class and buy cream for butter churning, to a farm like this wouldn’t have been unreasonable. So I to procure field corn, to a welding or machine introduced such a class to the group of students shop to get steel for blacksmithing, and to a who asked for it. I don’t remember now what lumber mill to buy logs. For the most part, subjects I initially selected, but I structured I’d get red oak for shingle splitting, and I the class so that each week we would change would have a log cut up into the length that I subjects. We met for three hours one night each wanted, put it in my pickup truck, and away I week for the 15-week semester. I had a reading went. We made wooden shingles. I had made component to the class, and this was just at a couple of English-style shaving horses years the time when the first Foxfire books had been ago to practice using a draw knife, something published. I used the first two Foxfire volumes I had learned to use as a youngster. So I took and a few other things, such as Eric Sloane’s one of the shaving horses to the university so book Reverence for Wood. About one-third of students could dress the shingles they had hand each class was spent discussing the reading split. For log hewing I’d set the log in the front assignment, which would relate in some way to of the classroom on blocks and demonstrate the what we would do as a hands-on activity that use of a felling ax to score the log, a broad evening. Then the other two-thirds of the class ax to square the log, and an adze to smooth would be devoted to the hands-on activity, e.g., off the broad-ax marks. It was kind of a dem- tinsmithing, blacksmithing, candle dipping, corn- onstration, but the students could then actually broom making, cider pressing, shingle splitting, engage in the activities. We did wood turning log hewing, and butter churning. with a foot-powered counterbalanced wooden lathe I’d built. Students used the lathe until the So that’s the way the technology class got university put a drop ceiling in our lab, and the started. I had anticipated that I would teach it lathe wouldn’t fit in the room. I had located a only once, but when it came time to set the 19th-century broom-making machine and lacing curriculum for the following year, a group of stu- vise in the adjacent county and bought it so the dents petitioned the dean to offer the class again. class could make corn brooms. I grew some of The upshot is I taught it at least once a year the broom corn we used but bought most of it until I retired in 2005. It attracted a wide cross from a regional supplier. section of students on campus. I had to restrict the class size because our lab space was such I changed the weekly subjects until eventually that I couldn’t take any more than 25 students. I found what worked best in a classroom set- We had the use of a loading ramp right beside ting and were crafts that the students liked to our building, and I could take some activities do. For candle dipping I had a big pot of wax. outdoors, such as blacksmithing. But ultimately I If you’ve ever dipped candles, you know that had to quit blacksmithing because the fire depart- you have to wait between dips until they cool, ment showed up too frequently. The problem was so I’d have 25 students lined up around the that if the wind was wrong, the smoke from the perimeter of the room, walking around slowly, blacksmithing forge would draw into the air vents just about the right pace to dip candles. In all, it 172 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) took about one and one-half hours to dip a set bankrupt. At that point, our contracts at the uni- of candles. One week we would dip candles, the versity were being administered in the name of next week we would do tinsmithing and make the Student Association, Inc., a legal entity of the a traditional candleholder. I had gotten the basic school, and, structurally, where the school decided tinsmithing tools from the college industrial arts it was better to handle contracts. I cannot tell you department, so we had all the equipment we why they were administered this way, other than I needed. We also dyed yarn and fabric using natu- was told the decision was based on legal advice. ral plant material that the students would collect for the dyestuff. In the bankruptcy case, the Student Association didn’t want to pay the students who had worked I know of no other classroom setting where on the project, even though the students had writ- students could get this kind of instruction. ten contracts with the Student Association. I was told that the Student Association wasn’t going to Michael: I never met anybody who taught pay the student workers because the association anything like it, either. wasn’t getting paid. I said, “You can’t do that, you don’t have to pay me for my time, but you It must have been a really unique experience for need to pay the students.” And they absolutely the students. wouldn’t pay them, and I said, “I’ll get the bankruptcy papers and you can file in bankruptcy Michael: Through the years I’ve had more con- court, you might get a little money back.” They tact with former students relative to that class than wouldn’t even do that. I got the papers, and they any other class I taught. In addition, a lot of in- refused to even file. I said, “This is never going service teachers took that class so they could use to happen again. I’m not going to have the stu- the concepts learned in their public-school teach- dents not be paid for the work they do.” So I ing. There were people who went on and did all set up a fictitious company named National Pike kinds of things, but they remembered that class. West Associates in June 1977 and incorporated a Just this past summer, I was at a theater perfor- few months later as NPW Consultants, Inc. I was mance in a neighboring town and a woman came living along the National Pike (US Route 40), up to me and said, “I bet you don’t remember west of Uniontown, so the name came naturally. me,” and, of course, I didn’t, but she had been From then on I hired students outside of the uni- in that class, noting how much she enjoyed it and versity structure. remembered the projects, and that she was sharing portions of it with her young son. Even though the university continued to give me a lot of flexibility, and they liked it when When did you decide to get into the consulting a faculty member would engage in professional archaeology business and establish NPW activities that would bring positive feedback to the Consultants, Inc.? university, I had become disenchanted and wanted to secure an academic appointment elsewhere. But Michael: That happened as a result of trying the academic job market had virtually collapsed to develop a CRM program through the univer- in the early to mid-1970s, so in order to leave, sity. About a decade after the first U.S. cultural I would have had to take a $15,000 to $20,000 resource laws were passed in the 1960s, there annual pay cut. I decided that with my young were situations where we could take contracts at family I simply could not do that. Not only were the university, and we did. We had U.S. Depart- the circumstances of my hire strange, but within a ment of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, very short period of time I had been given merit and Pennsylvania Department of Transportation increases, I had been given tenure, and at the contracts by about 1975 or 1976, and contracts end of five years I held the rank of full profes- with strip-mining companies after the passage of sor. By the end of seven years I was at the top the Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act of the Pennsylvania university system salary scale of 1977. We were successfully doing these types and remained there until I retired, which made it of contracts through the university for a two- or very difficult financially to leave. So, I developed three-year period until one of our clients went a better archaeology structure that paid students daniel g. roberts—A Conversation with Ronald L. Michael 173 regularly, at the higher end of the regional CRM He considered it moonlighting? pay scale, and on time. In a nutshell, that’s what drove me to set up a separate corporation. Michael: Well, I guess he did, but since I was doing just about everything the university So, it was really for your students, not you, that you wanted me to do—field schools, talks to outside set up this new business? groups, public relations, scheduling, editing, and such—I was bringing more positive attention Michael: That’s correct. Initially, I had abso- to the school than other department faculty lutely no interest in running a business, but after members and practically any faculty member at the first two years I concluded that the corpora- the school, so the fact that I was running the tion was a much better structure for CRM work corporation as a full-time business on the side than the university. I ran the corporation for just was acceptable to the administration. It caused over 20 years, during which time most of the conflict and jealousy with my colleagues in employees were university students. They weren’t the department but not with the administration. all anthropology majors because the work ethic However, there came a point in time that NPW of some people was simply better than others. had so many contracts and so much work to That is, I found I could get some of the top do that I didn’t have much of a personal life. academic students in other fields who were eager I would finish with business late at night, go to to have summer work doing something inter- bed, and get up early the next morning. Liter- esting. I vividly remember Pennsylvania State ally, that’s all the time there was. I sacrificed Archaeologist Barry Kent saying to me many my health and everything else, and that’s when times, “Why don’t you quit teaching and just do I decided that part of it had to go. So I closed contract work, because essentially you’re doing down NPW. two fulltime jobs.” I was, in fact, doing two jobs. It about drove me into the ground because Can you estimate how many projects you did I did everything for NPW. I did all the financial during those 20 years? books, I did all the payroll, I did everything. I typically had a three-day teaching schedule at the Michael: Somewhere close to 300. university, including one night class. I would have two days free during the week, but I also taught That’s a lot of projects, nearly 15 a year. morning classes. There were a couple semesters where I ended up teaching a class at 1 o’clock, Michael: It was a very nice situation, I guess an but normally I was done at 11 o’clock, sometimes envious situation, because unlike a private CRM noon. I would get to the university between six firm where you had to support a permanent staff and six-thirty in the morning, with my first class of people, where you had to take contracts you at eight o’clock, so I would get a lot of work might not really want, I had the luxury of doing done before that class, when few faculty, admin- what I wanted. I could say yes or no to working istrators, or students were on campus. When I had for clients, I didn’t need to take the work. My the corporation then I could come home and make livelihood was not tied to the business. Profession- the necessary business phone calls, do needed ally, it occasionally created some tension because, paperwork, write proposals, etc., until about nine while I wouldn’t bid on certain projects, I would o’clock most evenings. The structure of the state go after certain other projects, and because of system required me to inform the president of the way we were structured, I could usually get the school, in writing, what I was doing. The the work. president was very supportive because I was participating in many campus activities, was doing You mean your costs were low? extensive public relations work for the school, was giving numerous public talks about our uni- Michael: Our overhead was low, which made versity archaeology field projects, was engaged in us less expensive. For about half the years I considerable professional activity, rarely missed was in business I bid on very little. The work teaching my classes, and always made myself was mainly repeat business, largely for the various available to students. utility companies that sole sourced the work to us. 174 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

That’s very nice when you can get it, as they say. nowhere to turn for advice. So, at the university, I would simply provide consulting services Michael: Yes, but it also causes some hard gratis, which led to paying work on a number feelings with competitors who are trying very of occasions. The university administration really hard to sustain a business. But from my per- liked the fact that I’d do that. I’d go out and spective, it was a lot of fun. I discovered that meet with local business owners, and the feed- I could do all right managing that type of back to the university was very positive. enterprise. I did not like the bookkeeping part of it, but I guess I did all right at it. I didn’t How did you get involved in editing, and when delegate much because it was just easier to do did you first realize editing might be one of your it myself. I did enjoy the management end of it, callings? How did you become editor for the especially the interaction with clients, although Society of Pennsylvania Archaeology (SPA)? some clients more so than others. Michael: I had no aspirations to be an editor, How did you wind up so heavily involved in the absolutely never thought about it! In 1972, the natural-gas industry? SPA was looking for an editor. Phil Jack, who hired me at the university, came to me and said, Michael: It happened because of one large “How about if we lobby for you to be editor of gas transmission company, CNG Transmission the Pennsylvania Archaeologist? The department Corp., out of Clarksburg, West Virginia. We and college will support you totally.” And I were hired by them, actually kind of by default, knew at that time I had the unconditional sup- after someone at CNG decided the morality of port of the top administration of the university, the crew and supervisor of a previous consult- since he and the university president were good ing company was unacceptable to them. CNG’s friends, having for a number of years been his- environmental manager was a religious person tory faculty colleagues at the college. So it was and a very nice gentleman, and we became Phil Jack who actually lobbied for me. He sub- good friends. NPW did most if not all of their mitted my name, I didn’t do anything. I don’t cultural resources work for over a decade. And, know what he did, but at the society’s annual like so many industries, word of mouth is meeting the board of directors voted, and the frequently one of the best marketing tools. As next thing I knew I was editor of Pennsylvania a result, we began to get other gas transmis- Archaeologist. sion work. The CNG environmental manager left the company, moving to Washington Gas Do you remember who was on the SPA Board or Light (Washington, D.C.) and so then we had who the president was at that time? the CNG work plus the Washington Gas Light work. We did projects in the Washington, D.C., Michael: No, I know the person who really and Maryland Eastern Shore areas. We then tied wanted the editorship, but didn’t get it. How- in with Baltimore Gas and Electric and gradu- ever, I honestly don’t remember who was on the ally built up a lot of repeat customers in the board at the time. It was 1972, and I was new industry. And that worked out very nicely. We enough to Pennsylvania I really didn’t know a also worked for Consolidation Coal Co. (Consol lot of those people well. For some reason, I Energy—America’s largest coal producer), which had the support of John Cotter, who wasn’t real was headquartered very close to us, and the active in the SPA but had a lot of influence in environmental manager had graduated from Pennsylvania archaeological circles. California University and liked the university. I also did some pro bono work for him through How did you know what to do when you first took the university. I felt as a public servant being over the editorship? paid by the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania I had an obligation to help a lot of different types Michael: Frankly, I didn’t know what to do. of businesses with their cultural resources needs, I had no journalism background and had never because it was the early years of the CRM done any editing, except for my own manu- regulations and small companies had practically scripts. The university employed a printer, a daniel g. roberts—A Conversation with Ronald L. Michael 175 very eccentric gentleman, who I had become back to him, tell him it’s a piece of crap, and friends with because of our field-school bro- have him fix it.” And I thought, oh my God,I chures and some other media needs. I spent can’t do this, this will be the end of me, so I a lot of time with him because he knew the spent an enormous amount of time copyediting printing industry. I also spent a lot of time the paper, and I sent it back. A few weeks later talking on the telephone with Schuyler Miller, the manuscript comes back with a letter which a member of the SPA, a former SPA editor and I’ll never forget. This person was effusive in an employee of Fisher Scientific Corporation his praise that I had spent the time to fix his in Pittsburgh, who was in charge of putting paper and said that throughout his entire career together the massive Fisher Scientific catalog. writing was his main shortcoming and that he constantly struggled with it. He found that most So between talking to Miller and the printer, editors were not interested in helping him and I learned a lot about the publishing industry truly appreciated the time I had spent. in a hurry. At that time, I had to paste up the galleys and do everything else by myself. I Those kinds of notes make it all worthwhile. retained the printing firm in Michigan that had the journal printing contract when I took over. I Michael: They do, they do. And from that kept them because I didn’t know anything about time forward I knew that no matter who it was choosing printers, and it was easier to go with I could do the same thing, even if the person a known quantity. I would send everything to had considerable stature in the field. them. I learned how they wanted copy marked up, I learned how to use proofreading marks, It’s amazing how many established archaeologists which I had no experience with, and I would are surprisingly poor writers. copy edit everything and send it to the printer. When I received the proof sheets I would have Michael: I don’t think it’s restricted to archae- a pair of scissors and a Scotch-tape dispenser, ologists. The New York archaeologist had relied and literally create the pages of the journal by on editors all his life to make his work pub- cutting and taping. Copies of those pasted-up lishable. Within several years of beginning as pages were what I sent to authors to proofread. the SPA editor, I found that I could essentially After entering all corrections on the original rewrite any manuscript and still have it read as galley pages, I would then ask the printer if, if it had been written by the paper author. As aesthetically, everything looked “all right.” And SPA editor, it was generally easier and quicker so that’s the way I learned to put out a schol- to rewrite a poorly written paper from an avo- arly journal. We also mailed the journals from cationalist than trying to force the author to the university, so I had to get student volunteers do the rewrite when they lacked the skills to together so we could package and label all the accomplish the task. The avocationalist would envelopes. I’d then bring my pickup truck to have the most important part of the paper—the the university and haul the mail bags to the content. I could, without too much effort, add California post office and bulk mail the journal. the necessary structure to the manuscript so that it was a publishable paper. Editing isn’t a bad job unless you receive manuscripts that are just not of publishable I imagine it becomes routinized to some extent. quality from established archaeologists. I’ll never forget getting a horribly written manuscript from Michael: Yes, it does, it becomes very routin- a very well-known New York archaeologist. This ized. It took time, but it wasn’t hard to do. person was near the end of his professional career, had published several books, and had Did you do any other editing during this period? substantial stature in the field. I didn’t know what to do with the manuscript, so I called Jim Michael: I was approached by the Eastern Fitting, who was still in Michigan at that time, States Archaeological Federation to edit their and said, “Jim, what do I do?” Fitting knew bulletin. I said I really wasn’t very interested, this person well too, so he said, “You send it but I said I would do it nevertheless, and I 176 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) think I did that for two or three years. About journal that I actually was interested in editing, that same point in time I was approached by so I put together a proposal and sent it to Jim, the Council for Northeast Historical Archaeology who I did not know at the time. Actually, I about editing their journal, Northeast Historical believed my chances of being selected as the Archaeology, which I did for a few issues. Even SHA editor were slim. though it had never crossed my mind that I wanted to do any editing, all of a sudden I was This was in 1978? doing quite a bit of it. I guess what appealed to the folks at Northeast Historical Archaeol- Michael: Yes, 1978. I was appointed some- ogy was the fact that I had put Pennsylvania where around March 1978. SHA’s mid-year Archaeologist back on track, having taken the board meeting was in Tucson in April of 1978, reins of editor when publication of the journal and that was the first meeting I attended as was several years in arrears, and Northeast His- editor. I only knew a few of the board mem- torical Archaeology was behind in its publishing bers. At the meeting I was informed that shortly schedule when I accepted the editor job. I would receive from the former editor, John Combes, the necessary materials, though nobody They also must have thought you had connections. knew what they consisted of. Shortly thereafter, I realized I could not continue editing the Bul- Michael: I guess they did. What was important letin for the Eastern States Archaeological Fed- to me with Pennsylvania Archaeologist was to eration, Northeast Historical Archaeology, and have a better journal and to get it published Pennsylvania Archaeologist, and also do His- on time. To me that made all the difference in torical Archaeology, so it was an easy decision the world, and once I was able to do this, I for me to give up the Bulletin and Northeast realized we couldn’t issue a quarterly because Historical Archaeology. I felt that I should keep we weren’t getting that many manuscripts. So my hand in Pennsylvania Archaeologist because, what we did for many years was combine issue being in Pennsylvania, it was an entrée to a lot numbers, numbers one and two together, and of different things, and I didn’t mind doing it. numbers three and four. Of the journals I was doing, it was probably the most enjoyable at that time, although Northeast My experience as editor of Pennsylvania Historical Archaeology was also fun to edit. Archaeologist opened doors for me in the profession that otherwise never would have been This was after you submitted your proposal? opened, because I began to know large numbers of people. When you’re the only person seeking Michael: Yes, it was after I submitted the reviewers and you have to call people you don’t proposal, was selected by the committee, and know, you get to know them rather quickly. You appointed by the president as SHA editor that pick up the phone and go from there, and as a I got invited to the meeting. I don’t remember result I met an awful lot of people. I do cherish the exact timing of when I got the letter saying those acquaintances. they had selected me as editor, but the next meeting was the mid-year meeting in April of How did you come to be selected the editor of 1978, so that’s when I actually took over. Upon Historical Archaeology? returning home after the meeting I waited for my package from John Combes to arrive, and Michael: In 1978, the SHA was looking for when it did, it was frightening because the a new editor because the journal was behind expectation was that I would get the journal in its publication schedule. Kathleen Gilmore caught up real soon. What I found in the box was president of the society and appointed Jim were unreviewed manuscripts! I didn’t have the Ayres (immediate past-president) to chair a com- circle of contacts that I needed to be able to get mittee to look for a new editor. I believe they the papers reviewed quickly. Also, I could see advertised it, they had a piece in the society’s that the task I was facing was more grim than newsletter, and that’s how I found out about it. expected. I needed help! So I enlisted the help Historical Archaeology, by that time, was the of Ron Carlisle, because at that time he was daniel g. roberts—A Conversation with Ronald L. Michael 177 working with me in the university field-schools board members. So I started building an editorial program. For several years Ron handled prepar- advisory committee with those types of people. ing about one-third of the manuscripts. Finally, Ron’s other commitments forced him to resign With regard to manuscript reviewers, I had as my associate editor. I then enlisted the help decided that, like I had been doing with North- of Donna Seifert, and we worked together for east Historical Archaeology, I wanted to have several years before I added other associate a minimum of three reviewers for every manu- editors. script, with no exceptions. I had intended from the very beginning to listen to the reviewers. I When you took over from Combes, it was an felt that was important if I was going to ask annual publication? people to review manuscripts, that I needed to respect what they had to say. If I didn’t want Michael: Yes, once a year. their opinion, I shouldn’t have bothered to ask for it to start with. In this way, it wasn’t so And when did you go to twice a year? much my making the decision of whether we would publish or not publish a given manuscript Michael: Again, I don’t recall. I’d have to go as much as it was the reviewers. If two of the to the shelf and look up dates. Our goal was to three reviewers agreed the manuscript should be expand to more than one issue, which we did in published, I typically went with that opinion. I a relatively short time. [Editor’s note: The transi- always started by calling a person and asking tion to biannual publication took place in 1981.] if they would review the manuscript. I felt it extremely important from my own experience Tell us more about those early days, and how of submitting manuscripts for publication that you corrected a situation that was getting pretty the reviews should be done in a timely fash- intolerable to the members. ion. I had had manuscripts of my own out for review for a year or more and I found that to Michael: There were an awful lot of members be totally unacceptable. So I set up guidelines who were annoyed because they weren’t get- that were very structured, asking people if they ting the journal on time, and this was the only could review something within 30 days, asking thing they thought they were paying for. Before them for an honest answer if they couldn’t the box arrived from Combes, I believed that meet that deadline. I’d rather know it up front the next issue was pretty much set to be sent that I wasn’t likely to receive comments within to a printer, but I quickly found that absolutely my stated 30-day window rather than having to nothing was set to go. Combes used an editorial browbeat a reviewer into getting comments to advisory committee, so I talked to the members, me after the 30-day period of time. This system Chuck Cleland, Stan South, and Paul Schum- worked quite well. Authors appreciated it, I think acher, about how the process worked. At that reviewers appreciated it knowing that they had a time, this small committee reviewed all submitted set timeframe, and if they didn’t meet the time- manuscripts. And I realized that it was probably frame they were going to get a telephone call. not the best approach to rely on the same small And they also seemed to appreciate that I would group of people to review absolutely everything. respect what they had to say. I was looking for We needed to match reviewer expertise with their critical evaluations, and I would utilize the content of the submissions, so I separated them in my decision-making process. There were out the editorial advisory committee from the authors early on that would “bug us,” asking manuscript readers. I wanted an editorial advi- why I didn’t accept their manuscript for publica- sory committee that would do exactly what the tion, but I had the expert reviewers’ comments word says, advise, and I wanted a functioning to fall back on. At times, it was very difficult committee because I needed additional expertise. to get authors to accept that, but that’s really I felt that the committee should be composed of the way it worked. Ron Carlisle and I worked people who had some stature in the field, and I very hard the first several months to get through also thought it was important to maintain SHA- the manuscript backlog. The first issue under my board support by involving current and former editorship was shipped in 1978, so we got caught 178 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) up within a year, and that helped a lot to gain the thematic issues would become really popular the board’s support. with society members. Inserting a thematic issue within a quarterly journal structure is not some- I remember when the journal got caught up, and I thing that other journals were typically doing thought that was great. at the time. But after we started doing this, we found that thematic issues had a lot of support Michael: I thought that was the most important from our members because many of these issues thing to do while still maintaining the quality of were useable in a classroom setting, since they it. The next goal was to expand to a biannual focused on a single subject. It wasn’t planned publication with the ultimate goal of being a that we’d publish thematic issues; we came out quarterly. At that time, nobody knew whether it with thematic issues because we couldn’t initially would ever happen. We were not getting enough produce a quarterly publication otherwise, and quality manuscripts. We knew that we did not even today the thematic issues are still popular want to publish site reports, and we wanted to with the members. We also spent a lot of time, publish material that would appeal to a more off and on, trying to solicit manuscripts, but national audience. From the very beginning, we never had much success with that. We tried when I became editor, it was always difficult to targeting good papers or sessions presented at get theoretical submissions. As editor, if I had the SHA annual meeting—we had people from one disappointment, it was not being able to the editorial advisory committee sitting in on publish more theoretical pieces. We even tried paper sessions quite frequently—but this approach soliciting theoretical pieces, with only limited wasn’t altogether successful. success. Another problem with that approach is that you Slowly the number of submissions picked up. can be accused of favoritism in the procedure you We were able to go from an annual publication use to select the paper or sessions. to a biannual in 1981, to a quarterly in 1990. To switch to the quarterly, we also had to expand Michael: That’s always a risk if you solicit, and the editorial staff, so I appointed several new some people think soliciting excuses them from associate editors, because as we got more and having their paper vetted, and that by soliciting more manuscripts, we needed more people to you make a promise that it will be published. oversee the review process. I think you were I always felt that we just could not do this. added as an associate editor around that time. I knew as an editor you have the prerogative to do that, but I did not feel that publishing Yes, I was. unreviewed papers was appropriate. I had made a commitment to myself as well as to others Michael: An expanded group of associate editors that we would have manuscripts peer reviewed was not foreign to me because it had been suc- before they would be published, and I know cessful for me with Pennsylvania Archaeologist. that I lost several manuscripts from prominent So I expanded the SHA editorial staff to keep people in the field because I wouldn’t accept a up with the increasing number of manuscript paper without subjecting it to peer review. A few submissions. I made sure I put people on the authors wouldn’t submit a solicited manuscript to committee who I knew would deliver, possessed the journal under those conditions, and that was the necessary manuscript evaluation and editing just the way it was. skills, and were familiar with the field of historical archaeology, and I found it to be a very good When I solicited peer-review comments in my role group with which to work. When I would consult as associate editor, I was constantly amazed at with them on various subjects I would get excel- the incredible knowledge some people had about lent feedback, and they worked together, I think, certain topics. as a group quite well over a long period of time. Unfortunately, there were times when manuscripts Michael: Yes, the detailed comments that some just weren’t coming in, so we hit upon the idea reviewers provided were incredible, but occa- of publishing thematic issues, never thinking that sionally you’d get a review letter that didn’t daniel g. roberts—A Conversation with Ronald L. Michael 179 say much. I always tried to make it clear that a spent a lot of time and effort on working with review is absolutely worthless unless you provide first-time authors and people publishing for the critical feedback. There are some well-known first time in a national or international journal, people in our profession who didn’t review criti- reassuring them that their writing could be cally, and I would tell them we can’t use you as published and we would work with them to get a reviewer because you provide no feedback to it published. We told them that addressing the the author. I promised the author that we would review comments may appear to be daunting, provide feedback to him or her, and if you can’t but the reviewers are positive that if you can provide a candid, detailed review you won’t be make most of the recommended changes, the helping the author. Some would change the way piece will be much improved. And we would they wrote a review, some preferred just not to also assure them that we really did want to pub- review, and some indicated they just did not have lish their paper. It’s not that we’re being critical the time to write the review. I respected knowing to get rid of you, we actually want to publish up front when someone was not going to do the your work, and if you are ready to work with review for whatever reason, and I didn’t call on us, then we’ll work with you to help make a that person again. good paper even better. We will get you through the process. It was very rewarding to see some Would you agree that your work as journal editor young professionals get published in a national is your most significant professional contribution? or international venue for the first time and to read what they had to say. They sometimes did Michael: Yes, I guess it is. Although editing not express to me that they were pleased to became a very rewarding experience for me, accomplish this, but we knew they were, and it I realized at some point in time that my own was very enjoyable to see some of those same publishing just wasn’t going to continue. There people go on and become respected members weren’t enough hours in my life, what with of our profession. teaching full time and doing other things at the university, running the corporation, and editing. Did you get as much pleasure out of teaching? It was a sad decision for me to make, but it wasn’t a real hard decision, because I realized Michael: I liked to work with students. I found that I was making a greater contribution to the the administration part of it to be easy, but I also profession as a managing editor than I ever found it to be annoying. At the university I was would as an author. not a good meeting person. I did not want to run a department. To have to sit through meeting after Whether that was true or not, you certainly made meeting after meeting in that kind of structure just major contributions, but the important thing I’d annoyed me. I spent 10 years attending meetings like to observe is that it takes a very selfless person as a member of the university graduate council to do what you did, and you are to be commended early in my career, and I finally said I can’t tol- for it. erate these meetings any longer. I just find that sitting through meetings wastes my time for the Michael: I enjoyed editing and meeting people, most part. I can interact with two or three people the contacts, the interactions, and being able to and we can get something done. I much prefer to see a profession evolve. Historical archaeology do that. But working with students and being able was still a very young profession at the time I to see a student evolve from an unsophisticated became editor, and being able to be involved for freshman to a mature graduate can be extremely as long as I was, seeing our profession evolve, rewarding. seeing the journal evolve, I’m glad to say I was part of it. Grading, however, was something that I just hated to do. I never graded on a curve, and a lot Yes, you were a major part of it. of my students weren’t very happy as a result. If everyone in the class earns Cs, then you’re all Michael: And the professional opportunities going to get Cs. My grades were low in com- that it gave me were extremely rewarding. We parison to colleagues, but I felt that my students 180 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) should be asked to meet a certain standard, and started college, I was really serious. I was going when they didn’t I wouldn’t reward them with a to become a physicist, and that was that. After contrived grade. Some of my best students were I graduated with a B.S. degree and changed not anthropology majors. They would come from career paths completely, I guess I had a guilty the natural sciences or some other field. I found conscience for awhile. This was primarily due that they would respect you if you had well- to the fact that there were five physics majors defined expectations of them and would spend that graduated the same year, and not one of us the preparation time if you’re willing to work went on in physics, although four of the five with them. I found working with students under earned doctorates. One became an astronomer, these conditions, and seeing them mature and go one a mathematician, and one got his Ph.D. on, a very pleasant thing. Although I enjoyed it in English. The fifth student earned a master’s immensely, I don’t think I’m as good at teaching degree, but I don’t know in what field. After I as I am at management. finished graduate school, I had an opportunity to go back to Jamestown College, and I asked I think a lot of your students would probably our physics mentor, “Doesn’t it make you feel disagree with that assessment. strange that all five of us abandoned physics?” And his answer surprised me, to say the least. Michael: Well, I think I was always relatively good at establishing rapport with students in What did he say? a classroom setting. I never seemed to have a problem with talking to students on the subject Michael: He said, “No, that’s one of the best and keeping their attention. When push comes compliments I ever had, because all of you to shove, I suppose teaching was my first love. have become very successful in your chosen That’s why I have maintained contact with some fields, and you all have my science training in students since I retired. common. Knowing that I must have trained you all well, even if it was in a different field than What kind of contact? the one you chose to follow, is the ultimate compliment.” And through the rest of my life Michael: I mainly work with international stu- I have thought about that comment and have dents that I’d come into contact with in the social never had any regrets about leaving physics as science graduate program. Toward the end of my a result. career, I worked with several African and Latin American undergraduate students, and I’ve had As far as any other regrets go, I don’t have contact with some of them since my retirement. any. Because I didn’t have etched-in-stone goals, International students have a lot of problems or I didn’t fail in that sense. I was amazed, first of concerns that other students don’t have. They have all, that I never ended up teaching in a public the same kinds of problems that a typical student school, and instead I started out teaching col- does, but, in addition, because they’re not close lege. I really liked that teaching experience and to home, because they have visa issues, because instinctively knew soon after starting to teach of language, and because they don’t know the at Lakeland College that I wanted to go on to culture, they need somebody that they can talk to, get my doctorate. I did not, however, anticipate that understands their problems, and that they can that it would lead in the direction that it did. I ask for help and advice. I enjoy helping to fulfill felt that it would probably be more in the field that role with international students. of history. When I left Ball State and went to California State College—as it was called at the Well, I think we’re just about at the end of this time—I never, ever, could have pictured that really fascinating conversation, so I’d like to ask, federal legislation would have been passed creat- if you could do anything differently in your career, ing the cultural resource industry, allowing me to what would it be? establish a consulting business, and I never could have pictured myself doing editing. I never real- Michael: I haven’t lost a lot of sleep over that ized until later in my career that so many things question, but I have thought about it. When I would come so naturally to me, that there were daniel g. roberts—A Conversation with Ronald L. Michael 181 so many different things that I enjoy. And so, become anthropology professionals? By the when I look back and try to think what I should number of students who maintain communication or could have changed, I don’t know what it with you? If I had taught at a university where would have been. Initially, one thing that I had I largely worked with graduate students, I think wanted to do was to stay at California only for measuring my legacy might be easier. Having a few years and go on to a larger school. In taught largely undergraduate students I don’t retrospect, I think that I probably made the right have a large body of master’s or Ph.D. students decision to stay. I don’t think I would have had in the profession that are tangible evidence of the same latitude had I left for a larger univer- my teaching success or legacy. sity—the publishing expectations would have been totally different at a larger university. Over time, having periodically considered the legacy issue, I’ve come to understand or How many years were you at California? accept that my teaching legacy can be better measured by the highly praiseworthy comments Michael: From 1969 until 2005, 36 years. I’m I received from academically talented students, certain that, had I left California for a larger the comments from more-typical college students university, I would have been forced to devote that they really enjoyed how I exposed them a substantial amount of time to research. I to subjects they knew nothing about and how wouldn’t have had the time to do the editing well I was able to explain concepts to them, and run NPW. I also doubt that I would have and the comments from graduates about how found that the administration of a larger uni- many things they still remember from a class versity would have afforded me the flexibility, I taught. I also believe my teaching legacy can the time, to do the editing that I did, because be evaluated from comments of graduates, years I wasn’t fulfilling the academic expectation of after their graduation, relative to how much they publishing original research. So my career took have used something I taught and how much I a different path, and I have absolutely no major contributed to their present career situation. I regrets. There were times with the editing, typically don’t dwell on comments from gradu- when I was under time pressure, that I prob- ates as to how much I contributed to their being ably wasn’t as kind to somebody as I should able to obtain their present job, but when I hear have been, knowing that I had to meet a tight a comment, as I did recently in a restaurant, deadline, so I do regret instances such as that. from a Pennsylvania county district attorney that I was his mentor, it does feel good, and Do you consider any of your work to be a legacy? when you think about it, that is part of my teaching legacy. Of course, there is the young Michael: Well, I suppose the body of journals lady I failed in class who ends up being my is a legacy of a sort. son’s grade-school teacher, or the young man to whom I gave a D grade that becomes the high- There’s no doubt about that. But I think that some school principal where my wife teaches—those of your students would also say that your teaching are my legacies too! is an important legacy as well. Quite possibly, though, my greatest teaching Michael: I do understand that. There are stu- legacy was being able to provide support and dents, though, that would probably disagree. advice to young women, who had been reared The student that found my tests too hard, my in a cultural environment where women were assignments too long, my expectations too high, typically treated as inferior to men, that they and my unwillingness to compromise my ideals had value, were intelligent, could have mean- is likely to totally disagree with the statement. ingful and significant professional careers, and And there were plenty of those students through could feel good about themselves and have the years. For me a teaching legacy is hard to strong self-worth. To hear from a number of my evaluate. How do you measure your legacy? By former students years later about how impor- the number of students who obtained advanced tant that support had been to them probably degrees? By the number of students who have has been my greatest teaching reward. Soon 182 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) after arriving in southwestern Pennsylvania, my editing experience, and over the years I’ve as I taught sections of the course titled World frequently heard from those students after they Culture, I discovered how poorly many area were established in their careers that the meth- women were treated by men of all ages. Quite ods and writing class I taught was probably accidentally I began to indicate what I had their most useful graduate class. observed and began, in the classroom setting, to provide encouraging support to the women Well, I think that brings us to the end of the students. I did so primarily because of my dis- interview, and we have the perfect opportunity to gust of the male behavior I was observing, but thank you for your many, many years of dedicated I soon learned from the woman students how service to the society as editor, and also a personal much they appreciated my classroom support thank you from me for the 16 years of working and advice. with you as an associate editor. I enjoyed those years immensely. My editing and CRM work have also contributed substantially to my teaching legacy. I Michael: Well, as you know, a big part of the wouldn’t have been nearly as good a teacher editorial process is getting to work with talented had it not been for my editing and CRM work. people, the editors, associate editors, and the authors themselves. Getting to know talented Did your students know much about your editing and dedicated people, working with them in responsibilities? this way, is one of the most rewarding aspects of the job and certainly makes all those volun- Michael: Some of the undergraduate students teer hours worthwhile. I worry that the younger knew about my editing, some of them knew generation does not have the same volunteer quite a bit about the editing, but most of them spirit and commitment. I used to get asked didn’t because it’s not something that a pro- often, “Why do you volunteer so much of your fessor would normally discuss with students. time?” And I always answered, “Because you A lot of what I did in editing carried to the get so much in return.” But it’s personal and I classroom because it gave me the contacts with enjoyed it, and I thank you for your comments, people in the profession. More of my work but it was my pleasure to do it, it really was. in CRM transferred to the classroom, because of its practical application, and it’s applied Acknowledgments anthropology, but most undergraduate students just weren’t aware of my professional editing. I’d like to thank my long-time administra- They would sometimes come into my office tive assistant at John Milner Associates, Inc., and see the publications that I had edited, on Margy Schoettle, for cheerfully and most ably the shelves and around my office, and look transcribing the spoken to the written word, and at them. Some of them would ask questions, for enduring several editorial review episodes. because collectively the journals extended across I’d also like to thank John Milner Associates, many shelves and together impressed students Inc. for providing the time and resources that because they were so numerous. A few would enabled both of us to complete this interview ask questions, but I really don’t think many for and with Ronn. of them knew much about what I was doing, except for the graduate students in the research methods and writing course I taught for over Daniel G. Roberts 30 years. Those students really benefitted from 183

Reviews

The Editorial Advisory Committee of Historical Archaeology advises its readers that the book reviews are posted on the SHA website .

Edited by Richard Veit 185

Making Archaeology Happen: of everyone else’s folly, especially his benighted Design versus Dogma archaeological rivals of the Middle East. Carver Martin Carver turns Wheeler’s dogma on its head and argues that the supposed inadequacies and chaos Left Coast Press, Walnut Creek, CA, Wheeler saw in Middle Eastern archaeology 2011. 184 pp., 30 illus., 5 tables, were nothing of the kind. bib., index. $94.00 cloth, $29.95 Archaeologists in that region, like paper. archaeologists everywhere, worked to develop an effective methodological (or “Design”) The subtitle, Design versus Dogma, gets to response to three key factors: terrain, objectives, the heart of this book. In this contribution to and social context. The skill of archaeological archaeological thought, Martin Carver jovially design, as Carver uses the word here, is to and controversially advocates a more holistic integrate these three factors in such a way as and flexible approach to the central craft of to maximize the recovery of new knowledge archaeology: discovering new knowledge about from the earth. By terrain, he means all the the human past from landscapes, sites, features, physical and environmental factors that influence contexts, artifacts, sediments, and, increasingly, archaeological resources at a particular location. from molecules and atoms. Objectives are just that: what do archaeologists Carver is dissatisfied with the current state want to discover? Social context is the social, of the discipline, particularly with the way economic, and political environment within in which field projects are done: “practice ... which archaeologists work and are a part. unduly fossilized ... procedures are unambitious, Carver stands back from testing and record- unquestioning, standardized, resigned to a low ing systems and shows how dogmatic and quality and wedded to default systems”––the “cultural” these are too. This reviewer now “Dogma” of the title. Archaeologists are all realizes that he has been one of those who has taken to task: cultural resource management promoted the British “context and open-area (CRM) (“the wrong job [done] in the wrong excavation” system with “an almost religious way,” “paid to record sites rather than research fervor” (p. 21). The wearer of such ideological them”), and academic archaeology (“[work] blinkers fails to give credence to other valid often of low standard done without recogni- systems developed for other types of “terrain” tion of ... obligations to CRM ... not making and moderated by objectives and social context. enough use of the professional sector”). Carver’s examples of the New World test-pits Carver is a British pragmatist whose treat- culture and the North European schnitten comment of archaeological theory from Binford plex are interestingly plotted in perhaps the to the present is concise (three pages) but first-published distribution map of different unenthusiastic and mildly sardonic. He is much archaeological testing philosophies (fig. 4.8). more interested in the how and the why of Pragmatism is once again the message here. archaeological research in its widest sense Having introduced his three concepts, and in archaeologists’ role in society than in Carver gives two of them––the terrain and the virtues or vices of, for example, post- the social context––their own chapters. Along processualism. the way he manages to give an informative In chapter 1, “A Visit to the Ancestors,” summary of emerging archaeological analysis archaeologists are shown what dogmatists they tools, presents case studies of social context all are. Carver adroitly kicks Sir Mortimer and archaeology (including New York City’s Wheeler, a British archaeological icon, off his African Burial Ground saga), and then plunges pedestal. He exposes Wheeler as an overly rigid into the world of archaeological sociopolitics. practitioner, convinced of his own rectitude and What social and political circumstances make

Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(4):185–186. Permission to reprint required. 186 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) archaeology happen? Who does it? Who pays? winning a design competition process modeled What is getting studied? In this wide-ranging on that used for selecting architects. This is critique he makes some trenchant remarks another of the roots of the design philosophy about outmoded class attitudes in the profes- of the title: archaeologists are as skilled and sion and on the threat posed by postmodern socially relevant as architects and should be attitudes to universal archaeological value and seen to be so. Sponsors will have taxation objectives. Historical archaeologists come into and broader social inducements to follow this his sights on the latter point. new system. At this point (p. 78) Carver raises a key The project designs he envisages would be question: “Does the value of archaeological founded on much sounder evaluation method- strata lie in their being monuments or in ologies than those now reflexively used. That giving knowledge?” (Non-British readers accomplished, terrain (or resource model), should understand the rather quaint-sounding objectives (or research agenda), and social term “monument” to mean, in this context, a context are brought together into a project legally designated, preserved, and [often] dis- design. The latter is explicitly divided between played or interpreted historic site that is seen a research program, to acquire new knowl- as part of the cultural patrimony). edge, and a resource management program, This question goes to the heart of CRM to protect whatever remains of the resource. as it is currently being practiced. Is it primar- As an example of this approach, he cites his ily concerned with conserving resources or Sutton Hoo Project, which was a test bed for seeking new knowledge? Carver thinks both this book’s ideas. This system, he argues, must are key, but in effect bucks a 50-year trend apply as much to academic archaeologists as by advocating a bolder approach to archaeo- to commercial ones, and indeed he looks to a logical research that privileges knowledge over time when sensible teaming between these two preservation (while certainly not abandoning groups will be routine. the latter). The archaeological community of Woven through this less-than-200-page today is heavily vested in a conservation ethic, “polemic” is useful, practical, and well-ref- and anything that seeks to modify that is likely erenced information. Carver asserts that this to be challenged. Carver, however, seeks to published version of his 2010 Rhind Lectures convince the reader that his approach is better to the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland is by design. like “a lunchtime chat at the site edge.” It His vision, expressed as a “remedial is much more than that, and it deserves to strategy,” is chiefly laid out in his core chapter, generate an active debate. “From Procurement to Product: a Road Map.” It goes something like this: in the future, Ian Burrow archaeologists will always be selected by Hunter Research, Inc. project sponsors (be they public or private), 120 West State Street not on the basis of competitive tender, but by Trenton, NJ 08608 187

St Pancras Burial Ground: fleeing the French Revolution, Jacobites, Eng- Excavations for St Pancras lish poor and criminals from the neighboring International, the London workhouse, victims of cholera outbreaks, and families of London artisans and tradespeople Terminus of High Speed 1, 2002–3 comingled their dead in what would become Phillip Emery and Kevin the impacted portion of the burial ground Wooldridge dating from 1793–1854. Gifford/Rambol, London, UK, 2011. The 2002–2003 excavations revealed St. 231 pp., 180 illus., 35 tables, bib., Pancras’s adaptations to accommodate the index, app. on CD-ROM. £27.95 great numbers of dead from the metropolis’s expanding population seeking a resting cloth. place. The historically efficient use of the burial ground made it a complex task for This monograph on the burial ground at the archaeologists, who were aided by good St. Pancras, London, recounts the recovery preservation, a number of legible coffin plates, process and findings from an intensive cultural and remarkable centuries-old grave-plot refer- resource management undertaking in the face ences, dating from the period of the burials, of an impending rail construction project. The kept by the management of St. Pancras. In research is comprehensive and includes detailed order to fit thousands of corpses into the investigations into the organization and devel- burial ground, St. Pancras resorted to stacked opment of the burial ground, osteological plots with numerous individuals on top of remains, gravemarkers, coffin hardware, and each other. Infants were often fitted between other decorations. The presentation is direct plots, and trenches for the poor were stacked and technical, which provides valuable data and with lines of coffins with their heads in oppo- description that does not get lost in elaborate site directions to their neighbors in order to storytelling. While technical, presentations of fit in as many as possible. Even the affluent the findings are integrated into historical con- did not maintain private plots after death, as texts and concise biographies of some of the shown by Arthur Richard Dillon, archbishop notable dead recovered from the burial ground. of Narbonne, who was buried with other The monograph is also wonderfully illustrated, individuals. showing aspects of historical funerary culture The complexity of the burial ground is and biological human experiences that are well illustrated using AutoCAD and Google often buried and unrecognized SketchUp images. Attractive three-dimensional The burial ground at Anglican/Church Google SketchUp reconstructions of the of England St. Pancras represents a popula- stacked burial plots provide an interesting tion from a dynamic period of London his- window into the arrangements and relation- tory. The church, established as early as the ships of the numerous burials. The use of Norman period, was situated in the rural this software for St. Pancras shows how this outskirts of the growing city, and for a great relatively friendly tool can be an afford- length of time it serviced a small congrega- able method for reconstructing aboveground tion. By the 18th century, urban expansion structures, as well as being adept at allowing encroached outwards and the metropolis reconstructions of subsurface features. ultimately engulfed the small church. The The great comparative contribution of swelling London population strained the the St. Pancras monograph is the bioarchae- burial capacity of St. Pancras, even though ology of a postmedieval/early modern urban the church was able to acquire and incorpo- population. Due to time limitations only a rate some neighboring fields for burials. A small fraction of the remains were studied, unique mixture of French Catholic royalists but they provide valuable data that adds to

Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(4):187–188. Permission to reprint required. 188 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) and builds on other significant osteological Coffin plates inscribed with the deceaseds’ studies, such as those from nearby Christ names and ages were noteworthy, as the Church at Spitalfields and a large number of authors remind that examples from other other English burial grounds. The monograph burial grounds are often poorly preserved. In details and graphically illustrates the results of addition to being invaluable for identification demographics, biological development, dental of remains and checks against St. Pancras and venereal diseases, injuries, and other documents, the stamped metal plates are more-scarce conditions. Another significant highly decorated in rococo and neoclassical contribution of the St. Pancras osteological styles, with putti, frames, and other adorn- research comes from the large proportion of ments around carefully engraved inscriptions. identified individuals. Information recorded on Recovery of these plates allows researchers to coffin plates and other documents provided the see an element of London industry and tech- researchers with demographic information such nological innovation that was not intended to as sex, age, and ethnicity. With this knowledge, be seen after burial, except perhaps by the tests of various bioarchaeological methods were gravediggers interring even more bodies in possible, particularly those determining aging the burial plots. and development, on a postmedieval/early This monograph contains points of inter- modern population in order to verify whether est from the skeletal remains and the funerary the models and calculations are accurate for an culture to the stories of deceased individuals, historical population. which should be appealing to a wide range The remainder of the monograph is con- of readers interested in deathscapes, funerary cerned with funerary culture studied through culture, and bioarchaeology. It is well pre- gravemarkers, coffin hardware, and even some sented, illustrated, tabulated, and thoroughly fabric. The presentation on the gravemarkers cross-referenced with context numbers to is not the most valuable contribution since provide a valuable resource for learning about they are few in number, most are fragmen- burial practices at St. Pancras and compara- tary, and they were ex situ, having historically tive information. If the reader finds that the been used as pavings and blocks in a stone authors have not gone deeply enough into retaining wall. Selections are illustrated and any particular topic, a suite of additional discussed to show the variability and artistry publications by the contributors, cited within, represented. At this point, several interpreta- can make up for any deficiencies. tions of the iconography can be considered dated, as it is now more widely understood Adam R. Heinrich that medieval memento mori traditions gave Department of History and Anthropology Monmouth University way to the later, more-fashionable styles in West Long Branch, NJ 07764 rococo and neoclassical forms. 189

God’s Fields: Landscape, Religion, landscape gradually revealed the “subtle and and Race in Moravian Wachovia often unconscious ways even the most well- Leland Ferguson meaning of people can become entangled in University Press of Florida, practices at odds with their ideals” (p. 12). With the discovery of the forgotten grave- Gainesville, 2011. 256 pp., 54 b&w stones, Ferguson and his archaeological team illus., app., gloss., notes, bib., index. finally had the connection they had long been $74.95 cloth. seeking between the lost African American graveyard they had been working to recover In 1994, when workers pulled up the and mountains of gathered archival data. The floorboards of a century-old addition to St. information gleaned from their archaeological Philips Church on the outskirts of Salem, and archival research at the St. Philip’s Church North Carolina, they discovered 14 carved complex has helped to lay the groundwork for gravestones. Some stones supported floor an important reconciliation process that began joists; others had simply been dropped in 2006, when the Moravian Church apolo- between the joists or scattered haphazardly gized for its participation in the slave system. on the ground. All were the small, uniform, Although St. Philip’s is now a part of Old rectangular stones designed to be placed flat Salem Museum and Gardens, when the town at the head of mounded graves and usually was first established as a living museum in associated with the Moravian Church. The 1950 the story of the many African Americans simple uniformity of such stones, say Mora- who had lived and worked there for nearly vians, represents the equality of all Christians 200 years was absent from the exhibits. Now before God. Yet the stones beneath the St. that the complex is open to the public and Philips floor came from an old African Amer- the research of Ferguson’s team constitutes an ican graveyard that was intentionally obliter- integral part of the tour, visitors often report ated in the early 20th century. The text on that St. Philip’s is one of the most meaningful one stone was particularly evocative; it read: exhibits in the restored town. Timothy, a native of AFRICA. Dep. Nov God’s Fields contributes to a growing body 1, 1838 Aged upwards of 100 years. More of archaeological and landscape studies that compelling still was the link between the have expanded and refocused the discussion deceased and the Moravian Church, for the of African American history, including work inscriptions on some stones testified that the by Paul Shackel, Theresa Singleton, Charles church viewed these people as church prop- Orser, James Delle, Michael Blakey, and Lesley erty. Although Salem’s Moravians considered Rankin-Hill. To explore landscapes from the everyone to be cherished children of God, point of view of the people who once lived they gradually became involved in a system them, the author draws upon Christopher Til- of slavery and segregation that conflicted with ley’s concept of phenomenological archaeology their ideals and eventually created “a physical and Anthony Giddens’s notion of structuration. landscape that encouraged religious division The result is a fascinating case study that rather than unity, racial alienation rather than reveals how Salem’s Moravians slowly moved fellowship” (p. 7). from toleration to participation in the peculiar God’s Fields explores that discord. In institution. The landscape reflects these chang- this fine study of Salem’s landscape and ing attitudes, as Moravians began to segregate the archaeology around St. Philip’s Church, all black burials and created a separate Afri- author Leland Ferguson asks how people as can American mission church—a practice that good as the Moravian Brethren made peace would have been repellent to Moravians from with slavery and racist segregation. The only two generations before (p. 199).

Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(4):189–190. Permission to reprint required. 190 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

Ferguson’s research provides more than While Moravian graveyards typically separated just a case study of changing racial attitudes Moravian from non-Moravian Christians in reflected in burial practices, however. Since order to suggest to living observers that a the narrative also shifts repeatedly between sincere and earnest confession would bring past history and present-day archaeology, them closer to God’s kingdom, archaeology and key pieces of evidence only gradually revealed changing racial attitudes in Salem, come into focus, it evokes the archaeological where “black Moravians, regardless of their process itself, where patterns slowly emerge relationship to Christ, were buried at the within a mosaic of possibilities. This narra- lowest end of Church street in a place tra- tive structure also effectively draws readers ditionally set aside for outsiders. The racial into the process of archaeological discovery, segregation that local Moravians had found a historical sleuthing, and interpretation. This way to excuse was explicitly exhibited on the tension sometimes causes God’s Fields to landscape” (p. 161). alternate between a book that seems aimed at This is an important study that builds a general readership and a much more fine- upon the author’s three-plus decades of grained archaeological report. archaeological research into African Ameri- The book is divided into 10 chapters, can history and race relations. Just as the a foreword, a glossary, a note on sources, archaeology at the African Burial Ground in a bibliography, several appendices including New York City has helped to rewrite the his- burial lists, and an index. Multiple photo- tory of slavery there, the work of Ferguson’s graphs and line drawings as well as several team is likely to force a reevaluation of what early plats, maps, and views of the Salem is known about enslavement in the South landscape augment the text. Many of the plats (p. xiii). While the book’s first few chapters and landscape views offer particularly reveal- are the strongest, the narrative occasionally ing evidence, but unfortunately, some of the bogs down in subsequent chapters detailing images are so small as to be rendered nearly the burials and the history of the individu- illegible. The opening chapters examine the als interred in the graveyard. Still, these are archaeological fieldwork at St. Philip’s, the minor issues that in no way detract from the history of Salem’s Moravians, and burial prac- significance of Ferguson’s contribution. On tices. One of the strongest chapters explores balance, God’s Fields provides a compelling the process of planning the town in the and highly readable examination of how the mid-18th century, showing how the reality landscape reveals developing race relations in that emerged reflected German pietism, while antebellum North Carolina. also accommodating to local topography and prevailing attitudes of white non-Moravians. Gabrielle M. Lanier Subsequent chapters explore the development Department of History James Madison University of segregated burial space and the history MSC 2001, 58 Bluestone Drive of the individuals interred in the graveyard. Harrisonburg, VA 22807 191

Jefferson’s Poplar Forest: scape and plantation archaeology, and a variety Unearthing a Virginia Plantation of theoretical approaches, the authors present Barbara J. Heath and Jack micro–case studies of the complex Poplar Forest Plantation community. The approach used Gary (editors) allowed the authors to explore intimately the University Press of Florida, dynamic relationship between agriculture and Gainesville, 2012. 242 pp., 40 figs., the local environment; the roles plantation land- tables, 8 maps, bib., index. $29.95 scapes assumed for their residents; the development of interplantation social networks and cloth. community identity formation; and the social impact cottage-industry and mass-produced In Jefferson’s Poplar Forest: Unearthing a consumer goods had on the European American Virginia Plantation, editors Barbara J. Heath and African American plantation populations. and Jack Gary compile 10 articles that col- The data obtained by sampling the plantation lectively highlight the multivocal historical and community enabled the presentation of a planta- archaeological landscape of Thomas Jefferson’s tion microhistory based largely on the juxtaposi- Poplar Forest Plantation. The book focuses on tion of plantation owners’ and slaves’ lives, and the property’s ownership and occupation by changes experienced over time. the Jefferson and later Hutter families during Following Barbara Heath and Jack Gary’s the 18th and 19th centuries; the varied ways descriptive introductory overview to the book, in which the two families utilized and modi- Heath presents a brief history of plantation fied the landscape over time to suit changing archaeology in Virginia, setting the stage for economic and social needs; the environmental, the varied theoretical approaches applied in the economic, cultural, and social impact of prop- volume. Eric Proebsting’s chapter examines the erty owners’ decisions on the larger plantation plantation’s historical ecology and changes in community; and the ways in which their col- resource exploitation over time. Jefferson’s and lective actions manifested archaeologically at Hutter’s role in and intellectual, economic, and the site. aesthetic responses to resource exploitation had Ongoing since 1986, archaeology at the significant impacts on landscape use and slave plantation has comprehensively examined the community cultural development over time, a estate’s 10 ac. core and 61 ac. surrounding theme that flows throughout the book. Timo- curtilage. By investigating several aspects of thy Trussel’s short but informative chapter on the plantation, including the main mansion, Thomas Jefferson’s efforts to create the mansion ornamental grounds, ancillary buildings, tenant and formal gardens at Poplar Forest highlights houses, and several slave quarters, the authors the garden movement in Virginia. Trussel’s present data on the notable and wealthy Jef- chapter also focuses on the “autobiographical ferson and Hutter families that once called the nature” of Jefferson’s formal landscape and the estate home. Research also focused on the plan- social expectations of the former president to tation as a population center where individuals express his knowledge of and ability to translate of varied status, race, gender, ethnicity, class, international styles and aesthetic expressions in skill, and education socially and culturally inter- an elegant, tasteful, and appropriate manner acted with one another and the landscape on a fitting to an American landscape (p. 16). In daily basis. The holistic approach offers an array a similar vein, Jack Gary focuses the reader of information from which the authors interpret on Thomas Jefferson’s aesthetic philosophy and relate the lives of the plantation’s former by examining Jefferson’s consumer choice in occupants, both owners and slaves alike, who table settings, reaffirming Jefferson’s attempt collectively shaped the Virginia landscape in to adhere to the ideal of social harmony in all lasting ways. Utilizing historical ecology, land- aspects of his life. The devotion of 4 of the

Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(4):191–192. Permission to reprint required. 192 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) book’s 10 articles to slave life at Poplar Forest, Poplar Forest and other Virginia plantations. written by Barbara Heath, Lori Lee, Jessica The articles in this volume could have been Bowes, and Heather Trigg, emphasizes the slave strengthened through the presentation of more community’s prominence in the plantation’s rich detailed comparisons of archaeological data, archaeological record. These four articles offer including illustrations and data tables, from an important and emotive voice to individuals Poplar Forest and other contemporary Middle silent in the historical record. Each provides Atlantic archaeological sites, but this does valuable insight into the development of slave not appear to be the authors’ intent. Rather, life on the plantation, domestic landscapes, by using Poplar Forest as a case study and resource exploitation, subsistence activities, cot- examining the multidimensional and dynamic tage industries, and inter- and intraplantation components of the plantation’s physical and social networks. Stephen Mrozowski concludes social landscape, the authors present a detailed with a reflection on the importance and ability overview of the complex historical development of varied archaeological approaches to present of one Virginia plantation and community. the detailed realities of a complex, multivo- A reasonably priced text, this book can be cal landscape shaped by vast discrepancies and easily understood by the general populace, yet changes over time in resource exploitation, remains engaging for professional archaeologists. access, land use, demography, economy, social The lay reader is left eager to embark on his and cultural traditions, and historical contexts. or her own journey to inquire more about the The authors admit to shortcomings in the rich topics surrounding Thomas Jefferson’s post- volume due to data availability, such as poor presidency life, American formal gardens, plan- faunal preservation in the archaeological record, tation archaeology, historical ecology, and slave inconsistent recordation of events in estate life in the Middle Atlantic region; professional ledgers, and modifications to the landscape archaeologists benefit from the production of that obscured or destroyed archaeological data. a scholarly text. For these reasons, the volume Noninvasive investigation methods, such as also makes an excellent addition to college texts. LiDAR (light detection and ranging) mapping and geophysical testing are also absent. Despite these limitations, the authors present rich inter- Michael J. Gall pretations based on the available data and offer Richard Grubb & Associates, Inc. insightful questions to guide future research at Cranbury, NJ 08512 193

Virginia City: Secrets stage for his following chapters that read as of a Western Past a “who’s who” of Virginia City. Ronald M. James A town built and founded by the mining industry is the subject of chapter 1, “Gold University of Nebraska Press, and Silver.” A unique opportunity presented Lincoln, 2012. 276 pp., 36 illus., 1 itself to archaeologists to examine abandoned map, bib., index. $16.95 paper. tools and reconstruct mining activities that occurred when the Middle Hill Rathole Mine The allure of the Wild West has always was opened. As James states, they were given had a way of capturing the imagination of a the chance to “walk into the shoes of a miner wide range of people; however, many of the from a previous time” (p. 7). Chapter 2, “facts” about the West are imparted not from “A Crowded City on the Mining Frontier,” history and archaeology but from Hollywood delves into a couple of historic structures and popular culture. So what happens when that still survive today. These structures are decades of research and investigation into a atypical of the stereotype of Western build- Western town culminates in a publication? ings, as they were built of brick rather than You end up with a thoroughly enjoyable his- wood. James explores the reality of many torical and archaeological book by Ronald M. historical Western towns and the impacts that James. That book, Virginia City: Secrets of a fires had, a theme that is carried through a Western Past, is a wonderful addition to the number of the chapters, as the artifacts were literature of Virginia City, Nevada, as well as also impacted by these fires. the “Historical Archaeology of the American Chapter 3, “An Irish Blacksmith and the West” series edited by Annalies Corbin and Archaeology of Belief,” centers around Timo- Rebecca Allen. James’s succinctly presented thy Francis McCarthy, who left numerous research is accessible to both professional and records that allowed a glimpse into his life. public spheres. James brings up the important question asked Virginia City’s significance is not lost on of historical archaeologists––if so much is archaeologists and historians working in the already known from the historical record, why American West. Mining shaped the West, and do archaeology? He answers this by explain- the Comstock Lode and Virginia City were the ing to the reader that historical records were stages of the West’s key players. Due to the subject to the interpretation and censorship research that has been conducted in Virginia of the author, thus the archaeological record City, archaeologists and historians, such as can give us a clearer window to examine the Ronald M. James, can paint a more realistic past. Chapter 4, “The Chinese,” highlights a portrait of this town. Each chapter concisely group of people for which the written record layers the contexts of archaeological inves- is clouded with racism. James discusses the tigation, historical research, mining history, contemporary and historical impacts of arti- cultures, and identities. fact collecting and exoticism on investigating In the introduction, James captures the the material culture of overseas Chinese in readers’ attention by bringing them along on Virginia City. the journey of discovering fragments of glass James briefly discusses the results of that, when mended, reveal a Tabasco bottle. excavations conducted at four Virginia City This bottle would prove to be a missing link saloons in chapter 5, “Saloons and the in the lineage of Tabasco bottles and would Archaeology of Leisure.” The results of each lend insight into activities at the Boston excavation have shed new light into each Saloon, an African American establishment. It saloon, from the different activities occurring is with this introduction that James sets the to the food being consumed. While men

Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(4):193–194. Permission to reprint required. 194 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) constituted the majority of the population throughout the book. One only needs to in mining towns, James includes chapters read the story about archaeologists leaving discussing the lives of the women and chil- some privies and known areas undisturbed dren who were also present in Virginia City. to have a contractor seize the opportunity to Chapter 6, “Women on the Mining Frontier,” loot these untouched sites and sell the find- starts out focusing on a well-known pros- ings (p. 102). This book serves to remind titute, Julia Bulette, and what the probate archaeologists working in high-profile areas, records and archaeology can reveal about her. as well as the general public, what damage a Although prostitution did play a role in the bottle collector can do. Yet this destruction American West, families helped to shape the is not only limited to bottle collectors, but landscape of this town. Single women working includes tourists of Virginia City who pocket in Virginia City were not all prostitutes, as mementos of their trip to the Wild West. popular culture has led us to believe. Another topic that is found throughout the As a part of the landscape of the West book is the partnership that archaeologists and Virginia City, children are often easy should have with historians and vice versa. to identify through their toys found in the This helps to strengthen not only histori- archaeological record. In the chapter, “Kids cal research but also creates more complete on the Comstock,” James examines children archaeological results. through the Fourth Ward Schoolhouse, an This book offers insight into a Western old schoolhouse built during the heyday of town that could only be achieved through the Comstock and still standing today. James decades of research and can only be touched brings us into the building and examines the on briefly in the context of this review. James physical marks children made on the build- did a nice job of reminding the reader of ing, as well as the contents within. Another how expensive and dangerous it is to conduct intact structure of Virginia City is examined archaeology in historic mines. The historical in chapter 8, “Piper’s Opera House and the photographs, artifact photographs, and draw- Archaeology of Theater.” One of the better- ings within the book are superb. The only known theaters in the American West, Piper’s visual component lacking is a map of the Opera House served not only as an enter- town for reference. Virginia City: Secrets of tainment venue but as a cultural link to the a Western Past is strongly recommended to outside world. historical archaeologists who specialize and In James’s last chapter, “Death and the are interested in the American West and is Material Culture of the Final Chapter,” he a wonderful tool for engaging the public in discusses mortuary practices in regard to the archaeology, as well as drawing attention to cultural shift from the use of graveyards to the ethical dilemmas of historical and archaeo- cemeteries for the residents of Virginia City. logical tourism. Many points are discussed in this chapter, ranging from types of grave markers to burials that were “supposedly” relocated from the graveyard Molly E. Swords SWCA Environmental Consultants to cemeteries but were in fact left behind. 919 East 6th Street The issue of bottle collectors and the Moscow, ID 83843 havoc they wreak is a topic that emerges 195

The Archaeology of archaeological questions, which is to say, the Post-Medieval Religion construction and transformation of meaning Chris King and Duncan Sayer in the material world. The focus is mainly on religious buildings, either the contents thereof (editors) or their place in physical and social land- Society for Church Archaeology scapes. These chapters are especially valuable and Society for Post-Medieval for their portrayal of the intricacies of action Archaeology, Monograph 6, Boydell and behavior behind the remnants left to be Press, Woodford, UK, 2011. 288 pp., deciphered in material form. While certain 66 illus., 20 tables, index. $50.00 elements may be obscure to American readers, such as the events of the French Wars of cloth. Religion in the 16th century or the patterns of political control in northern Germany, This volume of edited papers is designed the broader issues of French Protestantism to fill a gap in studies of early modern Brit- and German Lutheranism, respectively, apply ain, with some additional studies from con- directly to the experiences of New World tinental Europe and colonial New England. societies. For those working in a European The editors argue that the material changes context, these studies are invaluable as they in landscape, community, and the built envi- give specific examples of practices that had ronment associated with the upheaval of a lasting impact on the material and social religious tradition have been overlooked, and world of early modern Europe. The simul- this volume is intended to shed new light on taneous maintenance and transformation of this aspect of social life in the recent past. social meaning in the built environment, and The book is organized into three sections: the significant interconnection between place “Church and Society,” “Landscapes and Cha- and other aspects of society, including eco- pels,” and “Burial Customs.” Many of the nomic and political relations, is amply dem- papers are studies of specific sites or commu- onstrated and valuable for any reader. Chris nities, mainly in England but also elsewhere King’s chapter on Low Country immigrants in the British Isles. There is one selection in Norwich (pp. 83–105) does rely mainly on Le Mans in France, one on northern on excavated materials and is an excellent Germany, and one on Puritan New England, example of linking material culture with spe- which provide some comparative material. cific groups in an urban context. King also This focus is not unreasonable, as the Society looks at churches used by these “Stranger” for Post-Medieval Archaeology and the Soci- or immigrant communities, using a broader ety for Church Archaeology, the organizations range of archaeological study than the other responsible for the collection, are both based chapters. This may be somewhat more appeal- in the United Kingdom. The recurring theme ing to traditionalist archaeologists who prefer is the rise and expression of religious plural- to define archaeology as excavation, but these ism, and the physical and social variations two aspects of material culture are indepen- that accompanied this change from the earlier dent though complementary, even in this English and broader European past. chapter which relies on both. The first section of the book, on “Church The second section, “Landscapes and and Society,” demonstrates how archaeology Chapels,” explores how the socially meaning- is much more than excavation but is the ful built environment is connected to identity. exploration of visual and material culture as This identity can be ethnic and linguistic it relates to social meaning and action. Each identity, such as in Wales or the Isle of of these chapters draws on both material Man, or economic or political identity, such culture and documentary evidence to explore as miners in Cornwall or industrial laborers

Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(4):195–197. Permission to reprint required. 196 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) in the British southwest. Methodist and other eral commemorations made of paper or fabric nonconformist chapels served as centers for and placed on the graves of young women. the expression of social identity both through Seventy extant garlands have been identified membership and through material expres- from the 19th century and treated as the sub- sions of identity. This section also includes ject of a material culture study. This specific the single chapter examining a New World memorial was a contested practice in Anglican society, the Puritans of colonial New England, churches, and the origins, maintenance, and specifically Connecticut and Massachusetts but tolerance of this practice was varied through also venturing into New York’s Hudson Valley the 18th, 19th, and early 20th centuries. and the Dutch Reformed churches constructed The Archaeology of Post-Medieval Religion there during the 17th century. This chapter effectively demonstrates the need for mul- by Peter Benes (pp. 179–195) is more focused tidisciplinary research and the benefits and on the origins of architectural form and the insights that come from exploring archaeo- social meaning associated with the changing logical questions through more than just patterns of church form than on direct social excavated remains. It also shows that the identity of the congregations like the other areas of intellectual investigation that fall chapters of this section. Specifically, Benes into disciplinary-boundary areas can yield up argues that the origin of meetinghouses in remarkable results. The focus on religion is New England arose from the intersection a necessary addition to the array of archaeo- of Continental forms and religious practice, logical studies of the early modern world. but, starting about 1700, a shift to a more Many studies focus on power, economic, or English church style developed, much like other social issues, while treating religion in a the transformation seen in New England cursory way. This may be in part due to the domestic architecture. These changes came increased secularization of the modern world about, according to Benes, due to both a and the influence of modern thinking on how reinvigorated English identity and changing questions are addressed to the remains of the attitudes within the entire Atlantic Protestant past. It also may be part of the “taken-for- experience as it shifted from a minority to a granted” assumptions that religious plurality is majority role in society. This latter question, a social norm, as that is what is experienced which Benes advances as part of the conclu- today. This volume shows how that plurality sion, is a fitting end to the section; the role developed during the postmedieval period, of the built environment in expressing and with references to the lack of religious plu- manifesting changing cultural beliefs and rality of medieval England and the rest of practices is a recurring element of this section Europe. The postmedieval period truly was of the book. one of experimentation, exploration, and Section 3 explores funerary customs transformation of religious practice, among and looks at burial yards, grave goods, and other aspects of culture, and this volume osteological evidence for mainly Protestant reveals how religion was expressed and or nonconformist populations. The authors manifested in material form, from church and link not just religion but social status, health, landscape to the treatment of the dead. While and identity to the rites and treatment of the focused on England, the lessons are valuable dead. This section helps sort through the for anyone studying the postmedieval world bewildering array of funerary practices during and can serve as a useful comparative body of the 16th through 19th centuries and provides work for those who work in the New World, concrete examples of both variety and iden- especially in areas with a dominant English tity linked to religious practice and broader colonial society. My chief complaint is that social trends. The osteological evidence some of the chapters do not include a map reveals patterns of health and illness in the to help guide spatial understanding, particu- burial populations linked to age, gender, and larly in the earlier portions of the book. This religious affiliation, among other factors. The flaw can be overlooked, given the otherwise final chapter of the section deserves note as informative chapters, but, when exploring it discusses maiden’s garlands, usually ephem- space and landscapes, maps can allow greater 197 insight into a topic, and the chapters would Scott D. Stull have been improved had they been included. Department of Sociology-Anthropology That critique is not enough to prevent a SUNY Cortland favorable review, especially as there has been Moffett Center 2108 little comparable work assembled into one PO Box 2000 volume like this. Cortland, NY 13045 198 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

Chinese Export Porcelains The Portuguese made initial contact with Andrew D. Madsen and China during the early 16th century; the trade Carolyn L. White was taken over by the Dutch in 1602, and the English entered the trade in the late 17th Left Coast Press, Walnut Creek, CA, century. 2011. 157 pp., 142 figs., 1 table, There is a useful discussion of shipwrecks, index. $27.95 paper. beginning with the Vung Tau of ca. 1690. Madsen and White make the point (p. 8) that Chinese export porcelain had been a dif- although they “strongly oppose commercial ficult topic to research partly because books dissemination of archaeological materials,” the like this one had not yet been written. Most results can be useful in dating Chinese ceram- of the pieces found on both underwater and ics, and they are correct. The number of terrestrial sites have been hard to match with well-documented wrecks continues to increase the large examples and imperial wares found (p. 11), and scholars of Chinese ceramics are in many books. Armorial porcelains, those with dependent on the wares found in commercially coats of arms that were ordered for specific excavated shipwrecks. Each wreck is a time cap- families, have been much studied and published. sule, evidence of the taste of a particular time. As Madsen and White state: “the vast array of Madsen and White do not deal with the common wares made specifically for export to period before 1690, but with pieces found the West” have been ignored (p. 9). This book in North America during the time of British presents many examples of the sorts of wares hegemony and then later into the 19th century. for daily use that are found on archaeological (The Chinese ceramics found in Latin American sites: dishes and plates that were used by North sites that came through the Spanish trade are Americans during the period from the late 17th not discussed here.) century until the early 19th century. The book is divided neatly into five chap- Porcelain was first made by the Chinese ters, with chapter 1 about background and over- during the 6th century A.D., and their secret view, chapter 2 about Chinese export porcelain was kept for a long time. (The Koreans, who and Western society, and chapter 3 about the had little contact with the West, made porce- porcelain industry in China. lain from the 12th century on. The Japanese In a particularly important section about did not make porcelain until the early 17th tea drinking and tea equipage, Madsen and century.) Although stoneware and soft-paste White make the point (p. 23) that by the close porcelains were made in the Middle East and of the 18th century, all social classes in the Europe, true hard-paste porcelain was not made British Empire were drinking tea, necessitating in Europe until the Meissen factory at Dresden porcelain vessels, including teapots and various began making porcelain in the beginning of the cups and saucers. Madsen has been through 18th century. There were many European fac- inventories in colonial Virginia that document tories on the Continent and in England making the growth of this habit. porcelain by the middle of the 18th century, Madsen and White discuss the history of but these factories did not produce porcelain the Chinese trade, including the VOC (the in quantity. The Chinese could not only make Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie or Dutch East true porcelain; they could also mass-produce India Company) and the British East India it, and therefore Chinese porcelain was valued Company, and have used their records to find all over the world. Hard, white-bodied, dense, important information about the porcelain trade. resonant when struck, porcelain was far superior There are many extremely useful charts, to the other possibilities available for everyday graphs, and tables. In table 4.1 on page 52, use (tin-glazed earthenware, such as delft or Madsen and White have a summary of patterns faience; wood; or pewter) and was easy to clean, found on 21 dated shipwrecks, from the Vung as well as beautiful. Tau (ca. 1690) through the Frolic (1850), that

Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(4):198–199. Permission to reprint required. 199 is tremendously useful. They also include tables Madsen and White claim that it was only about the various armorial patterns, using the after the reopening of the kilns at Jingdezhen chronology developed by David Howard, the in the early 1680s (p. 40) that the export and English authority on armorial porcelains from domestic markets were separated for the first 1690 to 1820. time, and for the first time overglaze ceram- Chapter 4, the “heart of the volume” (p. ics were made for the export market. These 14), presents a broad range of “tightly datable statements are incorrect. The Chinese began to examples.” The authors make the point that make porcelain in European shapes to Dutch additional available data, such as shipwrecks or order in 1635, and even before then, in the terrestrial excavations, may modify and supple- 16th century, plates with European rims were ment the data presented. The most important made. Going back to the 13th century, during feature of this book lies in the 100 illustrations the Yuan dynasty, large blue-and-white plat- in this chapter that can be used to help date ters were made for customers in western and Chinese ceramics. Having used this book myself southeastern Asia. The Chinese made overglaze- for this purpose, I have found it invaluable. For enamel wares for the Japanese market in the the researcher with porcelain sherds in hand 17th century, and also there were certainly who needs to figure out what they are, this is transitional overglaze wares that reached Europe the real value of the volume. Looking through before this period. this most useful book can help find a match The authors (p. 60) claim that the paneled and hence to date the sherds. or segmented decoration on Kangxi porcelain The book is a handy paperback, but the originated in Holland, because they can be black-and-white illustrations are somewhat related to the paneled kraak wares, which prob- indistinct, and because there are no color illus- ably originated in the 1570’s and were popular trations the discussion of the polychrome wares in Holland. Kraak paneled wares originated is less useful than it could have been in color. in China, were popular in Holland, but that The “Thumbnail Dating Guide” (chap. 5) doesn’t mean that paneling originated in Hol- on pages 140–141 is useful to enable the reader land. The reasoning here is faulty. to quickly identify and date Chinese ceramics. A caveat: there is no substitute for taking However, identification does depend to a great the time to actually see the porcelains. There extent on the color of the cobalt painting. The are museums all over the United States that authors touch on the fact that in some periods have wonderful collections of Chinese ceramics, the painter loaded his brush with cobalt paint, with storerooms filled with 18th- and 19th- while in other periods the painting was done century porcelains, and cooperative curators who in a lighter fashion (p. 67). However, these dis- would probably be delighted to work with an tinctions are somewhat lost in black-and-white archaeologist with datable sherds. (Failing the photography. cooperative curator, even just looking at the Madsen and White consulted many of the 18th-century porcelains displayed in the cases appropriate sources, but not all are equally reli- would be of value.) Important collections are able and some are out of date. They complain not only in museums in the larger cities, such (p. 59) about art-historical descriptions of the as Boston, New York, Chicago, Seattle, and painting styles on porcelain because they want San Francisco, but also in Birmingham, Cleve- more definitive ways of dating style. Their land, Kansas City, San Antonio, and in many feelings are understandable, but this lack of university museums, such as the University of understanding of art history, as well as of their Michigan at Ann Arbor and the University sources, has led to several over-generalizations. of Florida at Gainesville. Looking at Chinese They claim that (p. 38) “[t]he Europeans ceramics that can be seen at antique dealers, were mistrustful of the Chinese and established auction houses, and art fairs is another instruc- their commercial bases of trade outside China.” tive way to comprehend the changes in painting On the contrary, the Dutch had to establish styles on porcelains throughout this period. their base in Batavia because the Chinese did not want to trade with them. Linda Rosenfeld Pomper 1165 Park Avenue, Apt. 10D New York, NY 10128 200 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

Jordan’s Point, Virginia: The Indians settled along the James River Archaeology in Perspective because of its geographic location. The sandy Prehistoric to Modern Times loam soil is fertile, the surrounding forest Martha W. McCartney would have provided ample vegetation for foraging, and fresh water was accessible by sev- University of Virginia Press, eral surrounding creek beds (p. 6). Thanks to Charlottesville, 2012. 148 pp., 100 McCartney’s illustrative description of the site, illus. $14.95 paper. the reader is left with little doubt as to why the colonists selected this territory to serve as Jordan’s Point, Virginia: Archaeology in Per- the future site of Jordan’s Point. An excavation spective Prehistoric to Modern Times is a new in 1990 seemed to validate the suspected loca- publication, written by Martha W. McCartney. tion of a native settlement from John Smith’s McCartney is an historian who has spent a 17th-century map of Virginia. Other Indian great deal of her career studying the history domestic structures and graves were discovered of Virginia. This particular work focuses on in other locations on Jordan’s Point. The con- the history of Jordan’s Point, an archaeological text and analysis of the goods excavated from site that was excavated in 1987 and 1988 by these graves are discussed in depth. students of the Virginia Commonwealth Uni- McCartney’s skill as a writer and historian versity. This work introduces Virginia history becomes most prominent when she begins to the reader and provides an interpretation of discussing the colonial contact period. She the excavations at Jordan’s Point. appropriately describes the initial interaction McCartney leads the reader on a journey between Indians and colonists as a “cultural to better understand a chapter in Virginia his- collision” (p. 15). Both cultures experienced tory that has been carefully tucked away, until conflict and peaceful exchange, depending on now. McCartney achieves this by introducing the circumstances of each encounter. This is the different cultures that inhabited the area the chapter that paints the setting for the over the centuries. She begins the story of remainder of the book. Jordan’s Point in the first chapter with an This publication includes a grand selection introduction to Virginia’s First People and the of color photographs that complements the region’s prehistory. She transitions from the text. One of these images is a color spread of Late Woodland period into the colonial con- John Smith’s famous map of Virginia, although tact period with ease. The reader is informed the very center of the map is distorted by the of the Spanish Jesuits’ attempt at settling binding of the book. The majority of photo- part of Virginia, an event that is often over- graphs are of artifacts recovered from Jordan’s shadowed by the success of James Town that Point, while other images depict paintings and occurred 30 years later. McCartney introduces engravings intended to represent scenes from the Powhatan stronghold to the reader early associated time periods. The illustrations and on. She then chooses to gloss over the pres- text are well balanced. Neither element over- ence of the Virginia Indians in later years. powers the other. Their significance and influences on early The only component that the book is colonial life are noted, though McCartney lacking is an index. Indeed, I found this to hesitates to provide a more in-depth descrip- be the only major shortcoming of the layout tion of these early interactions. As a reader, I of this book. I believe that an index is a nec- found this to be an acceptable gesture in the essary asset to all well-informed texts. The book, because the Virginia Indians are not the work also lacks a bibliography. McCartney primary focal point of this work. may assume that the intended audience for this

Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(4):200–201. Permission to reprint required. 201 book is well aware of the histories and sites about the history of early Virginia settlements explained in the text. and Virginia’s First People. McCartney’s work McCartney sets out to prove that Jordan’s is short in length but rich in content. This Point is a significant site in both American was an exceedingly enjoyable read. and Native American history. In this respect, the work is a great achievement. Much of Virginia’s early history is overshadowed by Tabitha Hilliard other early settlements like Jamestown and Monmouth University Roanoke. McCartney’s writing style is fluid, Department of History and Anthropology 400 Cedar Avenue well balanced, and easy to digest. I would rec- West Long Branch, NJ 07764-1898 ommend this book to any scholar, student, or enthusiast who is interested in learning more 202 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

Power and Landscape contours of political organization across West in Atlantic West Africa: Africa” (p. 2). Individual contributors are asked Archaeological Perspectives to examine this idea through the lens of land- J. Cameron Monroe and scape by examining various forms of landscapes in West Africa during the Atlantic period that Akinwumi Ogundiran (editors) are tied to shifting commerce, political alle- University of North Carolina Press, giance, and exhibition of authority. The case Charlotte, 2012. 390 pp., 69 illus., studies in the book answer these questions by 33 maps, bib., index. $99.00 cloth. offering examples of the assertion and maintenance of power. The Atlantic World is increasingly a topic The text is comprised of 12 chapters of investigation for historical archaeologists including an introduction, conclusion, and 10 who have followed the lead of historians case studies developed from original research. in designating a number of “Atlantics” as Three forms of landscape within Atlantic West analytical units defined by region, ethnic, or Africa serve as the organizational foundation national affiliations. One of the many Atlan- of the text: fragmented landscapes (Thiaw, tics is the “African Atlantic,” which has been Richard, Spiers, and Norman); state-generated proposed as a distinct area of study with landscapes (MacDonald and Camara, Monroe, its own research agenda by one of the edi- and Ogundiran); and internal-frontier landscapes tors of Power and Landscape in Atlantic West (de Barros, DeCorse, and MacEachern). Africa: Archaeological Perspectives (Ogundiran, Monroe and Ogundiran define each type Akinwumi, African Atlantic Archaeology and broadly, but this is where the editors’ direction Africana Studies: A Programmatic Agenda, regarding a specific definition of landscape African Diaspora Archaeology Newsletter 2, 2008, ends. The individual authors define landscape ). This research program which social and political transformation in aims to understand the impact and nature of West Africa are observable in reference to the Atlantic experience for those of African regionally defined archaeological remains” origin living throughout the Atlantic basin by (p. 5). The editors urge their contributors fostering a dialogue between archaeologists to move beyond traditional archaeological on both sides of the Atlantic. Studies of the approaches to landscape as a simple unit of African diaspora form an overwhelming major- analysis. Some authors directly engage with ity of these studies. Power and Landscape in the editors’ challenges, including the assertion Atlantic West Africa is a welcome addition to that a landscape is socially constructed (p. 14). this growing body of literature that enhances This active engagement is seen in Richard’s understanding of this period on the African examination of the historical construction of side of the Atlantic. However, this is only a the Siin (Senegal) as a colonial backwater; he secondary contribution of the text. The pri- challenges the long-held belief that the Atlantic mary goal of the editors is to raise awareness era in this region translated into little material of the work by Africanists in understanding change under state control. Archaeological complexity and long-term historical processes survey findings demonstrate that pockets of in African history. densely populated areas that existed in the In their volume Monroe and Ogundiran Siin constitute a fragmented landscape with compile a well-rounded collection of papers regional manifestations balking the intentions that pursues their central argument “that the of the state. Similar processes are investigated commercial revolutions of the 17th and 18th by Thiaw (chap. 2) in the upper Senegal centuries dramatically reshaped the regional drainage polities of Gajaaga and Bundu. His

Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(4):202–204. Permission to reprint required. 203 analysis does not explicitly define a perspective, trasted with Ogundiran’s (chap. 8) investiga- yet it is clear that he views landscape as tion of Oyo with a focus on the settlement of settlement patterning. The differential presence Ede-Ile. Similar to Spiers’s chapter, Ogundiran of trading sites and tatas, or defensive sites, analyzes a single site and its landscape by reveals a fragmented landscape developed examining the settlement’s relationship to the around commerce and political authority. core. Like Thiaw and Norman, Ogundiran Norman (chap. 5) applies similar methods to does not explicitly define landscape, leaving investigate urban/rural relations in Hueda (in the reader to infer a definition based on his modern-day Benin). Drawing on settlement discussion. patterns and artifact distributions, he reveals The final case studies engage with Kopy- that the centralized nature of commerce and toff’s (1987) original formulation of internal political authority in Savi the capital left the frontiers within sub-Saharan polities. De Barros countryside less willing to rise to its defense (chap. 8) provides the most detailed examina- against Dahomey. Here too, landscape is not tion of internal-frontier creation within the explicitly defined, but the construction of the state in his study of the Bassar Chiefdom urban/rural dichotomy through state-level of northern Togo. This chapter, as well as authority is clear. DeCorse’s analysis of the Koinadugu Plateau of Spiers (chap. 4) also engages with the Sierra Leone in chapter 10, problematizes how definition of the fragmented landscape within a archaeologists use the chiefdom concept as a single settlement, examining how the transfor- form of sociopolitical organization. MacEach- mation of the town of Eguafo, capital of the ern (chap. 11) presents the most introspective Eguafo polity, reflects political realignment in piece, questioning his own past assumptions precolonial times (p. 116). In doing so, Spiers regarding settlement and change in the Man- draws on Lefebvre’s work to define landscape dara (Cameroon) landscape. as an approach which “tries to encompass the As with any edited volume, some chapters spaces in between, which situates Eguafo in a are inevitably stronger than others; however, broader network of social, political, and eco- this compilation is both rich in the depth of nomic relations” (p. 118). Spiers convincingly analysis provided in each chapter as well as argues that, despite Eguafo’s position in the the geographical range covered within West hinterland, it was entangled in Atlantic com- Africa. Each chapter can stand on its own as a merce, thereby creating a fragmented society separate paper, while simultaneously adhering to in which expensive trade goods are restricted the editors’ goals, as the chapters each examine to elite spaces. aspects of the impact of Atlantic entanglement Monroe and Ogundiran define “state- on the landscape at multiple scales and degrees. generated landscapes” as those created by the The contributors present a rich set of examples state to overcome challenges of the fragmented of how power is exhibited in the landscape landscape (p. 25). Three case studies in this through settlement strategies, town layout, section examine the variable impact on differ- architecture, and material culture distribution. ent regions of direct involvement in Atlantic The concluding remarks include the perspective commerce. MacDonald and Camara (chap. 6) of historian Kea, who states that the research- engage with the eternal landscape of marka ers demonstrate that “a landscape is a site of towns (Islamic holy cities tied to Mande civi- agency” (p. 342). This closing argument accu- lization) vs. the state-generated patterns associ- rately points to the richness of landscape studies ated with the slave trade. More so than other in understanding the complex nature of power, studies in the text, they engage with the oral resistance, authority, and political realignment rather than the documentary record to tease driven by shifting commercial spheres. Power out the social creation of the Segou landscape. and Landscape in Atlantic West Africa is an over- The most dramatic example of state building due addition to African Atlantic and Atlantic is presented by Monroe (chap. 7). The use of World studies more broadly. The emphasis on palace construction throughout the Abomey transformation in West Africa during the Atlan- Plateau by various rulers of Dahomey created tic era provides a counterbalance to the domi- a symbolic landscape of power. This is con- nant Americanist perspective and focus on the 204 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

African diaspora within historical archaeology of Liza Gijanto the African Atlantic world. The further appeal Department of Anthropology to historians of Africa’s recent past regarding St. Mary’s College of Maryland 18952 E. Fisher Road lines of inquiry and the role of archaeology in St. Mary’s City, MD 20686-3001 historiography expands the potential influence of this text beyond historical archaeological circles. The editors should be commended for developing a tightly focused yet broadly relevant collection of essays. 205

New Philadelphia: An Archaeology of scientific archaeology, historical narrative, of Race in the Heartland “public archaeology” in its broadest form, Paul A. Shackel commentary about the effects of racialized society and race-based oppression on past University of California Press, and present, and personal reflection. Shackel Berkeley, 2011. 207 pp., 45 figs., says that he hopes that the book will be a 5 tables. $29.95 paper. “useful model where race is central or even peripheral in a project” (p. xxi), and he suc- This volume reports on the first phase of ceeds in this goal. the well-known New Philadelphia Archaeo- Some of the findings from the New logical Project centering on the town of Philadelphia Project have already been pub- New Philadelphia, Illinois—the “first known lished (e.g., Fennell, Christopher C., Terrence town established, platted, and registered by J. Martin, and Paul A. Shackel [editors], New an African American” (p. xv). Founded by Philadelphia: Racism, Community, and the Illinois “Free Frank” McWorter in 1836, the mul- Frontier, Thematic Issue, Historical Archaeol- tiracial town existed in some form into the ogy 44[1], 2010), and more will undoubtedly 20th century, and Shackel’s book describes follow, so this volume can be seen as an the first three years of what is now a mul- important part of what will eventually become tiyear collaborative research project involving a much larger narrative in historical archeol- Christopher Fennell, Terrance Martin, Anna ogy. It stands on its own, however, especially Agbe-Davies, and others. In 11 short, read- with respect to Shackel’s nuanced discussion of able chapters, Shackel describes the way the some of the “stakeholder” issues that emerged town was settled, as well as how it expanded early on in this project, which have apparently and later declined. He also explores the con- abated somewhat since the book’s publication, temporary issues that emerged as a result of but not disappeared. One of archaeology’s the archaeology project, the process of listing ethical mandates is to fully report on research, the town on the National Register of Historic and Shackel reports on the entire research Places, and a later successful effort to honor it process—both the “positive/feel good” parts of with National Landmark status. Some chapters it as well as the more “negative/painful” parts. focus specifically on the archaeology that took His respectful account of “what happened” is place in three field seasons, and all include a model for transparent, candid, yet respectful some aspects of the historical research that and sensitive, reporting. took place throughout. Every chapter also, to Several aspects of the writing were one degree or another, describes how con- particularly effective. Historical data is cerns with race and power emerged during woven in with archaeological data and public all phases of the work, and how members of interpretations, as is narrative about the various publics, descendants and otherwise, research process—the “what happened when,” changed and enhanced the research process. which makes for interesting reading. The work Even though the book is linear with respect of individual project participants, including to the three years of archaeological research students, is discussed by name, with full credit it covers (which is dealt with sequentially, by given—student work is not marginalized or field season), the narrative is rich with descrip- appropriated in any way. Information about tion about process, and the archaeological and archaeological method is also provided for historical data are woven into a narrative that those who want to know about unit sizes, never abandons or ignores the contemporary depth of plow zones, excavation procedures, context of its construction. There is no “just and other details of the specific phases of so” story here. There is instead a rich tapestry fieldwork. Examples were provided that

Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(4):205–206. Permission to reprint required. 206 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) illustrate clearly how archaeology can provide archaeological process, not marginalized new information that is often not available to something that happens “later on” or elsewhere. As noted above, the archaeological peripherally to “real” archaeology. These events information was organized by research years, included discussions about difficult topics, such but within that basic scheme it was organized as the need to “create a color-conscious past by the name of the families who lived at each rather than a color-blind past” (p. 115). This place excavated. People in the past were not public archaeology went well beyond artifact treated as abstract entities in the archaeological show-and-tell. All of this was compelling and account, but as agents with full and rich lives. interesting to read. The steps involved in applying for National I only have two quibbles—very minor Science Foundation funds and, later, achieving ones, easily fixed in future editions. First, National Register and National Landmark the presence of the McWorter family tree status were detailed with clear references to (inserted in the appendix but not referred to national politics and named players—the book in the narrative) needs to be made clearer. could be a primer for that sort of work on any Second, because of the way that various data project. Personal reflections about race were and events are interwoven (which is, as noted shared in meaningful ways—this was not navel- above, a positive feature of the writing) a proj- gazing, and every personal reflection informed ect timeline would be useful. This would also and enhanced specific observations about make it clearer that this book covers only the race, racism, oppression, Jim Crow, census first three years of the multiyear project—this data, “sundown towns,” racial “harmony,” the is not hidden, but also somewhat confusing effect of racism on community development unless one knows something about the project and decline, and other topics. The discussion before reading the book. of different material culture categories, with This is an interesting and useful book, respect to consumer choices and ethnicity, was highly recommended for lay, student, or pro- particularly thorough. fessional audiences. The field-school classes, and the discussions that took place within them, showed clearly how doing this sort of archaeology can change Carol McDavid people and attitudes—for example, some Department of Anthropology students began global-justice work as a result Rice University Community Archaeology Research Institute, Inc. of their work in New Philadelphia. Public PO Box 131261 events—reunions, tours, talks, meetings— Houston, TX 77219-1261 were described as a necessary part of the 207

Archaeological Theory in Practice the authors’ credit they discuss the interplay Patricia Urban and Edward of archaeological movements within the Schortman framework of larger cultural trends, such as modernism and romanticism. The emphasis on Left Coast Press, Walnut Creek, CA, the dialogue between archaeology and wider 2012. 334 pp., 37 figs., 3 tables, cultural trends of Western thought is the gloss., bib., index. $34.95 paper. strength of this book. Often a field of study is divorced from wider cultural movements, In Archaeological Theory in Practice Patri- which, at times, gives the false impression of cia Urban and Edward Schortman present a spontaneous development. coherent argument for the justification and One minor shortcoming of the volume is application of theory to archaeology. Through- the misuse of the word “concise” in the sum- out the book there is an emphasis on over- mary of the book on the back cover. With arching theoretical frameworks rather than three extended case studies, the purpose of the individual theorists. This book is intended for book to demonstrate theory’s application in the students embarking on their first exploration field is lost in the diversity of facts regarding of archaeology, who already possess a work- the specific examples of archaeology in Meso- ing knowledge of the development of the potamia, Stonehenge, and the Naco Valley. discipline. The book concludes with several These case studies occupy chapters 5 through archaeological case studies including Mesopo- 9. In their attempt to intrigue students with tamia, Stonehenge, and the authors’ own work divergent interests, the authors occasionally in the Naco Valley of Honduras. wander from their central argument. The opening two chapters focus on estab- Chapters 8 and 9 focus on Urban and lishing a definition of theory and its applica- Schortman’s excavations in the Naco Valley. tion in the social sciences. Urban and Schort- Throughout these chapters the authors discuss man explain that theories take several forms how they used theories to guide their thought, with various levels of complexity. There are occasionally misguide them, and how newer low-, middle-, and high-level theories that theories led to insights and, in the end, to can challenge students to conduct multilayered greater understanding regarding their site. The analysis (p. 21). Urban and Schortman present “Naco Valley of AD 825, as seen from 2011, a good argument that theories can coexist and bears little resemblance to how the valley do not always have to be competing. Theories looked to us in 1979. ... What we can say with make “it easier to talk about and imagine the confidence is that the above reconstruction world in certain ways, but they do not prevent [that of 2011] is almost certainly closer to the us from pursuing other modes of perceiving, messy, shifting realities that all residents of the thinking and talking” (p. 44). Naco Valley faced in AD 825 than the earlier Chapter 3 narrows the focus to versions we have outlined” (p. 289). Through archaeological theory, specifically, four main the case study of the Naco Valley, readers archaeological schools of thought are discussed are able to follow the theoretical evolution of at some length, they are cultural history, Urban and Schortman’s work from processual processualism, Marxism, and interpretivism (p. and cultural history to world-system theory 68). The antiquarian movement is glossed over and practice theory (p. 299). In a field that briefly, only to be referenced later in the book often feels built on developing one coherent on several occasions primarily concerning the and concise interpretation, it is refreshing to discussion of Stonehenge (p. 174). To students see some archaeologists placing an emphasis unfamiliar with the early history of archaeology on the evolving nature of interpretations. The these allusions may lead to confusion. To authors also draw on theories from far afield

Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(4):207–208. Permission to reprint required. 208 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) and not just from their specific area of study; of theories during fieldwork. Their volume in a classroom setting this could lead to a would be a good opening for students to discussion of the reasons for cross-cultural enter the conversation on the application of comparison. theory during fieldwork. The text is approach- This is an approachable book that stu- able without talking down to students. The dents may enjoy reading. The glossary and authors’ use of case studies provides real-world bolded terms help draw the eye to impor- examples that are far more interesting than tant names and people. There are sidebars a purely theoretical discussion. The book’s throughout the book explaining theories and ability to ground the theoretical discussion in individual theorists. The sidebars are very the wider historical and cultural context is its useful for reviewing concepts, but they do strongest asset. It serves as a leading point for upset the flow of reading. Instructors will the discussion of the evolution of theory itself. find the text very approachable for students Urban and Schortman’s Archaeological Theory of various academic levels. It would work in Practice provides a coherent and insightful well in courses of all levels, but a senior-level discussion of theory and would be a resource class with talented students might be a touch in any archaeological theory class. bored. The text would serve well if read prior to tackling an anthology of archaeological Katherine Ambry Linhein Muller theory in a class setting. Department of History and Anthropology Monmouth University Urban and Schortman succeeded in cre- 400 Cedar Avenue ating a textbook exploring the application West Long Branch, NJ 07764-1898 209

An Isolated Frontier Outpost: killed thousands of mules, oxen, and horses, Historical and Archaeological and forced many parties to abandon their Investigations of the Carrizo Creek equipment. The historical background is enlivened by Stage Station the use of numerous “then” and “now” paired Stephen R. Van Wormer, Sue photographs of the site and the area, by period Wade, Susan D. Walter, and paintings and engravings of the vicinity, and by Susan Arter stark accounts by military and civilian travelers California Department of Parks and passing along the Carrizo Corridor. There are Recreation, Archaeology, History numerous maps, although it might have been and Museums Division Publications useful to have a larger-scale map that shows the larger relationship between the Carrizo in Cultural Heritage, No. 29, Creek site and the routes to the east and west. Sacramento, 2012. 194 pp., 74 illus., The description of the architectural dis- 24 tables, bib. $15.00 paper. coveries at this site in the “Results” chapter is useful, as the site has been severely dam- A report title that includes the phrase aged by machine leveling and subsequent flash “Carrizo Creek Stage Station” brings to mind flooding. The archaeological team unraveled movies set in the desert West that feature a complex stratigraphy, generated by multiple stage stops threatened by outlaws or rampag- occupations of the same space, that was pre- ing Native Americans, films such asStagecoach served only in a 3 ft. tall rubble mound. (1939) (“Dry Fork” and others en route to They identified three structures, named “Lordsburg”) and She Wore a Yellow Ribbon A, B, and C. A was built first, and then C (1949) (Indians attack “Sudro Wells”). perhaps as a kitchen for A. They are very dif- This report deals with a real stage stop, ferent in construction, though both are made Carrizo Creek, on the Great Southern Route of local materials. A is a rectangle built of in far southeastern California close to the adobe bricks on a foundation of cobbles, had Mexican border. This site saw thousands of a pebble and mortar floor, and was divided immigrants pass through, as they were head- into two rooms, one with a fireplace. The roof ing west to the gold fields, and saw thousands was not much more than thatch. Paying close more livestock headed west to feed them. attention to soil stains, the team discovered C This publication, a reworking of the origi- was evidently built as the regional jacal ver- nal 2007 contract report, is a result of efforts sion of post-in-ground wattle and daub, with by California Parks and Recreation to preserve two small cobblestone hearths that contained and protect the evidence of this genuine stage largely Native American ground-stone artifacts stop. There are four main sections: chapter 3, and pottery sherds. C was at least rectilinear, “Historical Background”; chapter 6, “Results”; but much of it had been destroyed by a severe chapter 7, “Artifact Identifications”; and chap- erosion channel. The team also discovered pits ter 8, “Artifact Synthesis and Interpretations.” (original functions not discussed) filled with The history discussion provides context, discarded material culture of both European placing Carrizo as an important stop on the American and Native American origin. Butterfield Overland Stage Route from the An important change in appearance of the Mississippi to Los Angeles and San Diego. stage station occurred when C was demol- This was because it had the first potable ished and structure B was constructed over water (from a stream that ran only 2 mi. on it. Although also damaged by the erosion the surface) after a particularly brutal crossing cut, B is largely identical and parallel to A. over 30 mi. of desert that over the years One could not help but notice that the plans

Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(4):209–211. Permission to reprint required. 210 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4) of A and B (30 ft. wide and 18 ft. deep), Stanley South’s activity groups, into the con- when combined with the 7 ft. wide hallway fines of South’s quantitative “pattern analysis” in between, present a floor plan remarkably and then into indices developed by George similar to the proverbial pioneer dogtrot log Miller and others to define “socioeconomic house erected across the Eastern Woodlands distinctions.” These are research questions that and more commonly surviving today built of at best succeed to some degree only with large lumber or brick. sample sizes. The deliberate demolition of the jacal One must therefore question interpretations structure, an intrinsically regional statement, when the authors conclude differing room func- and its replacement by B, built of local materi- tions for the two rooms in structure A based als and technology, to be sure, but the place- on the total number of artifacts recovered from ment of which completes the open central-hall each room, evidently fewer than 75 items (and plan, seems to be a deliberate decision to there is no discussion of how the items ended transform a disorderly hodgepodge of spaces up on or in the pebble-and-mortar floor). and building styles into an ordered landscape Seeking only pattern analysis also obscures representative of and familiar to the “more the discussion of the “munitions group.” Given civilized” travelers and employees from the that this group dominates the total artifact Anglo-Americanized eastern U.S. and far West assemblage at 20.42%, excluding building mate- Coast. The effect was somewhat spoiled by rials and nails, it seems to confirm the Wild the brown adobe walls and thatched flattish West image of violence and gun play. The roof, but, at minimum, the benefits of the cool travelers’ accounts note that practically every- shaded “dogtrot” were probably appreciated by one passing through Carrizo Station was armed the people who lived there or passed by. against Native Americans and outlaws, often Chapter 7 is a thorough description of the with multiple blades and firearms. However, of artifacts. Discoveries included a bone tooth- 109 artifacts in this group, 89 are fragments of brush handle with a Philadelphia maker’s mark; percussion caps, with no estimate of the mini- a transfer-printed lid to a ceramic toothpowder mum numbers of intact or fired caps, or even jar, also from Philadelphia; table wares from types, represented. There is no mention that Staffordshire, some in sets; gin bottles with these may simply be lost or damaged merchan- New York marks; window glass; wine-bottle dise (modern caps are sold in packages of 100 fragments, including an absinthe bottle with a or more). Even if one includes the seemingly shoulder seal from a Swiss manufacturer; and high number of percussion-cap fragments, the 95 nail fragments from the jacal structure. range of munitions-related items, from two There were also fragments of Native American French gun flints and a possible English flint, cooking vessels in structure B. More sherds to a minié ball, to lead shot, is not much dif- were in the trash-filled pit, B4, that contains ferent than what one finds on farmsteads from European American diagnostic artifacts dating the mid-19th century back East. It is in fact the fill to the late 1850s and early 1860s, not astonishing how few munitions-group items incidentally the period of the Butterfield Stage were recovered, with travelers and inhabitants operations, 1857–1861. reportedly so well armed. There are some problems with aspects of Nor should it be a surprise that when the analysis of the artifact assemblage, per- authors calculated ceramics indices they were haps because of the limited number of items only able to conclude, weakly, that in com- recovered, no more than 400 items, excluding parison with four other sites in California of adobe and rock construction materials, 1,738 similar dates, the occupants of Carrizo were nails or nail fragments, and 144 charred barley no different in this regard than other middle- seeds. This is not adequate for comparative income households on the West Coast. If this purposes as proposed in chapter 5, which dis- is the case on such an unusual, dynamic, and cusses research design and methods of artifact clearly multiethnic transit locus such as a stage analysis. Nonetheless, the authors explicitly station, of what use are such indices? The Car- chose to place their minimal finds, identified rizo site’s table wares do look quite ordinary for and catalogued according to an expanded set of a mid-19th century occupation anywhere to the 211 east, including painted wares in the small floral It is becoming more and more difficult to patterns sometimes called “cornflower,” red and sustain labels of “isolation” or what isolated flow-blue transfer-printed vessels, and relief- might mean in the past when one finds Brit- molded pieces. This is yet another indication ish ceramics on the most deserted islands in how pervasive the products of British ceramics the Pacific and Chinese porcelain all over the manufacturers were around the world. Anglo world. That label does speak to the There is also the question of interpret- need for reflexive archaeology so that one’s ing the Native American ground-stone tools own assumptions do not mislead. and ceramics recovered at the site amidst This report is a fine example of where all the European American material culture. focus on a single site can provide informa- The Native American artifacts are thoroughly tion on a series of once-crucial sites that no described, even to noting that eight of the ves- longer exist. The archaeological fieldwork sels present were likely imported from near the shows how much can be preserved in spite Colorado River area to the east. When com- of heavy machinery and flash floods. One can bined with the foodways data from the faunal look forward to further analysis of the artifacts analysis, the predominance of regional Hispanic to answer some of the questions raised above. and Native American cuisine is as clear as with The information generated by this project is the technology used in the architecture. Now significant in many ways and should be read one knows more is implied than the passing and used by historians, archaeologists, and reference that at least one of the Butterfield anyone interested in the actual people, places, stationmasters, Mailland, had a Native Ameri- and events in the desert West. can wife (p. 145). The household now looks a Not incidentally, the report also says much bit different, indeed, than other middle-income about the integration of Hispanic, Native households. American, and Anglo-American cultures. Being Finally, there is the label of “isolated fron- an “American” is and has been a complex tier outpost.” It is assumed that the category identity to wear. fits, but the issue is not addressed directly. Today the site is in the middle of nowhere, but Leslie C. Stewart-Abernathy in the past it was on the main road from some- Arkansas Archaeological Survey Winthrop Rockefeller Institute where to somewhere else. The nearest stations 1 Rockefeller Drive were no more than 30 mi. away at maximum. Petit Jean Mountain Morrilton, AR 72110 212 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

The Archaeology of Colonialism: postcolonial theory and feminist theorizing Intimate Encounters and of internal colonialism affecting intersecting Sexual Effects gender, sexual, racial, and class power dynam- Barbara L. Voss and Eleanor ics. Postcolonial theory and research are cri- tiqued for neglecting material culture. Conlin Casella (editors) Out of 19 chapters, two analyze mate- Cambridge University Press, New rial depictions of sexuality: (1) López-Bertran York, NY, 2011. 350 pp., 70 illus., speculatively interprets Punic colonial votive 5 tables, refs., index. $99.00 cloth, figurines as representing three genders/sexes, as $36.99 paper. well as sex and male masturbation performed in rituals at a Spanish-island well shrine; and This short review cannot do justice to (2) Weismantel discusses the modern colonial- the complexity of this volume, which provides ism of museums protecting Peruvian Moche diverse case studies exemplifying theory and/ sex-depicting pots from handling that sheds or methods for interrelating private and public light on their uses. Voss traces archaeologi- sensual, intimate, emotional, sexual, gendered, cal research on sexual effects of empire to social, and/or embodied meanings of colonial early classical and Egyptian archaeology, and material culture. The focus on the cultural discusses their effects on modern concepts of pervasiveness of sexual relationships is related sexuality and its regulation. Unfortunately, no in most cases to the broader context of gender chapters analyze Egyptian, Greek, or Roman power dynamics. Casella and Voss’s chapter dis- imperial depictions of sexuality. The volume’s tinguishes colonialism from imperialism. Sexual- focus on colonialism is not related to brothel ity is broadly defined to include “socialities” and or domestic sites where excavations have recov- “affects” of “embodied and expressive human ered artifacts pertaining to sexual acts. intimacies,” from the “parental” to “seductive,” In most chapters information about intan- “non-normative,” “involuntary,” and “exploit- gible sexual effects of colonialism is gained ative.” However, many embodied intimacies that from documents. A few chapters lacking docu- are sensual, emotional, and/or social, are not mentary or other evidence speculate on past sexual. For instance, European imperial parent/ sexualities, such as the possibility of homo- child relationships are usually considered gender sexuality among Brazilian maroons (Funari) relations because they did not normatively and López-Bertran’s speculations about sex in involve sex. Because this volume is focused Punic rituals. Most important are the docu- on sexuality, it does not define gender and its mented colonialist sexual and gendered mean- complex relationships to sexuality. ings and uses of material culture. For instance, Voss’s chapter discusses how the volume Shepherd considers the possible colonial por- aims to “forge a strong connection between” nographic eroticism of photographing burials archaeological research on colonization, and of South African “Bushmen” and taking “sci- feminist and postcolonial scholarship. She entific” sexual measurements of living “Bush- draws ungendered models of colonialism from men” prior to their exhibition at public fairs, homogenizing postcolonial theory, concepts of where their near nudity was photographically culturally contingent constructions of variable exploited. Rubertone discusses two unusual sexualities from queer theory, applies social gravemarkers of Narragansett leaders’ wives agency theory to colonized women, and dis- who were friends of colonists and the social cusses the close relationship between colonial agency of Narragansett women in commemo- binary gender systems, imposed heterosexuality, rating King Philip’s War at the monument and racism; but does not discuss the especially erected by European American men to their relevant feminist critiques of ungendered victory in Kingston, Rhode Island.

Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(4):212–214 Permission to reprint required. 213

Some chapters discuss how documented male colonists, conversion to Catholicism, colonial gender policies and nonsexual labor ceramic commodity production for personal regimes promoted or prohibited certain sexual economic gain, acquisition of European relations, affecting procreation, and material- status display items that were excavated from ized domestic or social groups. For instance, indigenous women’s graves, and a shift in colonial policies structuring labor led to excavated settlements from polygynous to gender segregation of male workers both in monogamous households with individual-size the Spanish presidio in San Francisco and in dishes. Loren discusses the documented fear later Chinatown tenements in San Jose, where and desire generated among male colonists in Voss interpreted the tensions between collec- French Louisiana by the sensual ways Indian tive homosocial living and individuality from women wore trade beads and other items of the uniqueness of opium pipes and ceramics adornment excavated. Hull argued for wide- peckmarked with Chinese names. Weiss dis- spread intermarriage between male colonists cusses how the segregation of male miners and indigenous women in California’s Yosem- in penal barracks at South African mines led ite Valley based on demographic estimates of them to court younger miners with gifts, such rapid indigenous-population increase following as dresses and jewelry, to become “wives” in European-disease epidemics. Frequent sexual homosexual relationships, employing blankets relationships were documented in colonial around beds for privacy. Weiss contends his- Honduras, where indigenous-warrior mascu- torical archaeology is always about production linity resisting colonization was evident from and reproduction, but she actually researches many excavated projectile points (Russell, documentation and excavated remains of men’s Blaisdell-Sloan, Joyce). Colonial leaders docu- consumer choices in the barracks and in an mented their unsuccessful attempts to stop earlier miners’ tent hotel that emulated Victo- male colonists from “going native.” Delgado rian domesticity in tableware. Dawdy discusses and Ferrer’s excavations of two western Phoe- how French laws permitting the female-owned nician colonial cemeteries found indigenous and -operated hospitality industry in New women and their cooking pots were excluded Orleans led travelers, predominantly men, from elite lineage-based southern Iberian to perceive the city as expressing feminine tombs, but were included among standard- sexuality. Dawdy excavated women’s hospitality ized Sicilian burials that expressed multiethnic sites outside the red-light district, interestingly hybridity. arguing against the sexual interpretation that Some case studies found evidence of prostitutes used the large numbers of rouge mating that was forbidden by colonial laws pots found at the Rising Sun Hotel site, or policies, such as the Spanish woman cap- because male dandies also wore rouge in the tured and married by an indigenous leader in 19th century. Honduras. Voss discusses documentary and Many chapters show how ordinary mate- archaeological evidence of Spanish military rial culture is related to interethnic mating men’s common illegal practice of raping Indian and/or procreation, sometimes involving women. Casella researched colonial Australian women’s social agency in the context of documents describing how convict women colonial labor relations. Garraffoni found that who were assigned to work in male-dominated gravestone inscriptions of Roman gladiators, households and ranches were returned to paid for by wives, were more detailed con- prison when they committed the sinful crime cerning their careers and ethnicity in Spain of becoming pregnant out of wedlock. The than in Rome. Croucher uses oral histories to criminal influence of convict mothers on their interpret a well-constructed house with a lot children was prevented by segregating infants of jewelry as belonging to a concubine at a in walled nursery wards where the mothers Muslim colonial clove plantation in Zanzibar. could hear but not see their infants, who Tarble de Scaramelli researched how Jesuit were called “Little Bastard Felons” and suf- missions on the Orinoco River in Venezu- fered from documented physical abuse, theft of ela allowed indigenous women to negotiate their food, high mortality, and, from excavated upward social mobility through mating with evidence, a lack of of toys. 214 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(4)

Hall’s commentary compares book chapters Suzanne M. Spencer-Wood to develop a generalized methodology for Department of Sociology, Anthroplogy, and analyzing the intangible and tangible, normative Social Work Oakland University and transgressive, sexual effects of colonialism. Rochester Hills, MI 48309 This book provides useful methods that Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology encourage further research on interrelated Harvard University ephemeral and material sexual and gendered Cambridge, MA 02138 effects of colonialism.