Lived Experiences of Filipino American Women in Higher Education Leadership: Toward the Development of Filipino Critical Race Theory

LIVED EXPERIENCES OF FILIPINO AMERICAN WOMEN IN HIGHER EDUCATION LEADERSHIP: TOWARD THE DEVELOPMENT OF FILIPINO CRITICAL RACE THEORY

J. Jacky Mamola

B.A., California State University, Sacramento, 1990 M.A. Loyola University, New Orleans, 2003

DISSERTATION

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

EDUCATIONAL LEADERSHIP

CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, SACRAMENTO

SPRING 2020

LIVED EXPERIENCES OF FILIPINO AMERICAN WOMEN IN HIGHER

EDUCATION LEADERSHIP: TOWARD THE DEVELOPMENT OF FILIPINO

CRITICAL RACE THEORY.

A Dissertation

J. Jacky Mamola

Approved by Dissertation Committee:

______Dr. Caroline Sotello Turner, Chair

______Dr. Rose Borunda, Committee Member

______Dr. Alexander Gonzalez, Committee Member

SPRING 2020

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LIVED EXPERIENCES OF FILIPINO AMERICAN WOMEN IN HIGHER

EDUCATION LEADERSHIP: TOWARD THE DEVELOPMENT OF FILIPINO

CRITICAL RACE THEORY

Student: Jacqueline Jacky Mamola

I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and this dissertation is suitable for electronic submission to the library and credit is to be awarded for the dissertation.

______, Director ______Dr. Rose Borunda Date

DEDICATION

To my family and friends, it has been “three years” now I can emerge from the cave. Especially for my children, that you may know the richness of your Filipino heritage and continue to grow in its unique strength and beauty.

To my mother, Trinidad Sason Angeles Jacky, your motivation is what was needed to finish – you WILL see me in my regalia!

I dedicate this study and dissertation to the memory of my Lola, Luisa Aquino

Sason Angeles, who gave me my first lessons in what it meant to be Pinay; in memory of

Inocencia Ogan Gibson who let me learn my heritage through dance; and to the many aunties and women role models who encouraged me to do this and do good with this.

“It is up to the women who are in positions of power and responsibility to push for the equality that women aspire for and deserve.” –Corazon Aquino

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My deepest gratitude goes to all the amazing people who guided me on this journey. The completion of this dissertation would not have been possible without each one of you who took steps by my side and travelled along this road with me.

A special thank you goes to my dissertation committee Chair, Dr. Caroline

SotelloTurner. Your ability to know how to help people the way they need it was vital for me to finish. I needed the balance of gentle reminders to keep going and the moments of space for my own creative energy to flow. Thank you to my committee members, Dr.

Alex Gonzalez and Dr. Rose Borunda for sharing your wisdom, mentoring me, and having patience and flexibility during this strange, historic time.

To the Cristo Rey Sacramento community, I have learned as I worked alongside you. Your stories inspired me to action, to do more, to not settle for the status quo. To the

Jesuits, Sisters of Mercy and the Sisters of Notre Dame de Namur who instilled their charisms of Service, Mercy and Goodness that I can take wherever this path leads. In particular, Sr. Eileen Enright, RSM who challenged me to reach higher, to use my gifts for something greater and who showed me that I don’t have to compromise my joy to fight injustice.

For my fellow cohort mates, when no one else understood, I could always turn to you.

CURRICULUM VITAE

Education

AA Sociology Cosumnes River College Sacramento, CA

BA Social Work California State University Sacramento Sacramento, CA

MA Religious Education Loyola University, New Orleans New Orleans, LA

EdD Educational Leadership California State University Sacramento Sacramento, CA

Professional Employment

Cristo Rey High School Sacramento, CA

Christian Brothers High School Sacramento, CA

St. Patrick’s Academy Sacramento, CA

Alta Regional Center Sacramento, CA

Asian Pacific Community Counseling Sacramento, CA

Other Relevant Training

Sexual Violence Prevention and Discrimination, Harassment and Retaliation

compliance training. Fall 2017 CSUS Campus Compliance

Sexual Abuse Prevention Education Fall 2015 & 2017 Diocese of Sacramento, CA

Cristo Rey HS, Sacramento

A Framework for Understanding Poverty: Ruby Payne’s Aha! Process Training

Spring 2007 Cristo Rey HS, Sacramento, CA

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Diversity Sensitivity Training, Summer 2004 Christian Brothers HS, Sacramento, CA

Western Assoc. of Schools and Colleges (WASC), Accreditation Convener Training

Spring 2000 St. Isidore School, Danville, CA

Publications and Presentations

9-17/18-2018 Presenter 2018 International Research Conference at UC Davis

Department of Global Affairs Presentation on “The International Research

Challenges of the Phenomenological Study of Outsourcing Teachers from the

Philippines”

9-2017-2018 Research Assistant and High School Liaison UC Davis ‘The Integrating

Literacies Project’ Cristo Rey HS Sacramento, CA

4-2018 Presenter CSUS 24th Annual Multicultural Education Conference

Sacramento, CA – Poster Presentation on “Outsourcing from the Philippines to

Solve the Teaching Shortage in CA”

Fields of Study

Social Work, K-12, Community College, Higher Education Leadership

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Abstract

LIVED EXPERIENCES OF FILIPINO AMERICAN WOMEN IN HIGHER

EDUCATION LEADERSHIP: TOWARD THE DEVELOPMENT OF FILIPINO

CRITICAL RACE THEORY

J. Jacky Mamola

This qualitative study examines the lived experiences of Filipino American women working in leadership positions at higher education institutions. The study uses

Critical Race Theory as well as Feminist Critical Theory, Latina/o/x Critical Race

Theory, and Asian Critical Race Theory as a framework with which to view the stories of its participants. A review of the history of Filipino American immigration from specific time periods provides an historical perspective from which to understand their lived experiences. This phenomenological study includes interviews of 10 Filipino American women leaders employed at colleges and universities in the United States to gain insights into their experience as presented in their own voice. Specifically, this study will address the following research questions:

1. What are the personal and professional challenges and facilitators that

Filipino American women encounter to attain positions of leadership at

institutions of higher education?

2. What role might historical events and socio-cultural factors have on Filipino

American women to create opportunities and obstacles for working in

leadership positions at colleges universities in the present?

3. How can the study of historical literature and the lived experience interview

findings contribute to the development of Filipino Critical Race Theory

(FlipCRiT)?

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Dedication ………………………………………………………………………….. v

Acknowledgements ………………………………………………………………… vi

Curriculum Vitae …………………………………………………………………… vii

List of Tables .……………………………………………………………………… xvi

List of Figures …………………………………………………………………… xvii

CHAPTER

1. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM …………………………………………………. 1

Introduction ……………………………………………………………… 1

Problem Statement ………………………………………………………. 2

Nature of the Study ……………………………………………………… 14

Research Questions ……………………………………..………………. 14

Theoretical Framework ………………………………………………… 15

Operational Definitions ………………………………………………… 18

Limitations ……………………………………………………………… 22

Significance of the Study ………………………………………………. 23

Conclusion ……………………………………………………………… 24

2. LITERATURE REVIEW …………………………………………………… 25

Introduction …………………………………………………………….. 25

Review of Research and Literature ……………………………………….… 26

Historical and Cultural Background …………………...... 28

First Wave: Immigration after the Spanish American War ….…… 30

Second Wave: Immigration in the Age of Yankeeism ………..….. 31

Third Wave: Immigration after WWII and Independence from the U.S. 33

Fourth Wave: Immigration after Dictatorship ………………………. 35

Fifth Wave (New Wave): Immigration in the Age of Pinoy Pride … 36

Women in Leadership at Institutions of Higher Education ………….……...… 40

Phenomenology: The Challenges and Facilitators that Filipino American

Women Encounter to Attain Positions of Leadership at Institutions of

Higher Education …….…………………………………………….. 42

Critical Race Theory ………………………………………………. 47

Feminist Critical Theory (FemCrit) ………………………………. 49

Latina/o/x Critical Race Theory (LatCrit) ………………………. 50

Asian Critical Race Theory (AsianCrit) …………………………. 51

3. METHODOLOGY ………………...…………………………………… 55

Introduction …………………………...……………………………………… 55

...... Research Design and Approach ……………………………………………… 55

...... Role of the Researcher ………………………………………………………. 57

...... Research Questions ……………………………………………..…………… 58

...... Setting Population & Sample ……………………………………………….. 59

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...... Data Collection & Instrumentation …………………………………………. 60

...... Data Analysis ………………………………………………………………. 61

Reliability and Validity ……………………………………………………… 61

4. DATA AND FINDINGS ………………………………………………………... 63

Introduction ……………………………………………………………….. 63

Participant Profiles …………………………………………………………. 63

Responses to Research Questions ………………………………………….. 68

Their Stories and Journeys in to Higher Educational Leadership ………… 71

Research Question 1: Personal and Professional ………………………… 71

Family Members with College Education …… …………………. 72

Strong Women Role Models …………………………………….. 77

Mentors …………………………………………………………. 80

Unrecognized Work and Service Work ………… ……………… 85

Overworked and Underpaid ……………………………………. 89

Research Question 2: Historical and Socio-cultural …………………… 92

Waves, Stories of Immigrations and Historical Events ………… 94

Socio-cultural Factors …….. …………………………………… 102

Research Question 3: Toward the Development of a new Critical Theory . 106

Represent the Demographic ……………………………………… 107

Their Voice ………………………………………………………. 109

Organization of the Community …………………………………. 110

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Development of Future Leaders …………………………………….. 113

In Relation to the Theoretical Frameworks ………………………………… 115

Tenets of Filipino Critical Race Theory (FlipCRiT) …………….…. 120

Chapter 4 Summary ………………………………………………………… 123

5. IMPLICATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ………………………………. 124

Introduction ………………………………………………………………… 124

Findings …………………………………………………………………….. 125

Participants’ Lived Experiences ……………………………………………. 126

Implications …………………………………………………………………. 133

Recommendations ………………………………………………………… 140

Researcher’s Reflection ……………………………………………………. 141

APPENDICES ……………………………………………………………… 143

Appendix A Proposed Interview Protocol ………………………………… 144

Appendix B Draft Qualitative Interview Protocol ………………………… 145

Appendix C Draft Recruitment Letter …………………………………….. 146

Appendix D Script for Telephone/Video call to Participants …………….. 147

Appendix E Script for email to Participants ………………………………. 148

Appendix F Draft Consent Form ………………………………………….. 149

Appendix G Abstract and Research Questions sent to Participants ……… 150

Appendix H Pseudonyms of Participants …………………………………. 151

Appendix I To Be of Use by Marge Piercy ……………………………….. 152

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Appendix J Participants’ Location of College Education ………………… 153

REFERENCES ……………………………………………………………… 154

LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1. Asian Fastest Growing Ethnicity in U.S. …...... 4

2. Total Enrollment of Filipino as a Percent of Total, 1996-2010 ………………… 8

3. Asian American Native Hawaiian Pacific Islander Students & Tenured Faculty

vs. White Students & Faculty At the University of California Campuses

2016-2017………………………………………………………………… 10

4. Asian American Native Hawaiian Pacific Islander Students & Tenured Faculty

vs. White Students & Faculty At the California State University Campuses

2016-2017 .………………………………………………………………… 11

5. Full-time University Faculty Demographics …………………………………. 45

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1. Asian Populations since 2000 ………………………….….………..………… 3

2. Candidate Ethnicity Among Asian American Candidates for State Legislature …. 6

3. Ethnic Group Representation of Higher Education Faculty.… ….….…………. 13

4. Theoretical Framework used in this study ……….………..…………………... 18

5. Organization of Literature Review and Gaps in Literature ………..…………… 27

6. West–East–Filipino Differences ……………………………………………….. 29

7. Filipino Miscegenation …………………………..……….…..……………….. 32

8. Descriptions of the Waves of Filipino Immigration and their Effects ………… 39

9. Higher Education Administrators’ Demographics ……………….…...... 46

10. Critical Theory Comparison Chart ……………………..…………….…..….. 48

11. Profiles of Participating Filipino American Women Leaders ……………….. 66

12. Positions of Participants in Higher Education Institutions ………………….. 68

13. Themes from this Study ……………………………………………………… 70

14. Themes from Coding Data: Personal and Professional ………………………. 71

15. Themes from Coding Data: Historical and Socio-cultural ………………….. 93

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16. Themes from Coding Data: Toward the Development of FlipCRiT …..……… 107

17. Theoretical Frameworks ……………………………………………………… 115

18. Critical Theories Comparison Chart with Filipino Critical Race Theory

(FlipCRiT) …………………………………………………………………… 122

19. Windows Model for this Phenomenological Study ………………………… 132

20. Participants’ Voices on Implications for Practice …………………………... 133

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CHAPTER 1 – THE RESEARCH PROBLEM

Introduction

According to the 2016-17 Campaign for College Opportunity report, “Left Out”

(Bustillos and Siqueiros 2018), California’s colleges and universities enrolled 2.8 million students of which two-thirds of that number was students from ethnically diverse groups but only one-third of all leadership positions represented those same groups. The analysis of Bustillos and Siqueiros’ study showed that women hold half of senior leadership positions in the UC Office of the President, and ethnic minority leaders hold only one-fourth of all faculty and leadership positions in California higher education.

This is significant because the diversity of our student populations at the university level is growing and the diversity of those hired in positions of educational leadership should follow suit (Chen, 2014). This may be difficult to do because there has to be a large enough pool of applicants to ensure the best fit and most qualified person for a position. On one hand, practicality requires the university to entice good numbers of applicants for any given position. On the other hand, social justice demands that there be demographic parity on campuses. In her book, Inclusive Equality: Towards a Vision for

Social Justice, Sally Witcher asserts that social justice not only deals with the distribution of resources and opportunities, but also of voice and power (Witcher, 2013). Problems arise if institutions treat the goals of social justice and practicality as exclusive elements for hiring. This issue is also relevant because current trends in educational policymaking hover around both affirmative action and the women’s movement. The literature review

2 and document analysis conducted for this study suggests that there are historical and cultural reasons for this disparity. The broad social context for this study is that of

American universities and how the underrepresentation of Filipino women affects their university employment in leadership positions (Chen, 2014; Seltzer, 2017).

Problem Statement

This phenomenological study focuses on the lived experiences of ten Filipino

American women employed in leadership positions at U.S. universities, and what they identify as their personal, professional and socio-cultural challenges and facilitators on their pathway to these positions. This study includes an examination of this phenomenon in light of significant events in Filipino American history and through the lens of critical theories.

The numbers of Filipino American women working at institutions of higher education do not reflect the number of Filipino American students (Bustillos and

Siqueiros, 2018; Rapaido, 2011). According to U.S. Census Bureau projections in 2019, the Filipino American community is the second fastest growing Asian American community (U.S. Census Bureau, 2019). For example, Figure 1 shows the historical growth rate of the U.S. Asian population. It further illustrates that the U.S. Asian population grew 72% from 11.9 million in 2000 to 20.4 million in 2015.

Figure 1 Asian Populations since 2000

Note: In 2000 and later, Asians include the mixed-race and mixed-group populations regardless of Hispanic origin. Prior to 2000, the census only allowed one race category to be selected. Asians include Pacific Islanders in 1980 and earlier years. Source: 2000 and 2010 population estimates from U.S. Census Bureau. “The Asian Population: 2010” Census Bureau brief. Retrieved from www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/09/08/key-facts- about-asian-americans/

Nationally, Asian s have been the fastest growing ethnic group for the last 25 years. Table 1 further illustrates that growth rate. While the numbers of Asians are still fewer in comparison to that of the White, Hispanic and Black races, Asian growth rate in one decade was the fastest (46% from 2000 to 2010 and an additional 10% from 2010 to

2013).

Table 1 Asian Fastest Growing Ethnicity in U.S.

The U.S. Census Bureau includes twenty-three ethnic subgroups to comprise the category of “Asian.” Problems arise when using descriptive statistics that combine many groups with many significant differences into one broad category. For example, the category of “Asian” is so broad that it encompasses far too many countries, languages and histories. The 46% growth rate listed in Table 1 may be representative of the

Chinese or Filipino communities in California, but not of the Japanese or Thai communities. Yet, all four groups are aggregated under the category of ‘Asian.”

Furthermore, the Filipino American history and experience in this country is distinct from that of other Asian groups, yet combining all the subgroups of Asian make these distinctions invisible.

According to the study done on the impact of disaggregated data shaping programs and services for Asian American college student populations, Nguyen, Nguyen and Nguyen (2014) stated, “The need for disaggregated data that better represents the

Asian American Pacific Islander (AAPI) population is not a new concept. In fact, as early as 1980, before ‘disaggregated data’ was widely used as a phrase, scholars were already pointing to the problem of lumping Asian Americans from different ethnic and cultural groups together into one category. Over three decades later, this issue is still at the forefront of the AAPI agenda” (p. 56). The lack of disaggregated data obscures the rich diversity that exists within the broader category of “Asian” (Nguyen, Nguyen and

Nguyen, 2014). While this study will rely on the lived experience of ten Filipino

American women working in positions of leadership in higher education, the researcher

6 will use some descriptive statistics of the ethnic and gender makeup of universities to provide further context to their stories.

According to the Pardee School of Global Studies at Boston University, there is a need for research on Asian Americans and existing research is primarily on other minority groups such as African American and LatinX groups (Boston University Center for the Study of Asia, 2019). It makes sense that more research exists for the groups with the largest representation of the population. This does not mean that research on groups with less representation is insignificant, rather needed. For Filipino Americans, the lack of research specific to their community could be due in part to sociohistorical events such as the civil rights movement and the organization of California farm workers in the

1960s, when African Americans and Mexican Americans were the more visible minoritized groups. Another reason is that other Asian communities organize and have more representation that is political in the larger American community, such as the

Japanese and Chinese communities. Figure 2 provides an example of disaggregated data

Figure 2 Candidate Ethnicity Among Asian American Candidates for State Legislature (2018). Source: aapidata http://aapidata.com/blog/aa-state-leg-elections-2018/

7 from the 2018 mid-term elections showing the breakdown of Asian American candidates running for the California state legislature.

A gap in the literature is the lack of research specific to Filipino American women in higher education. This study fills some of that gap through interviews with Filipino

American women who currently work or have worked in higher education leadership positions. In her research on K-12 Filipino education leaders, Rapaido states, “the fact that the Filipino population is aggregated with the Asian/Pacific Islander population makes it impossible to study the problem with accuracy” (Rapaido, 2011, p.8-9). There has been very little research on Filipino Americans in general and even less focused on

Filipino American women.

Groups affected by this problem directly include Filipino American college students, Filipino American K-12 students, and Filipino American women working at institutions of higher education who are not yet in positions of leadership. Groups indirectly affected by this problem are the Filipino American community, communities at large that have a high number of Filipino citizens and the American public in general.

Any conversation about marginalized groups in our communities can provide insight on how society might become more equitable. According to the Office of Institutional

Research, Effectiveness, and Planning of Sacramento State University, the difficulty in finding statistics on the disparity of numbers between Filipino American college students and faculty in higher education lies in the fact that student ethnic data is disaggregated while faculty data is not. According to the 2010 State of California Postsecondary

Education Commission report, 15 years of data shows a consistent percentage of

Filipinos hovering between 3-4% of the total enrollment for postsecondary school. More relevant to this study is the consistently greater number of Filipino women enrolled in postsecondary education than men. Table 2 shows the enrollment of these students.

Table 2 Total Enrollment of Filipino as a Percent of Total, 1996-2010 Total Enrollment

Filipino as a Percent of Total, 1996-2010

Men Women Ethnicity Total

Year Total Num Pct Num Pct Num Pct

1996 1,808,901 29,641 1.64% 33,242 1.84% 62,883 3.48%

1997 1,828,321 29,862 1.63% 34,000 1.86% 63,862 3.49%

1998 1,855,205 30,345 1.64% 35,114 1.89% 65,459 3.53%

1999 1,938,311 31,200 1.61% 36,837 1.90% 68,037 3.51%

2000 2,135,956 32,711 1.53% 38,946 1.82% 71,657 3.35%

2001 2,266,110 35,265 1.56% 42,266 1.87% 77,531 3.42%

2002 2,354,414 36,810 1.56% 44,649 1.90% 81,459 3.46%

2003 2,251,174 36,675 1.63% 45,245 2.01% 81,920 3.64%

2004 2,187,904 36,646 1.67% 45,519 2.08% 82,165 3.76%

2005 2,221,220 37,283 1.68% 45,429 2.05% 82,712 3.72%

2006 2,269,221 38,117 1.68% 45,950 2.02% 84,067 3.70%

2007 2,376,276 39,665 1.67% 47,203 1.99% 86,868 3.66%

2008 2,456,849 40,650 1.65% 47,768 1.94% 88,418 3.60%

2009 2,456,526 36,308 1.48% 41,465 1.69% 77,773 3.17%

2010 2,393,522 34,362 1.44% 37,981 1.59% 72,343 3.02%

Source: http://www.cpec.ca.gov/StudentData/EthSnapshotGraph.asp

Bustillos and Siqueiros’ study (2018) compared the enrollment of AANHPI

(Asian American Native Hawaiian Pacific Islander) students to that of AANHIPI faculty at all 9 University of California (UC) and all 23 California State University (CSU) campuses. Table 3 shows the data for the UC campuses and Table 4 shows the data for the CSU campuses. Though the data is not disaggregated further for the Filipino demographic, it directly shows the comparison of numbers between student representation and faculty representation at each campus. Both tables are highlighted for ease of comparison. AANHPI data is highlighted orange and the White data is highlighted grey. Names of campuses whose majority of the student population was comprised of AANHPI students were marked with a double asterisk (**). Numbers with the highest representation percentage were highlighted green. For example, UC San

Diego’s total student population was comprised of 49% AANHPI students. This is the highest representation of AANHPI students of any UC campus, yet only 16% of their tenured faculty and 7% of their senior faculty were of the same demographic. The significantly low representation numbers of AANHPI faculty and high representation of

White faculty were highlighted in red in both Table 3 and Table 4.

Table 3 Asian American Native Hawaiian Pacific Islander Students & Tenured Faculty vs. White Students & Faculty At the University of California Campuses 2016-2017

Table 4 Asian American Native Hawaiian Pacific Islander Students & Tenured Faculty vs. White Students & Faculty at the California State University Campuses 2016-2017

Table 4, at first glance, seems to have less AANHPI students at CSU campuses in the majority than at UC campuses. In fact, there is only one CSU campus whose majority of the student population is AANHPI: San Jose State University. However, there are more campuses in the CSU system that have higher percentages of AANHPI senior faculty than in the UC system. Lastly, only one campus of all the California public universities has the majority of its senior faculty made up of AANHPI: California State

University, East Bay. This is data that shows some progress is being made, but it is far from approaching parity.

Figure 3 illustrates the ethnic group representation of higher education faculty.

The top row of the figure shows estimated totals of the various ethnic groups. Each ethnic group is highlighted with a varied shade of purple. Asian pacific Islanders are highlighted in the lightest shade of purple. According to the National Center for Education (2016), approximately 11% of faculty from U.S. degree granting institutions in higher education was Asian Pacific Islander. This number is derived by adding the 6% of Asian pacific

Islander males and the 5% of Asian Pacific Islander females from the top row. The aggregated data issue of this demographic supports the assumption that Filipino

American women are less than 5% of the faculty at U.S. degree granting institutions.

This table documents the underrepresentation of minorities in faculty positions. These same statistics show that women in the lower level positions of lecturer and instructor outnumber their male counterparts across every ethnic group represented, but in the higher faculty ranks, such as professor, there are more men than women hired for those positions.

Figure 3 Ethnic Group Representation of Higher Education Faculty Source: National Center for EducationStatisitics: 2016 NOTE: Sex breakouts excluded for faculty who were American Indian/Alaska Native and of two or more races because the percentage were 1 percent or less. Race categories exclude persons of Hispanic ethnicity. Estimates are based on full-time faculty whose race/ethnicity was known. Detail may not sum to 100 percent due to rounding. Although rounded numbers aredisplayed, figures are based on unrounded percentages.

Nature of the Study

The nature of this study is to learn the lived experience of ten Filipino American women in leadership positions at institutions of higher learning. Theories used as a lens in this study include Critical Race Theory (CRT), Feminist Critical Theory (FemCrit),

Latina/o/x Critical Race Theory (LatCrit), and Asian Critical Race Theory (AsianCrit), which the researcher discusses later in this dissertation proposal. Furthermore, in addition to interviews conducted for this study, relevant literature and significant historical and socio-cultural accounts set the pathway toward the development of FlipCRiT. There is ample literature published on CRT, FemCrit, LatCrit and AsianCrit. However, there is no mention of FlipCRiT (Filipino Critical Race Theory) in the literature, and is recommended to be developed because of the void in literature on this demographic.

The research questions are:

1. What are the personal and professional challenges and facilitators that

Filipino American women encounter to attain positions of leadership at

institutions of higher education?

2. What role might historical events and socio-cultural factors have on Filipino

American women to create opportunities and obstacles for working in

leadership positions at colleges and universities in the present?

3. How can the study of historical literature and the lived experience interview

findings contribute to the development of Filipino Critical Race Theory

(FlipCRiT)?

The purpose of this study is to explore the challenges and facilitators of ten

Filipino American women in higher education leadership positions. The study aims to describe the lived experience of this group and how it relates to the phenomenon of the disparity in the number of Filipino American women as higher education leaders and the numbers of Filipino students entering the same institutions. This will be a qualitative study that uses the first-hand knowledge of the experiences of its participants as the main source of information; however, the researcher presents some non-experimental descriptive statistics and historical information as well.

Theoretical Framework

The investigation of this phenomenon, of why there are so few Filipino American women occupying positions of leadership at institutions of higher education, is looked at from the theoretical framework of Critical Race Theory, specifically the viewpoints of

Feminist Critical Theory (FemCrit), Latina/o/x Critical Race Theory (LatCrit), and Asian

Critical race theory (AsianCrit). As a result of using these critical lenses for the phenomenon of this study, the foundation of a model of Filipino Critical Race Theory

(FlipCRiT) may begin to be developed.

The theoretical framework of Critical Race Theory (CRT) in this study includes particular attention given to the contributions of knowledge of FemCrit, LatCrit, and

AsianCrit. CRT is a conceptual lens to view how dominant systems shape the lives of minorities. CRT developed out of the legal profession not addressing the racism within the legal system during the Civil Rights Movement and emerged in the field of legal

16 studies in the 1970’s (Delgado and Stefancic, 2001). Experts in other fields use CRT as a lens to critically view policies considered as neutral, that contribute to the oppression of groups of people.

The researcher chose Feminist Critical Theory because the indigenous Filipino culture is matriarchal. Though conquered by the western, Spanish patriarchal society, the

Filipino culture still has strong remnants of unique female cultural mores such as the legacy of family names through the mother’s genealogy. FemCrit, also known as

Women’s Crit and Feminist Theory, is an offshoot of Critical Race Theory. This theory provides insight into the marginalization of women in society because of their gender.

There are many parallels to the Critical Race Theories of ethnic minorities and women.

FemCrit begins from the position that there is inequality socially, politically and economically between the genders. These positions are fundamental to FemCrit and the research done on the subject (Crenshaw, 1989; Gherardi, 2010; hooks, 2000). Some of these definitions and categories that are relevant to this study include but are not limited: the role of woman in family and society, sexist language, definitions of femininity, and gender stereotypes (Speer, 2002). Challenging society’s constructions of gender leads to many voices, multiple knowledges, and further study in similar fields of marginalized groups (Crenshaw, 1989; Gold, 2016). That relates to the voices of the Filipino American women interviewed for this study.

The researcher chose Latina/o/x Critical Race Theory (LatCrit) because of the shared cultural heritage between Filipinos and other “Spanish-conquered countries.”

Because of 300 years of Spanish influence in the Philippines, Filipino Americans often

17 share many of the same cultural, familial and religious beliefs as Mexican Americans and other Latinx communities (Guevara, 2012). This critical theory is also relevant because it is a starting point for understanding the intersection between the Latinx heritage and the

Asian heritage that sets Filipinos apart from the other 25 subgroups that make up the category of “Asian.”

Lastly, the researcher chose AsianCrit because there are some commonalities in the treatment of these subgroups once they became immigrant communities in America despite the diversity of the category of “Asian.” AsianCrit is an offshoot of Critical Race

Theory. This theory provides a perspective to observe the ways that race, culture and racism have shaped the Asian American experience. This theory is particularly relevant to this study because of the similar treatment of various Asian immigrant communities in

America. This study points out the distinct events of Filipinos coming to the United

States and its relation to the opportunities afforded to that community. Furthermore, the use of AsianCrit for this study will help in the foundation leading to the development of

FlipCRiT. Each theoretical concept provides a unique lens by which to view the phenomenon experienced by the participants of this study.

Figure 4 Theoretical Framework Used in this Study

Figure 4 illustrates the focus of this study. The phenomenon investigated is at the top of the figure, the theoretical lenses are at the center, and anticipated areas of the lived experiences of the participants that may emerge are below the critical theories. An in- depth discussion of how these theoretical frameworks will inform this study is in the literature review of Chapter 2.

Operational Definitions

The following list includes terms that may be unfamiliar or need clarification based on their usage in this study:

Asian American: The term Asian American is an ambiguous term that can encompass people who came, or whose ancestors came, from countries including but not

19 limited to China, Indonesia, Japan, Korea, Laos, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore,

Taiwan, Thailand, and Vietnam. Some studies will use the term to include countries from South Asia, the Indian subcontinent and Desi cultures such as India, Pakistan,

Nepal, Bangladesh, Maldives and Sri Lanka. Some researchers will elect to include into this term ethnicities with very small statistical representation such as Native Hawaiian,

Pacific Islander. The term can also be known as API (Asian Pacific Islander), AANHPI

(Asian American Native Hawaiian Pacific Islander), and AANAPI (Asian American

Native American Pacific Islander). The researcher of this study elected to follow the designation of ethnicities by the U.S. Census Bureau. For other studies that use varied ethnic designations, their terms were used in explaining their data.

AsianCrit: An offshoot of Critical Race Theory that views the challenges of

Asians through the lens of Critical Theory. It includes the voices and experiences of

Asian Americans. The history and culture of Asians in America make this offshoot unique and distinct from other Critical Theories (Museus and Iftikar, 2018).

Collective Identity: Collective identity refers to a group’s sense of who they are, or their “we-feeling.” It depends on the external historical or structural forces that influence a group’s collective experience, thus leading to the formation of a collective identity (Castile and Kushner, 1981; DeVos, 1995, Fordham and Ogbu, 1986; Ogbu,

2004).

Critical Race Theory: Critical Race Theory (CRT) was a term legal scholars from the 1970s used as a takeoff of “critical legal theory.” It views “race” as being

20 socially constructed to maintain the interests of the dominant white population that created it (Bell, 1995; Brayboy, 2005; Crenshaw, 1989; Kumashiro, 2000).

Cultural Taxation: Cultural Taxation was a term created by Amado Padilla to describe the unrecognized and often uncompensated responsibilities given to minorities because of their identity as a minority (Cleveland, et. al., 2018; Padilla, 1994).

Epistemology: The investigation of what distinguishes justified belief from opinion; the theory of knowledge, especially with regard to the method, validity and scope (Creswell, 2007).

FemCrit: An offshoot of Critical Race Theory that views women’s issues through a lens of Critical Theory [also called Women’s Theory or Women’s Crit.] The variations of names come from different movements and periods in American Women’s History.

This study will use the term FemCrit synonymously for them all. (Collins, 2009;

Crenshaw 1989; hooks, 2000, 2014).

FlipCRiT: An abbreviated term referring to Filipino Critical Race Theory. It is an offshoot of AsianCrit under the category of Critical Race Theory. Part of this study and research is aimed at the development of FlipCRiT. The abbreviation and spelling, coined by this author and researcher, is presented in such a way to provide further context on the issues of “race” and the use of a “critical lens” (CRT) by which these are experienced by Filipino (“Flip”) Americans. The capitalized C, R and T highlight these words.

Filipino American Women: Though the Pilipino language uses the feminine- masculine noun tenses handed down from the Spanish conquistadores and Filipina would

21 be most commonly used to distinguish who this study focuses on, for purposes of clarity the researcher will use “Filipino American women” to make the distinction from other ethnic groups and gender. The researcher does recognize the current trend in academic, sociology and entertainment circles of the Filipino community encouraging the use of the non-gender term of PilipinX, but will defer its use in this study for ease of understanding among varied groups and generations of readers (Gammad, 2016; Maramba, 2008a; Our

Kapwa, 2019).

Intersectionality: Refers to standpoints or worldviews created by the overlapping of a combination of locations within the social structure (i.e. race, class, gender, sexuality, geography, etc.) (Crenshaw, 1991; Rollock, 2012).

LatCrit: An abbreviated term referring to Latina/o/x Critical Race Theory. An offshoot of Critical Race Theory that addresses issues of the LatinX communities in the

United States particularly to work as an advocate for social justice and a to be a voice for the marginalized especially Chicana/o/x peoples (Bernal, 2002; Solorzano and Yosso,

2001; Valdes, 2005).

Phenomenology: a type of qualitative research that describes the meaning of participants’ lived experiences. The process of a phenomenology begins with understanding the life and world of the participants then searching for commonalities between them. Participants are viewed as co-researchers because of their firsthand knowledge of an experience. According to this type of study, human experience can be understood by setting aside prior assumptions and acknowledging the value of the subjective experience of the participants. (Creswell 2007; Hayes and Singh, 2012).

Women in Higher Education: in this study, this phrase refers to women working at colleges and universities from faculty and academic administrators (such as associate and full professors, provost, deans, assistant dean positions, department chairs) to administrative and executive positions (such as vice-presidents, presidents, chancellors)

(U.S. Department of Education, 2017).

Limitations

This study describes the lived experience of ten Filipino American women in positions of leadership in higher education. One of the limitations of this study is the ambiguity of the ethnic category of “Asian.” As previously noted, there is little aggregated data on faculty that show the statistics of Filipino women working in higher education and this information is collected under the category of “Asian.” Because this study relies mostly on the firsthand accounts of its participants, the lived experiences of the Filipino American women may be different from those of other Asian Americans whose data was collected in the studies that published the descriptive statistics.

Additionally, the fact that there are few Filipino American women in positions of leadership at institutions of higher education will limit the pool of possible candidates to interview. One way to address this is to widen the pool to include other positions in the institutional hierarchy: instead of just presidents and chancellors, this study includes vice-presidents, deans, chairs, and associate/full professors.

Another limitation stems from the design of the study. As a phenomenological study, the researcher is meant to set aside all previous interpretations of the phenomenon

23 and rely solely on the lived experience of the participants (Creswell, 2007; Hays and

Singh, 2012). This may be a limitation because Filipino American women in positions of leadership may be very careful in the stories they share for this public document. As a leader they may have to exercise diplomacy or caution especially when asked questions on subjects such as immigration, discrimination or other obstacles they may have encountered in their experience.

Significance of the Study

This study is significant and relevant because the studied demographic is one of the fastest growing in America. Asians are the second fastest growing minority in the US, and according to the latest U.S. Census projections, the Filipino community is the largest

Asian group in California for the first time in history (National Center for Educational

Statistics, 2007; U.S. Census Bureau, 2019). The direct benefit of this research would be the Filipino American women who seek positions of leadership in the field of higher education. Sharing the lived experiences of the participants of this study may bring to light the challenges and obstacles as well as opportunities and facilitators encountered by this group as they attempt to attain leadership positions. The stories and experiences of these women who became leaders in higher education can become a motivation for young Filipino American women aspiring to positions of leadership. At the very least, this study can contribute to the lack of research on this demographic but also continue to show the phenomenon of a lack Filipino American women in the highest positions of education.

Conclusion

This chapter provided information to show that this phenomenological study on

Filipino American women in higher education is relevant and significant. It is relevant because of the growing numbers of the Filipino community in California, and is significant because of the lack of representation of this demographic in higher education leadership. The firsthand accounts of the lived experiences of Filipino American women leaders at four-year universities roughly parallels the low representation of Asian

Americans at the leadership level in higher education. In fact, the number of Filipino

American women is significantly lower to that of Asians in general.

Several frameworks, including CRT, FemCrit, LatCrit, and AsianCrit, are provided to highlight the phenomenon. Findings from this study may also lead to the development of FlipCRiT for future studies.

Chapter 2 - LITERATURE REVIEW

Introduction

The metaphor of the “Great American Melting Pot” is one that depicts the inclusion of immigrants from many countries around the world that came here to fulfill the “American Dream” of self-determination (Allitt, 2010). Though the United States’ scorecard does not have as high marks as it should for the treatment of its immigrant communities, there have been long-lasting effects of the socio-cultural and historical events on those communities (Ursua, et.al. 2014). The story of Filipino Americans is a testament to the balance between striving for that dream and the treatment of its citizens

(Strobel, 2001; Tyner, 1999; Ursua, et. al., 2014).

To understand the lived experience of Filipino American women in leadership positions at institutions of higher education, it is helpful to see that key moments in history have given unique opportunities to Filipinos and created an interesting and unique cultural perspective. This can be better understood by looking into the concept of collective identity made popular by Dr. John Ogbu. The idea is that a collective identity originates from the group’s collective experiences and how historical events or other external factors influence both their understanding of “who they are” and the challenges faced by that same group when interacting with other groups. This is particularly important when looking at minority groups that struggle with discrimination and inequitable treatment by the dominant group (Fordham and Ogbu, 1986; Ogbu 2004).

Delving into the stories of ten women who share the lived experience of working in

26 positions of leadership in higher education may begin to show the intersection of the participants being both an underrepresented minority and a woman. The struggles of each aspect are unique, but together they can paint a clearer picture of that lived experience.

Review of Research and Literature

The unique situation of the investigation of a phenomenon against the backdrop of the history and culture of a people coupled with the foundation toward the development of a new Critical Race Theory makes this study interesting. The importance of placing these historical events, called “waves” in this study, is that society can often trace socio- cultural mores to significant events in the history of a people (Nunn, 2012). Figure 5 illustrates the organization of the literature review from most broad and having the most literature available (History/Theories) to the most specific and less literature available

(Lived experience/Phenomenon). Additionally, the highlighted colors of the table provided further clarification of the organization of the Literature Review. The blue colored section represents subjects found prominently in literature, while the areas in the non-colored section represent areas of gaps in the literature. Figure 5 illustrates the key areas and themes used for searching previous research and literature. The dark blue section at the top shows the broad categories of literature published on the critical theories of Critical Race Theory, FemCrit, LatCrit, and AsianCrit, as well as the published history of events significant to the Filipino American community. Because there is more literature published on these areas than the others, it is at the top of the triangle with the widest section. The middle section is slightly smaller as the focus and

27 literature is less than the broader subjects stated previously, hence the lighter color and the smaller section. This area of the literature review, highlighted in the light blue colored section of Figure 5, focuses on the Filipino Americans working in higher education and women working in higher education. This section of the literature review will begin to illuminate the problem through the intersectionality of the ethnicities

and gender of those working in higher education. The last section is white and the smallest section pointing to the lack of published literature on the issue and the need to fill the gap with the introduction and foundation for FlipCRiT.

Figure 5 Organization of Literature Review and Gaps in Literature

Historical and Cultural Background.

The Philippines has a unique history with the United States that has affected the treatment of its immigrants. Filipinos have the unique distinction as conquered, ruled and influenced by Spain for over three hundred years and by the United States for almost fifty

(Constantino, 1996; Strobel, 2001; Rafael, 2000; Riamonte, 1997; Rodriguez, 2009). The acquisition of the Philippines by the Spanish Conquistadores is evident in the language, music, food and traditions of the Philippines. Over three centuries of influence by Spain and the United States surely makes the country stand out from the rest of Asia and the

Pacific Rim. For example, a great number of surnames are Spanish. In the family of the researcher of this study alone, the surnames include Angeles, Dizon, Aquino, Rivera, and

Sason to name a few. Other than three other small pacific islands, the Philippines was

Spain’s only foothold in the East during the race to colonize countries by Europe. This is relevant to race issues today as the Filipinos are lumped into a category with all other

Asian groups. There is no “one-size-fits-all” solution to problems within the Asian communities. Figure 6 illustrates some of the effects of this history on the culture and worldview of Filipinos from Western culture and from other Asian groups.

Area of perception WEST FILIPINO EAST Civilization • Industrial • Newly industrialized • Agricultural in transition from agriculture to services and manufacturing Culture • Christian • Christian (some Muslim • Buddhist, Taoist, • Atheist but not among those who • Confucianist, Hinduist • Agnostic came to America) • Muslim Religion • Monotheistic • Monotheistic • Pantheistic, • Anti-establishment • Polytheistic • Humanistic Philosophy • Speculative • Reflective • Contemplative (mind-based), (experiential-based) (heart-based) • Materialistic • Experience/Events • Spiritualistic View of Education • Must have to succeed • Means to an end • Dependent on career • Value creativity • Creativity & hard work • Value hard work • Interactive, participation • Engage with respect • Receptive of knowledge • Think outside the box • Critical thinking • Authority of teacher • Inquiry and debate • Investigation built-on • Submit to the wisdom knowledge of the expert (teacher) People priority • Individualistic, • Family/Group • Altruistic • Self-centered • Fulfill role within group • Serve-others first Personality • Assertive • Humility • Self-effacing Traits admired • Aggressive • Confident • Reconciling • Competitive • Balance • Passive • Active • Self-deprecating • Fatalistic • Self-assured • Collaborative • Pluralistic • Monistic • Positivity/respectful • Harmony Work traits • Efficiency • Motivation • Balance Admired (machine-like) (teamwork) (ecological) Role of Society • Society can be • Society gives identity, I • Society affects me, I In life changed, I am the have a role and position am the product agent of that change in it • Keep inner world • Keep balance between • Keep outer world constant (control inner and outer world constant altered states of (through varied (conform with consciousness) levels of relationship) society) Freedom valued • Freedom of • Freedom of • Freedom of expression empiricism experience (variety of (variety of experiences (variety of inner behavior) with other people) experience) Figure 6 West-East-Filipino Differences. West-East info adapted from Cultural Competence/Oregon Health & Science University. (Soule, 2014)

For this study, there are five significant events in history that affected the opportunities of immigration and the treatment of Filipinos in the United States. In this study, the researcher will refer to these moments of history as “waves.” These waves of immigration may have contributed to modern challenges and obstacles of Filipino

American women working in leadership positions at institutions of higher education.

After each section, the researcher lists the “effects” of these historical events or moments of history. To summarize, Figure 8 at the end of this section describes all this information on one chart.

First Wave: Immigrants after the Spanish American War.

Following the Treaty of Paris in 1898, the end of the Spanish American War brought the

Philippines under the control of the United States. After failed promises of self- governance to the Filipinos and a failed attempt by the Filipinos to fight the United States for their total independence, the U.S. colonization of the Philippines began (Paterson,

1996; ushistory.org, 2019). The Spanish American War ended the same year that the

U.S. annexed Hawaii. Rather than further anger native Hawaiians and their royalty by using them as a labor force in the agriculture fields of the Hawaiian Islands, the U.S. offered Filipinos work in Hawaii in the pineapple fields and sugar cane plantations

(DeLeon, 2019; Guerci, 2015). The U.S. eased immigration laws to allow the source of cheap labor to enter the country. During this time, Filipinos were both citizens of their own country but considered American Nationals (Aguilar, 2015). U.S. Immigration laws excluded many ethnic minorities after waves of workers continued to pour in, even after

31 the industrial boom of the late 1800s. This is relevant as these same laws did not apply to other Asian immigrants in the following years, and created easier pathways for Filipinos to come to the United States than their other Asian counterparts. Some of these benefits were full constitutional rights as “nationals,” ease in securing legal work, and entering school (Hinnershitz, 2016).

Effect of First Wave: Ease of U.S. Entry, Status as “Nationals” (not citizens but not immigrants).

Second Wave: Immigrants in the Age of Yankeeism. After the Spanish American

War, the United States began to “rebuild” the Philippines with hospitals, schools and government buildings as priority. The “official” language of Spanish was replaced with

English, and the perpetuations of the American Dream ensued. The ease with which they came to the United States as immigrant workers was partly due to their ability to speak

English Some refer to this period in the Philippines as the “Age of Yankeeism.” This time period so named because all things American were considered good. This myth coupled with the infancy of the “model minority” myth of all Asians (that all Asians innately do well in academics), created ignorance for generations of Filipino American immigrants of their own oppression (Constantino, 1996; Desai, 2016; Empleo, 2006).

During this wave of Filipino migration to the U.S., the numbers of male Filipinos outnumbered that of women. The agricultural workers of Hawaii found more work in the fertile fields of the Central Valley and Northern California. These Filipinos called themselves manongs: big brothers. The U.S. continued to guarantee manongs entry to

32 the mainland because of their unique citizenship (Aguilar, 2015). Because of their lonely living conditions, manongs began to court and marry local females: primarily White and

Mexican women (see Figure 7). Miscegenation laws, making interracial marriages and unions criminal offenses, were made first to discourage Caucasian-African American marriages after the civil war throughout the South and then Caucasian-Chinese marriages

during the Gold Rush of California (Danico, 2014).

Figure 7 Filipino Miscegenation. Photo: Bachelors’ club dinner parties were occasions for manongs to show off their girlfriends and dates. (Source: Filipino American National Historical Society (FANHS) Stockton, Pangasinan Association of Los Angeles)

Under pressure by their constituents, policy makers extended these laws in

California to discourage Filipino-white marriages among the many Filipino workers in

California at the time (Tyner, 1999; Fu, 2007). Years of racial discrimination against

Filipinos went unchecked until 1933. In 1933, Salvador Roland sued the County of Los

Angeles for denying him a marriage license to marry his bride (Roldan v. Los Angeles

County, 1933). He won the case with the judge deciding that Filipinos were not

“Mongolian” or “Chinese-Asiatics” but Malaysian and therefore the law did not apply.

The court decision did not do enough and a continued racist attitude toward any kind of relationship with Filipinos brought aversion at best.

Effect of Second Wave: Acquisition of English Language, American culture; Agricultural Work in Hawaii and California; Anti-miscegenation laws.

Third Wave: Immigrants after WWII and Independence from the U.S.

It is important again to understand some basic and key historical events that led to the treatment and policies toward Filipinos during this wave. Prior to WWII, Japanese troops were occupying parts of the Philippines because of its strategic location in the Pacific.

Even though the invasion of the Philippines took place hours after the bombing of Pearl

Harbor, the U.S. recognized their independence on July 4, 1946 (Jones, 2013: Meixsel,

2001). With tensions rising in the Pacific, Filipinos fought alongside the United States against the Japanese. Their English language proficiency and familiarity of U.S. culture made the Philippines a strong ally in the war of the Pacific. Filipinos would be

“rewarded” for this with fast tracks to citizenship following the war (Wilton, 2016).

During WWII, the United States had a shortage of nurses and there was a large demand for teachers. The U.S. helped establish makeshift nursing schools in the Philippines during the war to have a closer source of help for U.S. corpsmen and doctors who were fighting all over the Pacific. These makeshift schools became the foundation for formal

34 nursing programs, many of which are still in existence to this day. The advantage was that these nurses received practical field training, in English, of what U.S. doctors wanted and needed (“Philippine Nurses,” 2013; PBS, 2011; Wieskamp, 2013). In the field of education, the U.S. government gave the returning WWII veterans money to attend college, universities or vocational training. This exponentially increased the number of students in higher education. Many of the trained teachers in U.S. K-12 schools opted to fill the need for professors in higher education, leaving gaps in K-12. The U.S. government created the “Visitor Exchange Program” for people of other countries to come and work or go to school for two years. Originally, the program meant to combat the spread of communism by exposing others to U.S. society (Hall, 2009: “Philippine

Nurses,” 2013). For Filipino nurses and teachers, it became another way to work in the

United States (stateside). Additionally, the reconstruction of both post WWII Japan and

Germany included the restructuring of their school systems. For the schools in Japan, many Filipino teachers, who were already educated in the U.S. democratic system, filled those positions (Parker, 2010). These events led to a long-standing Filipino tradition of entering the fields of nursing and teaching, and the establishment of the United States value of upward mobility through education found its beginnings at this time.

Effect of Third Wave: Establishment of School System Based on American Education Models; Tradition of Careers in Nursing and Teaching Founded; American Value of Upward Mobility through Education; Many Filipinos Rewarded with Citizenship for Partnership in Fight Against Japan.

Fourth Wave: Growing more Independent, but “in Love with Hollywood.”

History often characterizes the Post WWII era with descriptions such as “independence” or “democratic” which sound good on paper but was often not the reality. With the onset of the Cold War and the fight against Communism, the United States did not want to relinquish their hold on the Philippines and built the largest Air Force base outside the mainland United States in Angeles City on the Philippine island of Luzon: Clark Air

Force Base. The “American Dream” was alive and well in post-war Philippines, thanks in large part to Hollywood movies. Because English was the working language of the

Philippines since the end of the Spanish American war, entertainment was also in

English. An affinity for the starlets of Hollywood created a desire to see the states.

Immigration laws were still very open to Filipinos at this time, and many opted to stay for their education in the Philippines before going to the United States, but years of racism could not be overturned so easily (Choy, 2013: Baldoz, 2011: Johnson, 2011).

Filipinos arrived to work and attend university. Some Filipinos were decorated war veterans, but found that the growing tension of Black-White race issues was creating obstacles rather than opportunities for life in the United States as a brown person.

Many Filipinos worked in the agricultural fields of California’s central valley for years. Communities developed and the knowledge of how to get to the United States to work and go to school was readily available to any Filipino who wanted to go. This became an important development when Mexican migrant farm workers wanted to improve working conditions in the central valley. The name of Cesar Chavez is synonymous with social justice. However, if it were not for the Filipino farm workers

36 and Larry Itliong joining forces with their “brown brothers” (a term they used to call some of the Mexican migrant workers), the United Farm Workers and the boycotts of the

1960s may never have happened (UFW, 2005). This was significant for this study since it was the first time that the Filipino community found its voice and the power to organize in the United States.

Effect of Fourth Wave: Growing Independence, the Power to Organize Politically

Fifth Wave (New Wave): Immigration in the Age of “Pinoy Pride.”

In more recent history, Filipinos in the United States stabilized into more well- established, strong communities. However, other Asian groups still marginalize Filipinos

(Nadal, 2004). Because of their history, others can view them as an offshoot of Mexican or as a generalized Asian; the former because of their Spanish surnames and cultural similarities, and the latter because of their physical appearance and traits. There are two recurrent themes reflected by Filipino communities: that of “giving back” and “making life better for future generations.” The Filipino American is not motivated to be the bearer of the American dream because of the economics of their work but rather Filipino communities achieve what they consider the American dream to be through altruism or philanthropy for future generations (Empleo, 2006; Zapanta Mariano, 2017).

The altruistic nature of the Filipino American may be evolving with the next generations because of their changing attitudes and activities as citizens of this country.

There is a distinct attitude among the newest wave of Filipinos (that are the first and

37 second generation) versus the attitude of those whose parents and grandparents were the first and second generation. For example, a study from 2nd generation Filipinos in the

1980s in the Salinas area of California revealed that older Filipinos in the community actively discouraged the younger generations from joining politically active groups and events for fear of political repercussion from the Marcos regime in the Philippines at that time (Karunungan and Hahn, 2006: Almirol, 1988). There was fear among Filipinos that involvement politically here in the United States could have negative effects on family back in the Philippines because of the dictator’s power. As a result, that generation had low expectations from the parents and communities to become leaders within and for the

Filipino communities (Bergano and Bergano-Kinney, 1997). This is a very different attitude from the new wave of Filipinos living in the United States who develop a sense of “Pinoy Pride.”

A study done in the early 2000s showed that Filipino American students who develop ethnic pride felt comfortable growing politically active and becoming politically active in their communities (Empleo, 2006; Espiritu, 2001; Revilla, 1993). This growing ethnic pride can have positive and lasting benefits for both the individual and the community. Studies have found that the Filipino American students with higher rates of ethnic pride or living in communities that self-identify with “Pinoy Pride” are more likely to engage in community and social action (Strobel, 2001: Espiritu, 2001). For some, this meant creating meaningful civic programs and culturally relevant educational curriculums. In the studies of Lawsin (1998) and Espiritu (2001), the results showed that a greater sense of this ethnic pride occurred when Filipinos taught Filipino related

38 curriculum to the next generation and when they become more active politically. The level of ethnic pride rose in the altruistic work with and for the next generation

(Labrador, 2001: Lawson, 1998; Espiritu, 2001).

Effect of Fifth Wave: Growing Cultural Identity, Empowerment, Social & Community Action and Development of Culturally Relevant Education for Future Generations

As mentioned prior to these descriptions of the waves of Filipino immigration,

Figure 8 provides descriptions for each of the waves during specific periods of history, which affected Filipino people as a whole. These effects had long-lasting repercussions still seen in the lives of Filipino Americans. The last column of Figure 8 includes speculation on how these same events of history affected the subjects of this study. This column may include assumptions of the researcher for the study. While the first three columns align with historical events, the last is researcher conjecture. It is the expectation that the data collected from the interviews of Filipino American women working in higher education will fill in the gaps of those connections speculated in the last column of Figure 8 and become the basis for the development of the tenets of

FlipCRiT in the future.

Figure 8 Descriptions of the Waves of Filipino Immigration and their Effects

Women in Leadership at Institutions of Higher Education

Women’s issues, gender and equality are salient issues in all areas of the world

(Nussbaum, 2004; Sagaria, 2007). Even though there have been strides taken toward increasing the representation of women in leadership positions in higher education, adding race and ethnicity into the equation shows there is still work to be done. Between the years of 1993 to 2011, the numbers of women in fulltime faculty positions in U.S. higher education grew from 33% to 44%, though the largest demographic in these positions is still white men (Jauhar and Lau, 2018; Krause, 2017; Smith, 2017). Barriers for women to advance professionally into leadership positions led to the term “glass ceiling.” The “ceiling” symbolizes the obstacles of upward advancement and the “glass” symbolizes the invisible policies or actions that keep women from those positions institutionally and culturally (Hymowitz and Schellhardt, 1986; Iverson, 2011; Turner,

2002).

In 2017, the Center for Policy Research and Strategy of the American Council on

Education (ACE) published a survey on the college presidency that focused on women of color who hold those top positions in higher education (Gray, 2018). Roslyn Clark Artis,

President of Benedict college in Columbia, South Carolina talked about how at

Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCU) more than 60% of the student body tends to be African American women. She asserted, “At present, two-thirds of HBCU students are female. Why on earth are two-thirds of HBCU presidents not female?”

(Gray, 2018, p.5). Findings from this study reveal that, even though the representation of women in the position of president or chancellor at institutions of higher education in the

United States have increased over the years, about one-third of college presidents in 2016 were women, but only 5% of all presidents were women of color (Gray 2018). Judy

Miner, Chancellor for Foothill-De Anza Community College District in Los Altos Hills,

California stated, “Our goal should be to have presidents and chancellors more representative of the students we’re serving” (Gray, 2018, p. 11).

Historically, much research has gone into the study of reasons why women are not advancing in top positions of leadership in higher education. However, change has begun to happen albeit very slowly. Since the passage of Title IX, degree acquisition and representation in higher education leadership has grown (Chronicle of Higher Education,

2012, Patton, 2013). Even with much research of the representation of women in positions of leadership in higher education, these statistics do not show the degree to which inclusion and equity at the institutions take place (Glazer-Raymo, 1999; Jauhar and Lau, 2018; Turner, 2002). Turner found from the lived experiences of women of color college presidents (2007), that mentoring and validation are helpful, but institutional opportunities must exist. These types of institutional opportunities must exist at all levels of the educational system “to ensure the development of talents not only of these women…but of all women of color” (Turner, 20017, p.31). If there are few women in positions of leadership in higher education, there are even fewer women of color. This study becomes increasingly important because representation of Filipino

American women in universities is not indicative of the student population.

Phenomenology: The Challenges and Facilitators that Filipino American Women

Encounter to Attain Positions of Leadership at Institutions of Higher Education.

Some call the United States the “land of opportunity.” Those new to this country believe but learn quickly that the vehicle to new opportunities is through education. In fact, some researchers have asserted that not only are schools the “gatekeepers of social class division,” they present opportunities to marginalized students (Anderson, 1993;

Ladson-Billings and Tate 1995; Larson and Ovando, 2001; Kozol 1991). For many people of color, Filipino Americans included, the racial segregation of schools hurts these groups on many fronts. For example, the best schools are in the best neighborhoods getting the most money. Money and budgeting of schools relates to the property taxes of the communities in which the schools reside: the more taxes flowing in a community, the more money funneling into the local public schools. This presents an inequity in neighborhoods where there are less property owners and more apartments and low- income housing (Combs, Foster and Toma, 2018; Ogletree and Robinson, 2015). In general, people of color tend to be geographically located in areas that have lower socioeconomic status (SES) and the schools in those areas struggle to close the achievement gap for students. By the time students are in high school or poised for college, there are less students of color applying to four-year institutions due to a lifetime of educational struggles (Darling-Hammond, 2000; Green, Sanchez and Germain, 2017).

The teachers they have often do not mirror their own demographic let alone their lived

43 experience. Furthermore, the representation of women at the highest levels of most professional fields does not reflect the fact that women make up one-half of the population of the world (Jauhar and Lau, 2018; Kiaye, R.E., and Singh, A.M., 2013). In the field of education, women occupy the majority elementary grade teaching positions.

According to Dr. Caroline Turner, in her study on women of color presidents, “As one tracks their [women of color] representation upward in the academic hierarchy, their numbers all but disappear at the highest levels, particularly within the ranks of full professor and senior administration” (Turner, 2007, p.3). The higher up in educational level, the fewer women appear in positions of leadership. For this study, then, the presence (or lack thereof) of Filipino American women in institutions of higher education takes on an important perspective for the success of many Filipino American students in

California colleges and universities and across the country.

Though Table 5 shows a high percentage of Asian faculty at degree granting institutions, this number can be deceiving and not representative of the population of students at a particular university. For example, if the numbers of Asian students at UC

San Diego are 40%+ of the entire student body, only 5% of that number is Filipino. The university may employ, for example, Chinese professors who are proficient in engineering and other sciences. The numbers of “Asian” faculty then look very representative of the student population because the large Asian category has lumped together many subgroups of ethnicities. This begs the questions then, “how many colleges and universities have not noticed this discrepancy? If it was noticed, and still

44 remains inequitable, how and why does it go unchallenged?” This is not a critique of the university, but of the culture that has allowed this to go unchallenged.

The issue is more than finding good role models for students of color. A study in

2014 by the Center for American Progress entitled “America’s Leaky Pipeline for

Teachers of Color” claimed that minority teachers have higher expectations of their minority students, and are able to provide culturally relevant education as well as confront racial issues through their time in the classroom. They become not only educators, but also advocates for their students and agents for social capital (Moss, 2016).

The positive benefits and implications for such dynamics between students and their instructors should garner the attention of policy makers across the country. However, there is still a huge disparity between the demographics of students and their educators, the greatest difference existing in universities (Ahmed and Bozer, 2014; Chen, 2014;

Cherng, 2016).

Table 5 Full-time University Faculty Demographics

SOURCE: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (IPEDS), Spring 2014, Spring 2016, and Spring 2017 Human Resources component, Fall Staff section

The lack of representation of Filipino American women in leadership positions in higher education contributes to a culture that perpetuates inequities. Ethnic minorities are not representative of the demographic in the workforce as the data shows (Moss, 2016).

Figure 9 shows the representation of racial/ethnic minorities among administrators of higher education. Though the numbers of minorities continue to grow in this country, few improvements in the percentage of college ethnic administrators’ representation occur. Minority representation has been on the rise, but not in proportion to minority students (Moss, 2016; Rapaido, 2011; Seltzer, 2017). Over fifteen years, the gap between the number of minority college students and the number of minority higher education administrators remained relatively at the same ratio (Larson and Ovando, 2001).

Figure 9 Higher Education Administrators’ Demographics. Source: College and University Professional Association for Human Resources, CUPA-HR 20

Critical Race Theory (CRT)

This study uses Critical Race Theory, not because the main subjects are of a particular ethnic minority, but because CRT asserts that race and racism are a permanent characteristic of American life. As such, the premise of such studies as this one takes on greater importance for the future generations of the United States. There will always be a new immigrant group. What we learn and how we apply this knowledge can determine how we proceed to address problematic issues for minoritized groups. CRT challenges the claim of neutrality, objectivity, color blindness and meritocracy in this society

(Solorzano, 1998; Delgado and Stefancic, 2001; Solorzano and Yosso, 2002). As one of the founders of CRT, Derrick Bell’s quotes are copius. In his article “Who’s Afraid of

Critical Race Theory?” he quotes notable CRT authority, John Calmore:

“[C]ritical race theory can be identified as such not because a random sample of people of color are voicing a position, but rather because certain people of color have deliberately chosen race-conscious orientations and objectives to resolve conflicts of interpretation in acting on the commitment to social justice and antisubordination.” (Bell, 1995, p. 901)

CRT has core principles, also referred to as tenets. Depending on the field in which they are being used, these can number anywhere from five to seven. The most agreed upon include but are not limited to the following tenets of CRT: the centrality of race and racism in society, the challenge to the dominant ideology, the centrality of experiential knowledge, an interdisciplinary perspective, and a commitment to social justice (Bell, 1993; Matsuda, Delgado, Lawrence and Crenshaw, 1993; Solorzano and

Yosso, 2002). CRT helps to show those less obvious and intentional, but still hurtful, racist hiring practices and policies that further marginalize people of color (Lynn and

Parker, 2006). This study will show a comparison of the basic CRT tenets in comparison to that of FemCrit, LatCrit, and AsianCrit, leading to the core tenets of FlipCRiT. Figure

10 shows a description of these critical theories; it illustrates the central tenets of CRT,

FemCrit, LatCrit and AsianCrit. These four theories create a critical lens by which to view the phenomenon of this study. Figure 10 also adds a shaded column for FlipCRiT to show the need for the development of this theory.

Feminist Critical Theory (FemCrit).

While race and racism are central to the tenets and teachings of CRT, the intersection of other issues such as gender, class, and identity discrimination highlight issues of oppression (Solorzano, 1998). The reason for choosing this Critical Theory to inform this study stems from both the demographic of this study and the reason that feminist studies and cultural studies are fighting the same battles. There is a convergence between cultural studies and feminist pedagogy that both question the relationship between power and knowledge in everyday practice and understanding (Luke, 1994). In other words, using both FemCrit and CRT combines the focus of racism and power from

CRT (Bell, 1993; Delgado and Stefancic, 2001) with gender and sexism issues from

FemCrit (Crenshaw, 1989; hooks, 2000; Turner, Gonzalez and Wong, 2011). Being both a minority and a female creates a situation that obstructs the success of those with this identity as faculty members at institutions of higher education (Turner, 2002). This is significant when doing a study on Filipino American women. On one front, society views them in their identity as Filipino Americans and on the other front, they are viewed from their gender as women.

Combining FemCrit with CRT gives a deeper view to the phenomenon studied in this research. All the critical theories described here contain compelling explanations of the experience of a marginalized group through their stories and offer a means to challenge the status quo as a whole. A feminist perspective connects the problem of the individual to the subject of the social dimension of critical theory or the other Crits

(Eagan, 2014). FemCrit added to the Filipino American perspective helps to support the

50 broad and deep dimensions sought after through this study. There is no singular definition of FemCrit. For this study, FemCrit is a combination of critical theories and approaches to understand how power oppresses through sexist practices (Sharma, 2019).

There are several principles used for FemCrit that parallel CRT’s tenets. These tenets include but are not limited to: equality, choice of how an individual can develop, eliminate gender stratification, and promote sexual freedom without sexual violence

(Salik, Julkipli and Riddle, 2017).

Latina/o/x Critical Race Theory (LatCrit)

Latina/o/x Critical Race Theory (LatCrit) is an offshoot of CRT in its infancy that came about as a result of a 1995 colloquium on the concerns of the Latinx and Chicanx communities particularly in the areas of legal discourse and social policy (Valdes, 2005).

While immigration and social justice are pressing issues of LatCrit, the addition of gender, class and collective identity shed light on the historical and social oppression of

Latinx communities in the United States (Solorzano and Yosso, 2001; Valdes, 2004). For the Latinx communities, these current issues are informed by the culture of the people. To understand these issues, the culture of the people must first be understood. The main aspects of diversity are lost when comparisons of groups are made without understanding their culture, language or ethnicity and how the group acts because of them (Padilla,

1994).

The reason for choosing LatCrit to inform this study is from the cultural intersection that Filipino Americans find themselves in because of the history of Spanish influence on their people and their geographic proximity to Asia.

Asian Critical Race Theory (AsianCrit).

While CRT observes how race and ethnicity function in society, some experts have used CRT to take a closer look at the more nuanced issues and challenges facing specific marginalized groups. This practice has led to some offshoots of CRT because traditional civil rights scholarship and critical race work do not adequately address the issues that affect the lives of these groups on a day-to-day basis. AsianCrit is one such branch of CRT (Chang, 1993; Museus, 2013).

AsianCrit extends the existing CRT tenets by incorporating the knowledge and lived experience of Asian Americans while asserting that there is no singular “Asian experience.” AsianCrit also reiterates several of the original CRT tenets that are at the core of the critical lens of Asian American issues and their experience of oppression.

These seven tenets include but are not limited to: Asianization, a transnational context, a re-constructive history, strategic and anti-essentialism, intersectionality, story, theory and praxis, and a commitment to social justice (Museus and Iftikar, 2013).

Asianization refers to the perspectives of Asians that perpetuate the racialization of this group in America. Asianization refers to “model minority myth,” the “lumping” together of Asians into one all-encompassing category (Espiritu, 2008; Museus and

Iftikar, 2014), and the stereotypes that all Asian men are emasculated and all Asian

52 women are hypersexual but submissive objects (Lee, 2016). This tenet highlights the foundational belief of Critical Race Theory that racism is simply a part of the American culture (Rollock and Gillborn, 2011; Tate, 1997).

Transnational context refers to the importance of historical events as well as current economic and political conditions (Yao, et. al., 2019). CRT acknowledges both historical and contemporary issues that affect the oppressed, but AsianCrit extends that critical analysis beyond national borders to show how these factors shape the conditions of Asian Americans (Museus and Iftikar, 2013; Takaki, 1998). An example of this is when the Reagan administration eased immigration requirements for Asians in the hopes of luring talent to the newly booming technology industry (Chin, 1990; Lopez-Garza and

Diaz, 2001).

The tenet of reconstructive history is similar to the CRT tenet of revisionist history. Both examine how racism has occurred throughout history. In AsianCrit’s reconstructive history, however, it goes one-step further by asserting that society has excluded and silenced Asian Americans from the historical narrative of American history

(Museus a Iftikar, 2013) and suggests that there is a need for Asian studies (Banks, 2004;

Bergano and Bergano-Kinney, 1997; Jahng, 2013; Lum, 2008).

The strategic and anti-essentialism, tenet of AsianCrit is based on Freire’s (1970) principal that race is socially constructed and oppression processes can be found in economics, politics and social forces (Museus and Iftikar, 2014). AsianCrit goes beyond this to assert that also engage in actions and activities that affect these conditions and processes as well. For example, activists and educators combine their voices to fight the

53 silencing of the “Asian voice” by organizing politically to get a better representation of

Asian American history into school curriculum (Lum, 2008; Rolon-Dow, 2011).

Most critical theories share the tenet of intersectionality. It is based on the notion that the different systems of oppression (racism, sexism, ageism, etc.) intersect to shape the conditions of the oppressed (Crenshaw, 1991; Rollock, 2012) AsianCrit intersectionality very closely mirrors the original CRT tenet because the application of intersectionality can provide a deeper understanding to the issues and challenges facing

Asian Americans in any given situation.

The tenet of story, theory and praxis stems from the design of CRT, which explains that the stories of people of color can inform theory, theory can illuminate practice and practice can change for people of color. The narrative of the importance of story and the voice of people of color and its connection to theory comes from the theory of TribalCrit (Brayboy, 2005). AsianCrit goes one-step further saying that American society has historically marginalized Asians and must advocate for the voices of Asian academics and intellectuals to be heard to inform theory and practice (Museus and Iftikar,

2013, 2018; Delgado and Stefancic 2001; Rolon-Dow, 2011; Teranishi, et. al., 2009)

The tenet of a commitment to social justice in AsianCrit is another that parallels an original from CRT. This tenet seeks to end all forms of oppression (Brainard, 2009;

Delgado, Lawrence and Crenshaw, 1993; Museus and Iftikar, 2013, 2018; Rollock, 2011;

Solorzano, 1998). The acknowledgement of how racism intersects other oppressive systems not only illuminates the conditions and experiences of Asian Americans, but it benefits other marginalized groups as well.

The critical lenses used in this study, combined with the qualitative data collected from the interviews of the participants of this study, will lead toward the development of

Filipino Critical Race theory in much the same way researchers developed these theories in the past. First, researchers review CRT and empirical literature. Then, that body of knowledge is put into conversation with concepts, theories and arguments from other scholarship about race and racism (J. Iftikar, personal communication, October 2019). It is the hope of this researcher that the study presented here will offer a contribution to the foundation toward the development of Filipino critical race theory.

Chapter 3 - METHODOLOGY

Introduction

This chapter will explain the research methodology used in this study to describe the phenomenon experienced by ten Filipino American women. The research questions and procedures for the study will be presented. A rationale for this type of qualitative design will be offered. A description of the role of the researcher, the research questions, setting populations and sample will be given. Furthermore, the data collection, instrumentation and data analyses will be conveyed.

Research Design and Approach

Since the purpose of this study was to describe the lived experience of ten Filipino

American women who were or are currently in positions of leadership in higher education, the researcher reasoned a qualitative method to be the most appropriate. This study used a phenomenological approach interviewing the participants.

Phenomenological research is a design of inquiry where the researcher describes the firsthand account of individuals who have all experienced the same phenomenon (Giorgi,

2009; Moustakas, 1994).

As the principle method of this study, the phenomenological approach focused on the lived experience of its subjects and how they have encountered the phenomenon.

CRT lent support to this, as the lived experience of oppressed people becomes valued knowledge to bring attention to the oppression to which they are subjected. This comes

56 from recognizing and accepting that the subjects bring biases, feelings and values to the study and are taken into consideration when evaluating and analyzing data (Hays and

Singh, 2012). This study explored themes and perceptions based on the stories of women who have worked or are currently working in leadership positions at institutions of higher education. These themes became evident once the interviews were transcribed and read several times. Since the phenomenological method focused on the interviews with the participants of the study, the stories of these women accounted for the majority of this research. In fact, Hays and Singh (2012) suggest that participants are “co-researchers because of their extensive firsthand knowledge of an experience” (p.18).

While the researcher used descriptive statistics to provide a demographic context for this study, the primary focus of the research design was to understand and hear the stories of ten Filipino American women who encountered the same phenomenon. The qualitative design of the study relied on the collections of experiences and stories from interviews with these women working in leadership positions at American universities.

The qualitative methodologist attempts to understand the reality of a group of people by recording their shared subjective experience and the connection between the self and world (Boudah, 2011; Hays and Singh, 2012). This emerged through data collection and analysis from interviews which was particularly important when attempting to capture the stories of the lived experiences of a traditionally marginalized group. The fact that there was very little research specifically on Filipino American women in higher

57 education suggests that a qualitative approach to seek out the stories of this demographic would be productive for this study.

Role of the Researcher

Unique to phenomenology was the expectation of the researcher to set aside preconceived notions about the phenomenon and view it as if for the first time. This is a process called epoche (also known as bracketing). The technique lends itself to creating an unbiased environment.

In this study, the role of the researcher was that of the primary instrument of the research in which the qualitative researcher gathers the data herself. This researcher gathered data through one-on-one interviews with the participants. As the interviewer and primary source of contact with the subjects being studied (namely, the women working in leadership positions at institutions of higher education), the researcher must be a good communicator and able to establish rapport with her subjects (Creswell, 2007;

Maxwell, 2005).

Secondary to that of the main interviewer, but no less important, the researcher also distributed and maintained all the data collected. Confidentiality was an area of concern for when presenting the data (Merriam, 1998). The researcher had no prior relationship with the subjects. Any contact between the researcher and participants during this study was for the sole purpose of arranging interviews and conducting interviews. In this study, all participants received disclosure of the research methods, data collection

58 and storage. All participants acknowledged reception and understanding of the study and data collection procedures. In order to maintain and respect the privacy of the participants, the researcher omitted any identifiable information from the interviews and/or assigned pseudonyms as deemed appropriate.

Furthermore, the researcher was responsible for observing and acknowledging any factors beyond her control that could have changed or affected any of the responses of the subject. Some these circumstances or conditions included but were not limited to: the weather, people, the time of day, interruptions in general (O’Connor and Gibson,

2003).

Research Questions

In effective qualitative studies, the questions drive the research (Light, Singer and

Willett, 1990). Since the goal of this study is to understand the pathways of Filipino

American women in positions of leadership at institutions of higher education, the researcher sought to answer the following questions:

1. What are the personal and professional challenges and facilitators that

Filipino American women encounter to attain positions of leadership at

institutions of higher education?

2. What role might historical events and socio-cultural factors of have on

Filipino American women to create opportunities and obstacles for working in

leadership positions at colleges and universities in the present?

3. How can the study of historical literature and the lived experience interview

findings contribute to the development of Filipino Critical Race Theory

(FlipCRiT)?

Setting, Population and Sample

The participants chosen for this study were women who are of Filipino descent that are currently working or recently worked at American universities in positions of leadership. Positions of leadership can include professors, deans, presidents, provosts and chancellors. For the interviews, the researcher and study participants agreed on holding interviews face-to-face, through a digital video platform, or via telephone. The location was mutually agreed upon at a neutral location suitable for sound or video recording.

Regardless of where or the recording method used, the interviews were conducted in an environment that was conducive to having open dialogue with the interviewees.

The subjects that were selected for the focus on Filipino American women working in university leadership positions were identified through networking with other administrators of universities and community leaders.

The researcher informed the participants of the study of the purpose of the research, which is to investigate the challenges and facilitators of Filipino American women working in leadership positions at institutions of higher education. Prior to their

60 participation, all study participants received notification of the security of their information and the timeline for its deletion.

Data Collection and Instrumentation

The interviews of Filipino American women working in leadership positions at institutions of higher education took place in the winter of the 2019-2020 academic year.

The researcher sent requests for interviews through phone calls and emails beginning in

December, upon the clearance of the Institutional Review Board of California State

University, Sacramento. Communication with the participants involved interviews and included follow up communication via digital technology.

The researcher conducted interviews face to face, or using a digital video platform on my phone or on my computer. The researcher recorded each interview with the knowledge of the interviewee. The interviews consisted of open-ended questions structured to answer the main research questions previously described. The researcher completed all transcriptions of the sixty-minute interviews verbatim, and the transcriptions were offered to each woman interviewed to be examined for accuracy. The researcher secured all recordings and transcriptions in a locked box or in digital files with encrypted passwords.

Data Analysis

In depth, qualitative studies include preliminary analysis of the interviews, coding, and the development of themes (Creswell, 2007). After collection of data, the researcher looked for recurring words, phrases and themes. The researcher coded the qualitative data and then counted the frequency of codes or domains identified, a process known also as content analysis (Krippendorff, 2013). This coding came from finding themes from each of the interviews. The researcher assigns categories to the responses that coincide with the questions and what the questions the researcher is seeking to answer. Each of these has one or more associated themes that then provide deeper meaning to the data (O’Connor and Gibson, 2003). These were color coded by hand. In addition, the researcher sought unusual or unexpected stories from the interviews for new directions. These unexpected narrations, called “rich points,” give depth to the qualitative data (Asar, 1998). Stories are rich in finding deeper meaning to a phenomenon so it is important to pay attention to the ideas and points the subject is trying to articulate (O’Connor and Gibson, 2003). If done with accuracy, the coding process yields broad themes used as findings from the research.

Reliability and Validity

Reliability is how consistent the data and findings are even over time. The researcher took measures to ensure reliability of this study by diligent efforts to remain consistent in the interview process, transcribing the interviews, and in the data analysis

(O’Connor and Gibson, 2003; Price et al., 2010). Validity is how well the data actually represents the variables they are intended to describe. Validation of data occurs throughout the research process in maintaining the accuracy of the methods of data collections, coding, and analysis (Goodwin et. al., 1987; O’Connor and Gibson, 2003).

The use of recording devices and coding analysis helped the researcher to ensure the validity and reliability of the research. The researcher did not assume that the questions of the interviews were all encompassing. Recording the interviews allowed the researcher to transcribe the interview verbatim; using the exact words and language used by the interviewees, as opposed to manual note taking that potentially omits valuable information. One method of validity of findings from this study occurred through a follow up with the participants of the study. O’Connor and Gibson assert that this is the best way to check for validity of research findings (O’Connor and Gibson, p.74).

Note: Please see appendices for proposed interview protocol, interview questions, recruitment letter and consent form submitted as part of the IRB form after the proposal defense.

CHAPTER 4 DATA AND FINDINGS

Introduction

From the phenomenological point of view, a researcher seeks to uncover how the world is experienced by human beings (Van Manen, 1990). The purpose of this study was to explore the lived experiences of Filipino American women who have worked in positions of leadership at four-year colleges and universities in the United States. The participants’ lived experiences were intended to illustrate the challenges and facilitators facing Filipino American women at this level of education, to inspire future generations of Filipino American women to increase their representation in higher education, and to encourage the development of Filipino Critical Race Theory. Twenty-five women were invited to participate in the study, ten accepted this invitation. The first part of this chapter provides an overview of the ten participants of this study who were interviewed.

The second part of this chapter will explore the experiences of these women thorough their own stories. Specifically, the second part will relay these lived experiences in light of the research questions previously stated in this study.

Participant Profiles

A pool of potential participants began with referrals from associates from the

Filipino American community in Northern California, Filipino American civic and religious groups, and academic associates of the researcher of this study. The two main qualifiers for participants were that they identify as a “Filipino American woman” and

64 that they have worked or are working in a four-year university or college in the United

States as a professor or higher. The researcher communicated and conducted interviews with the ten participants through video conferencing applications, telephone interviews, and in-person meetings. Participants were sent a formal invitation, the abstract of this study, the research questions guiding the study and a letter of consent. These items can be found in the appendices section at the end of this study (specifically Appendices C, E,

F and G). Participants were assured of confidentiality with respect to the stories shared, the data collected, and the written transcriptions of each interview. Each woman interviewed was given a pseudonym to protect her identity that was assigned by this researcher. In honor of the matriarchal heritage of parts of the indigenous culture of the

Philippines, the pseudonyms began with the honorific of Tita, or Auntie, as a sign of respect followed by a familiar Filipino name of no association to the participants. These pseudonyms are seen in Appendix H. Descriptive titles such as the names of colleges and universities were referred to as “this college.” Unique programs that participants attended were referred to as “this program” unless it did not compromise confidentiality.

Furthermore, any information gathered by the researcher that could compromise the identity of the participants was intentionally excluded from this dissertation.

Twenty-five women were invited to participate in this study, but only ten were able to complete the interviews. The fifteen who did not participate, did so for a variety of reasons: scheduling conflicts, time frame, among others. However, several did not participate specifically because they were afraid that they would be identified because of

65 their stories and their positions and this would have negative repercussions on their careers. For example, one potential participant declined by saying that she was in the process of applying for a Deanship at her university, but because of some of the challenges she faced on her pathway she did not feel comfortable sharing her story. This was primarily because some of her co-workers who had created obstacles to her current position were still employed at the university and could threaten her chances for advancement. This is not unique to Filipino American women. Dr. Caroline Turner, in a

2007 study sharing the biographical sketches of three female women of color college presidents, explained that current literature and demographic data on women of color show that pathways to high level positions (such as college president) and those who make that journey are confronted with roadblocks on their pathway that make success at that level difficult. It was further noted that tracking women of color on that upward trajectory in higher education show that the numbers grow fewer and fewer at the highest levels (Turner, 2007).

This becomes significant for this study because there are so few women of color in leadership positions in higer education, and there are even less Filipino American women in those same positions. Recent data has only 30 percent of all college presidents as women, 5 percent are women of color, and there is only one who is a Filipino

American woman (Moody, 2018). This became an issue of maintaining confidentiality for the participants of this study. If there are so few of these women in those positions, then it would be too easy to identify who they were from the events of their stories. For

66 example, currently there is only one sitting Filipino American woman University president. Had she participated in the study, any mention of her pathway to the presidency would have easily identified who she was. In order to protect the participants of this study, descriptive identifiers were not shared. Nevertheless, the ten participants who were highlighted in this study are an impressive collection of professional women.

Figure 11 includes some of the descriptive information that qualified them to be participants in this study.

Figure 11 Profiles of Participating Filipino American Women Leaders *Once participant chose to identify as “Transnational” **Left Higher Ed. and works in K-12

All have earned Doctorate degrees from four-year colleges or universities in the United

States. Appendix J shows in what country the participants earned their college degrees

(Bachelor’s, Master’s and PhD’s): the Philippines or the United States. They have collectively worked in 17 different states; all have worked or are currently working in the

Western United States. They have collectively worked in higher education for over 210 years, and this number is still growing as some of the women are still employed at colleges and universities. Eight out of the ten participants came to the United States themselves (1st generation) or were brought here as children (1.5 generation). The participants mentioned, as part of their family stories, covered all the historical waves of immigration that were previously mentioned in this study either directly or indirectly during data collection.

In their various roles at their colleges and universities, these women held positions ranging from professor all the way to the executive level. Figure 12 shows a generalized ranking of their positions. The specific job titles were left out to protect the identities of the women. Of all the participants in this study, only one held an executive level position at a university. There were two who held the position of

Director/Administrator and two who held the position of Dean (one of these positions was an academic Dean and the other was a Dean of a Service program at the college that did not have a required teaching pathway). Fifty percent of the participants had done research at their universities and ninety percent of them were or are still professors.

Figure 12 Positions of Participants in Higher Education Institutions

Responses to Research Questions

There are few studies focusing on Filipino American women in higher education leadership positions and even fewer that examine the challenges and facilitators leading to those positions. Through the lived experience and voices of the ten Filipino American women, the interviews offered findings significant to this study. These women described their pathways to positions of leadership whether facilitated by strong female role models and mentors in their personal life, or challenged by the lack of opportunities available to women in their positions by the institutions themselves. Many of their vignettes included circumstances that they described as being in positions that also included unrecognized and unpaid service work.

These ten women shared their lived experiences through interviews and answering the interview questions. The researcher sought themes and codes by looking at the frequency of words and topics from the transcript of each interview. Bracketing was used by the researcher to ensure objectivity in reporting the data.

Sets of detailed findings from the ten participants that are relevant and related to each of the research questions are written here. Although each of the participants were different ages and had unique experiences, their stories fell essentially under one of three overarching themes. These overarching themes were the personal and professional, the historical and socio-cultural, and toward the development of Filipino

Critical Race Theory. Figure 13 illustrates these overarching themes and the corresponding themes that emerged from their stories. The bullet lists included those topics that were shared and discussed by more than half the participants.

The names of these themes, or codes, came from the participants themselves. For example, in the first set, “strong women role models” was a recurrent theme among the majority of the participants. The word “strong” is ambiguous and can mean different things to different people. However, the participants of this study used this word repeatedly without prompting from the researcher.

Figure 13 Themes for this Study

Another point of clarification needed in that first set are the last two bullet points:

“Unrecognized/Service Work”, and “Overworked and Underpaid.” While these sound

similar at first glance, the lived experiences of the participants of this study showed

distinction between the two and the exact phrases were not used synonymously.

“Unrecognized/Service Work” referred mainly to that work done with and for the

students at the college. An example of this would be advising a Filipino student

organization or mentoring Filipino students in unrelated work to their jobs but sought out

because of the shared ethnicity with the student/s. On the other hand, “Overworked and

Underpaid” was often used while telling stories of committee work that their participation in was mainly for show and not to hear their voice.

Their Stories and Journeys into Higher Education Leadership

“Teaching, child, is the end of everything you know. You can go into any profession but the ultimate is you will teach it. Because if you can’t teach it, it’s useless. What will you do with it? Nothing. You just dream about your accomplishment, but if you teach it, you share your life.” -“Tita Esmeralda”

Research Question 1: Personal and Professional

Research Question 1 asked: What are the personal and professional challenges and facilitators that Filipino American women encounter to attain positions of leadership and institutions of higher education? After collecting all data and transcribing all interviews, the following codes and themes were selected based on more than half the participants sharing information on these areas. Figure 14 illustrates the themes that emerged from Research Question 1.

Figure 14 Themes from Coding Data: PERSONAL AND PROFESSIONAL * The participant did not directly address this area in the interview

Family Members with College Education.

All the participants were very open about sharing information regarding their families. One area that they shared in common across all stories was the value placed on education by each family. For nine out of ten of the participants, this came across from the example of one or both parents having a college education and/or being educators themselves.

“There were twelve of them: seven brothers and five women. All of them were teachers and principals. And so, on my dad’s side all the women were teachers. My mom’s mom, she was also a teacher and her dad went from custodian of a university to the President of the college. I wouldn’t have really believed this story, it’s almost too good to be true. So it’s [working in education] is in our blood.” -“Tita Inocencia”

“Tita Inocencia” was one of the participants who shared about different generations of her family history. The extent of her family working in education was very impressive: fifteen extended family members, her sister and her mother all worked in education in some form or another. She shared how her mother was a driving force for her sister and herself in continuing their education to both receive doctorates. In fact, it was her mother’s example of perseverance that inspired “Tita Inocencia” to leave higher education to start a language immersion charter school in her community.

“Tita Inocencia” and her family were not unique in having many teachers and educators. This is a common occurrence among Filipino families. However, “Tita

Fely’s” family history was quite different. She relayed how their family chose one

73 person to go to school and that person would be the one to help change the socioeconomic status of the family. For “Tita Fely” that person was her mother.

“[My mom] went to [this university] and got a bachelor’s degree in business or accounting. She was the first in her family who got an education. Not everyone in her family was able to do what she did mostly because they couldn’t afford to send seven kids to school. So my mom was that person.” -“Tita Fely”

She also shared how the fact that the family pulled their resources together to send the one child to school and college sent a message of the great value of education. This same message came down to “Tita Fely” in an unusual way. The story she told was how her parents had finally moved to the United States to “give their children a better life.” While she had older siblings that were born in the Philippines, “Tita Fely” was born and raised here in the United States. As a teenager in high school, she was more concerned with being on the cheerleading squad than concerned for her academics. When she was faced with the threat of not having enough credits to graduate, her mother finally intervened and made sure that she graduated by attending adult, night school to make up all her missing credits and then go to community college. The example of how hard “Tita

Fely’s” parents worked as a bookkeeper and janitor coupled with the message of the value of education was clear.

Hard work and perseverance seemed to follow the stories of having educated parents among the participants of this study. “Tita Dizon” shared how her maternal

74 grandfather began as a janitor at a college and worked his way up to becoming the

President of that same college.

“I grew up with educators around. My grandfather was the President of the school where my mom was teaching at, and them my grandma was like a home economics teacher; and then I have uncles who were also teachers, and all my aunt’s on my dad’s side were all teachers. So I think it’s ingrained [being a teacher] in my family.” -“Tita Dizon”

The legacy of educators in this family is clear: from the grandfather as a college president, to the mother as a professor and “Tita Dizon” a professor herself her in the

United States.

If the story of “Tita Dizon” sounds familiar to that of “Tita Esmeralda,” it is because three of the participants of this study are three generations of the same family of educators.

“My father was an educator. He started as a janitor of the college and worked his way all the way up to become the President of the college of Technology.” -“Tita Esmeralda”

Several of the participants had parents whose degree was an advanced degree as in a Master’s or Doctorate. The story of “Tita Jade’s” pathway to a position of leadership in higher education in the United States actually began with the advanced degrees that both her parents received allowing her to travel as the daughter of a foreign diplomat as a young woman.

“Although my parents are from the Province, they were educated in Manila and my father eventually got a Doctorate in International Relations and my mother was a high school English teacher with her Master’s degree.” -“Tita Jade”

Had her parents not continued their own education to receive advanced degrees, “Tita

Jade” would not have had the opportunities in her life that ultimately led her to pursuing her doctorate at a university in the United States. Another similar family who shared a similar economic background was that of “Tita Baby.” Her family was considered economically disadvantaged in the Philippines but found a way to earn their degrees.

“Education…the importance of education was there. I mean, even though we were from the province, my grandmother was a teacher, all my aunties were teachers, my mom has her Master’s degree, and my dad has his Doctorate.” -“Tita Baby”

All the participants who shared stories of their family members’ education and degrees seemed to be proud of the fact that they had such role models in their life. “Tita

Con’s” family legacy of educators also went from mother to grandmother.

“I consider it an area of privilege and not typical that both my parents had advanced degrees. My mother was an academic, and my grandmother also was an educator so we really have a strong tradition of higher education in my family. I think it never was an issue of me going to college…my mother just wanted me to choose something that I cared about, that I wanted to study.” -“Tita Con”

Though it was virtually unheard of for women of color to have received advanced degrees in the United States prior to the 1950s, the three participants that held the highest

76 positions of leadership were also the ones whose mothers and/or grandmothers earned their advanced degrees during this time of history. “Tita Dizon” was one of those. She shared that, “My mom actually went to grad school here; she was a Fulbright

Scholar…and studied linguistics and anthropology.” Her mother, who was also interviewed by this researcher, shared that this took place “during the time of Margaret

Mead.” This identification with the renowned anthropologist places “Tita Dizon’s” mother’s education roughly during the 1960s.

Even those who came as first generation immigrants attributed the value of education and their own pursuit of working in higher education to the influence of their families early on.

“I moved to the U.S. for graduate school… there was not a question of going or not [to college], it already was decided by my family. It was decided.” -“Tita Angeles”

In her story, “Tita Angeles” shared how when she was getting ready to apply for colleges, her parents asked her whether she was going to become a doctor or a lawyer. The fact that she was not allowed to choose seemed stereotypical to “Tita Angeles.” She considered her parents to be very progressive for Filipino parents and not as traditional.

She used her choice of college majors as an example of her parents’ flexibility. She said,

“My parents weren’t upset about my decision [to not become a doctor or lawyer], right? I was lucky that they were more progressive in that way. I was able to go into

Communications because I wanted to be a journalist at first. They were just glad that I

77 was going to college to get my degree.” Her story, while not typical, was an expression of the value of education placed on the participant because of her own parents’ education.

Strong Women Role Models.

Eight out of the ten participants directly referred to women, from their families or extended families, and in two cases included professional acquaintances, who became strong women role models for them. It may be important to note that the word “strong” can be ambiguous. In the case of these women, the word was used synonymously with words such as “grit,” or “resolute,” and “fortitude.”

“My grandmother would have come of age in the 20’s or 30’s. So, to get an advanced degree and marry interracially… she ended up getting disowned by her family for marrying a Filipino; you know the legacy of racism and she made decisions for love and for herself and even at the cost of her family. She was a powerful influencer on all the women (my cousins, my sister, my mother) and I think we women in the family see her as a kind of model for choices we made… we all became educators like she was.” -“Tita Con”

“Tita Con” shared that she recently told her mother “thank you” for making that hard life choices because it “freed her up to continue to pursue an administrative position at the university.” Often times, people who have been victimized by racism, internalize that racism. In other words, the outward oppressive act creates inward beliefs and attitudes that are self-defeating or collude with systemic racism (Bivens, 2005). The internalized racism was both on the part of the grandmother and on the family of the white grandmother who married the Filipino man: she was disowned for “not marrying up,” but

78 instead chose to marry a minoritized man. It was also internalized racism that the grandmother had to overcome in order to earn her advanced college degree later on in life. Even people of color who are considered to have strong self-esteem will deal with internalized racism throughout their life (Bivens, 2005). For many Filipino women this is exhibited in the struggle to be strong independent women versus humble and deferent to authority. By all accounts, “Tita Con” and her grandmother were successful and highly educated women. Nevertheless, “Tita Con” felt that had her grandmother not made decision to continue at the university, and been the stalwart example of a professional woman and mother, she would have never persevered through the tough times of a career in higher education.

“Tita Gigi” equated her mother’s influence and example to that of “feeling comfortable in one’s life decision.” Just like her mother, they started out in other fields and ended up as educators. She attributed her ability to feel good about becoming a college professor by watching her mother change careers to become and elementary school teacher.

“My mom was such an integral part of me becoming an educator…because she herself ended up becoming an elementary school teacher, and she was integral in me growing up and understanding the importance of education and feeling comfortable in that role.” -“Tita Gigi”

Most theories and writing on identity formation stem from the work of Erik Erikson

(1963). The importance of establishing one’s identity is that success in adult life often flows from a secure identity formed during adolescence. Role models can be an integral

79 part of that formation. For these ten women, having strong female role models helped them be confident enough to pursue these careers that placed them in positions leadership in higher education. Still, some of the participants felt that at times on this pathway, they were not free to be themselves.

“They had to put on this persona that was more [masculine], not to deny their womanhood, not to deny who they were as people, but to continue to go down that path and keep getting higher and higher and higher, they kind of had to put on this mantle of what people expect professional men to act like. And it was almost like putting on different hats simply to traverse that pathway.” -“Tita Inocencia”

In fact, “Tita Con” referred to it as a form of imposter syndrome. The mentality of “fake it until you make it,” in her eyes, is the very denial of her authentic self. A few of the women interviewed expressed the desire to get to a point in their career or at least a secure position where they could then become a role model for younger Filipino

American women. “Tita Dizon” uses her mother’s example as the goal to strive for.

“Wherever she goes, she takes on that role to make an effort to get to know everybody and their names. I don’t know how she does it and it was her background and her drive to really do the best that she can in everything. My mom was a significant push in my [own] level of education and she continues to be.” -“Tita Dizon”

In her interview, she refers to her mother as both her motivation and her inspiration.

“Tita Dizon” uses her mother’s example “as a measuring stick” by which to guide her direction. The example of her mother was so strong that, even retired, her mother continues to challenge her to do more.

As role models, the women did not always have to have worldly success, sometimes it was simply the grit and determination of her personality. “Tita Fely” shared a colorful story of how her mom’s determination changed the direction of her life when she was about to fail out of high school.

“One of my [high school] counselors took my mom into her office and told her, ‘your daughter might be better off going to a beauty school.’ And my mom said, ‘no. I did not come to the United States for my child to go to beauty school.’” -“Tita Fely”

After sharing her lived experience, “Tita Fely” described her mother as “beautiful and demure, but the strength and backbone of the family.” Being a strong woman role model does not necessarily mean being loud or having worldly accolades, it could simply be having the influence over family members encouraging them to be the best they can be.

Most of the women interviewed shared about women in the life, typically from their own families, who were strong role models for them that influenced their choices and ultimately their path to leadership roles in higher education.

Mentors.

Again, as seen in Figure 14, eight out of the ten participants directly mentioned the importance of mentors in their lived experience. For some, their reflections were on the lack of organized and intentional mentors and for others it was accidental or temporary mentors who helped propel them on their pathway to the positions they are in.

This may be one area that overlaps that of the “strong women role models.” Yet some of

81 the participants found themselves in times or places where there were no other Filipino women to look up to professionally.

“So when I started [over] forty years ago, there were no Filipino faculty role models really or anyone who could mentor me. So all my mentors were white males and [they] were very, very supportive and so, basically I got into higher ed. administration because of my activities in student affairs and with their direction.” -“Tita Jade”

The very nature of a mentor is to be a trusted advisor for someone. Yet through the lived experience of these women and he stories they shared in this study, there is a sort of paradox for Filipino women leaders in education and faculty women of color. On one hand do you seek a mentor for their ability to help propel you down the pathway of your career, or on the other hand do you seek a mentor because they their experience is one that you would like to follow? “Tita Con” struggled in some ways because she could do neither. She explained, “Not having a mentor was one of the biggest challenges.”

For those participants who found mentors along their pathway, it became an opportunity to practice the way they wanted to be once they became leaders in higher education.

“[This professor] she was my role model at the time because she was a female educator, she was smart and she was in a leadership role, and watching her and how she behaved and acted in the collegiate world was important to me and she was supportive and that was big help to me.” -“Tita Gigi”

“Tita Gigi” shared about starting her pathway to higher education in music. She said, “in every chamber group, symphony or orchestra, I was the only person of color and

82 sometimes the only woman.” When she made the transition to teaching in higher education and found a mentor who was a woman, it was easy to learn from her. “I watched how she interacted with others at the university.” When “Tita Gigi” became a professor at [this university], it was easy for her to think back on how her mentor behaved and acted in various situations. These were her lessons in leadership, this was her training in higher education leadership.

“Finding mentors, that’s important. My only concern with that is this idea of power and that certain persona that you have to portray for yourself to get to that leadership position…it is institutionalized. That’s one of the challenges. It’s difficult to find people who don’t have that persona. They are out there. But it is difficult.” -“Tita Dizon”

“Tita Dizon” shared a story about how when she was a new professor and she was going to set up for her first day of class of the new semester, another female instructor came in shortly after her and insisted that that classroom had been reserved for her. “Tita Dizon” even pulled up the information on her phone to confirm she was in the correct classroom.

The other instructor asked what class she teaching. It did not seem relevant to the conversation, but when “Tita Dizon” said her class was an education course on teaching

ESL students, she was dismissed by this white female professor with a wave of her hand and roll of the eyes. The patronization and dismissal of her subject matter was so offensive and direct “Tita Dizon” was frozen in disbelief. Being the young, new professor, she did not know what to do. She did not know she could go to her Department

Chair or Dean to talk about it. She simply deferred to the stronger personality that day. It

83 is an incident that even twenty years later, she remembers and tries to help new faculty women of color. She wants to help change the culture of the system. Rather than buying into the concepts of competition and individualism, she promotes the cultural value of collectivism with her mentees and junior faculty.

A few of the participants shared similar stories where their women colleagues were more competitive than the men. In some cases, the mentors that were found were white, male professors and administrators who taught these Filipino women what they knew about working and surviving in higher education in the United States. Considered adaptational behavior, these women would learn how to resolve their Filipino culture to that of the western view of self-promotion in order to continue on their upward mobility to higher education leadership positions.

“Tita Inocencia” was asked to come teach at [this university] specifically because she was Filipina and a woman of color. The university leadership had made it their goal to help hire and train more faculty that was representative of the ethnic makeup of its student population. Since [this university] had a high percentage of Filipinos, and “Tita

Inocencia” was known for her work in the Filipino community, had a PhD, and was a published researcher, she was asked to come teach at [this university].

“When I went to [that college] my advisors were Filipina and Asian and white women. Is that true for other universities? Probably not. But my mentors at [this college] were males… but they were pretty cool in that they basically said, ‘you can do it, you can. We’ll help you.’ They were actually the ones who said, ‘can you come teach for us? We need your perspective.’” -“Tita Inocencia”

Her story is not typical, at least among the ten women interviewed for this study. When the existing leadership sought out “Tita Inocencia,” there were many opportunities to learn from several mentors at the university.

In other cases where those lessons are not planned and intentional, the women had to seek lessons in leadership elsewhere. For “Tita Con” she found those lessons by attending leadership training seminars and conferences on her own time and at her own cost.

“I was kind of a ’leadership training junkie’ for a while because I was seeking direction and mentorship. One of the things I haven’t been successful at is really finding a mentor. My dean right now, I think she’s going to be the mentor I didn’t have earlier on. She looks out for me: opportunities, acknowledges my contributions publicly. I am learning to lead and still hold on to my authentic self and I think that is making me a better leader.” -“Tita Con”

“Tita Con” said that since the lack of having a mentor made her pathway to higher education leadership so long and demanding, that she is very much aware of the need for her to become mentors for the next generation of Filipino American women working at her university. “Since it was available to me, I want to be that for them,” she says of the young Filipinas at her school.

In the story that “Tita Gigi” shared, the Filipino community and the programs she participated in became the surrogate mentor she sought. She knew she had to change the landscape of her present in order to have a better landscape of her future. As a form of added value, she sought ways to increase her ability to succeed on this pathway. Some of

85 this began with first recognizing meaningful influences from her past before moving on.

“And with regard to mentors, I wanted to say that the Filipino community at that time, for me was a very big part of my life… influencing me and guiding me. In looking back, in retrospect, that role of mentor came from the [Filipino] community.” She grew up in a biracial home, so her involvement in Filipino groups (a Filipino Folk Dance group, and

Filipino performing arts group, a Filipino youth group and a Filipino symphony) gave her the organization that was lacking from any kind of formal leadership training. Other women, like “Tita Angeles” noticed that lack of formalized and organized leadership training.

“Expecting the [Filipino] community to be that… you know college, graduate school, educated but still seeing them not organized or have mentors, right?” -“Tita Angeles”

Several of the participants spoke about how other ethnic minority groups had intentional programs that trained their next generation in the ways of leadership. That organization and intentionality was not evident in the Filipino community. Mentors, when they came along in the lived experience of these ten women, at best was accidental.

Unrecognized Work and Service Work.

More than half of the participants directly mentioned that much of their work they do goes unrecognized and there is an unspoken expectation to do service work. In this study, “service work” refers to that unpaid work to help other Filipino students or other students of color who come to the Filipino American faculty member because of their

86 comfort level in approaching another person of color. Though some of the participants did not directly mention this area, they did allude to the fact of their workload and their consequent energy level after years of maintaining that level could take a toll on their health and mental health.

“There are only two other Filipino scholars at [this university]. I know, I’m sure, you’ve read all the studies about higher education, people of color, especially women of color, have so much more unpaid, unrecognized labor in terms of service work with students and also committee work.” -“Tita Angeles”

At her university, “Tita Angeles” is asked to be on committees simply because she is a woman of color. Her area of study and research is in international communication, but the fact she is a woman of color makes her desirable to be on many committees because of her ethnicity and gender. She also asserts, “I attend meeting after meeting, and feel like my opinion is not what is wanted just my attendance because I am a woman and a woman of color, right?” She even talked about how students asked her to be the advisor of the university’s Filipino club because she was only one of three Filipino faculty at the entire university. “I don’t mind it [being the advisor of the Filipino club] because the students run it on their own.” Still, it is one more unwritten job, and unrecognized work that is done.

Other women, through their lived experience, found that too much of this service work made them lose opportunities for their professional advancement.

“Coming up I the ranks, there was so much service that I was doing. My first reaction when people ask me to do things is always ‘Yes, I want to help.’ I was never strategic. I was always saying yes to either gain approval, to establish myself or because [of] that ethos of taking care of people, wanting to help, being useful, putting others first. Also, I tend to be deferential to people higher up because you know, universities are so hierarchical. I’m not going to say no to someone who is higher up in the hierarchy, and those are usually the people asking you to do things, right? It’s very hard for me to look at my Dean or an Associate Vice President and say, ‘I’m sorry, I don’t think I have time to do that.’” -“Tita Con”

“Tita Con” now mentors young Filipino American women who want to work in higer education and is very aware of the lessons she has learned. One of those lessons is to help them become aware of all the service work and expectations that are placed on faculty women of color and to help those same women become more strategic in their careers in higher education. While the service work often goes unrecognized, the women who do so much are also underestimated in the leadership roles they take on. “Tita Fely” is an administrator at her university and is often underestimated, not because of her lack of ability, but because “of the way she is perceived from others’ stereotypes of women and Pinays.”

“And often times my positionality as a Fil-Am woman or as a Pinay, is seen as not being able to accomplish the things that I have already accomplished. I feel like one of the biggest challenges, but it also became my strength was people underestimating me. I feel like I can safely say that I have been underestimated by a group of people. Most people who meet me underestimate me at first and then I think, ‘This is going to be fun.’ Ever since I can think of, I have been underestimated and although that has been a

challenge, it has been a means of rebellion to say, ‘fine, go ahead and underestimate me and we’ll see what happens.’ And I totally pull out all the charm and all the ways in which I have been able to survive and thrive and usually prove people wrong.” -“Tita Fely”

The worst story shared by any of the participants for unrecognized work, was one of overt racism and sexism. “Tita Con” was approached just before in her first year that she qualified for a sabbatical as a tenured professor by two other professors from a different college to help write a curriculum for diversity and equity training for professionals. She was told that she would be given a co-authorship and spent the entire year working on that curriculum. These two white men approached other women of color to write the curriculum: a move to gain credibility in a growing field of interest. She had not heard anything and ran into them at a conference and asked, “So did the curriculum we worked on get published?” Their response to her was, “there was no we.”

This began long legal battle that coincided with health and wellness issues.

“I think over the years, just managing racism, sexism, chronic stress; I think it’s taken a toll on my health.” -“Tita Con”

“Tita Fely” also had an experience of overt sexism that she shared. She was one year senior to her white, male colleague. The two of them had been asked to come speak to a local community about Race and Ethnicity curriculums in high schools. When they arrived, the Associate Superintendent continued to speak directly to her male counterpart.

When it came time to introduce them to the audience, the Associate Superintendent introduced the man as “Doctor so and so” then turned quickly to ask what “Tita Fely’s”

89 name was. Without waiting for an answer, the Associate Superintendent said, “…and

Doctor’s assistant.” She felt that much of that entire incident was because she often does not look like what others expect a scholar or professor to look like. “Tita Fely spoke at length about covert racism and sexism but warns others that overt racism and sexism still exist.

“[that] experience could be seen as a racial microaggression, it’s racism, its’ sexism… that microaggression was pretty macro, and it’s really important to consider that definitely doesn’t’ ‘just happen to me.’ I’m not insecure, and often times it’s still related to systematic racism, systematic sexism that imparts the way that people imagine what it means to be a scholar, a professor, what it means to look smart, to act smart.” -“Tita Fely”

Overworked and Underpaid.

This area has some overlap with the previous area (Unrecognized work and

Service work). However, there were enough different stories from the women interviewed to make the distinction between the two themes. “Overworked” often referred to their position in the college or university and the written expectations of their job coupled with the unwritten expectations of what they were asked to do as a person of color. “Underpaid” often included comparisons to their male counterparts and the inequity of salary.

“In academia, in terms of service, it is engendered a lot. Women tend to do more of the unpaid labor part or more of the ‘hidden labor.’” -“Tita Angeles”

In sharing some of her lived experience of working at several college and universities in the United States, “Tita Angeles” questioned whether it was her unconscious choice to do that work or whether it was ingrained in the culture of the institution. “I don’t think that it was just me wanting to help and not saying no so many times that now I have twice the amount of work as my male colleagues and don’t get paid for my work.” She goes on to suggest that years of allowing women to do all this unpaid work in academia has made it acceptable for administrators to just let it continue even if it is inequitable.

“Tita Gigi” questioned whether her advancement, or lack of advancement, in higher education was tied to the desire to keep her where she was because she was “doing so much good work with students of color.” In her interview, she asked these questions aloud.

“In [this group] I noticed that I kept getting passed over, even though I had a Doctorate and all the professional and community experience and the other two people didn’t. I was always getting passed over. And I was like, ‘Wow. This whole time? Is this because I am a woman? Is it because I’m Filipino? Is it because I am brown?’ But, of course, that’s not something you can ask someone.” -“Tita Gigi”

When asked why so many of the participants had a hard time saying “no” to this extra burden of their position, “Tita Dizon” explained that in her case she felt it came from the Filipino culture, “I’m just not doing enough [for Filipino Americans] and there is something about Filipino culture that is very, I don’t know, like I had to leave in order to come back and see how deferential to others we can be.”

“Tita Con” called that extra work done by people of color “cultural taxation.”

The fact that you are a person of color causes students of color and junior faculty of color to come looking for you and your perspective. After time and with many people, there is a tax on the person of color’s time and energy. Several of the participants alluded to that feeling of being taxed. “Tita Angeles” put it this way:

“One of the things that’s especially difficult for me, for faculty of color, is the additional labor we need to do, in mentoring students especially because they see you and they’re like, they want to talk to someone who looks like them, right? And we completely forget that it matters to them.” -“Tita Angeles”

“Tita Dizon,” felt that there was so much pressure to succeed, pressure to follow the “tenure path” in higher education; but by following that path, many are entering what she called a “rat race.” The race usually ends with many women of color left behind.

According to her it is because they have to do more, have more experience, and prove themselves more than those in the majority.

“So now, going back to [that idea] of ‘being left behind.’ I think if I had remained in that mentality of being, because I see people were in that ‘rat race’ and their health is compromised...you know, their health is compromised. I hate to mention it, but we had a faculty who was mid-40s and all of a sudden she passed away. [She] passed away? It was such a shock and, you know, people have physical conditions happening because of being overworked and there is a pattern there.” -“Tita Dizon”

For each woman interviewed in this study, there came a time in their careers as a result of its impact on their health where they had to reflect on the work in their careers

92 and what it meant to them. Finding meaning in their work meant satisfaction with their careers. For women like “Tita Con” it meant having the needed motivation to continue in a career in higher education.

“And I went to my first [leadership] academy and they handed out this poem called ‘To Be Of Use’ by Marge Piercy and that poem means so much to me because it’s about loving to be around people who work hard and for the benefit of others. One of the lines is about you’re an ox, essentially strapping yourself to that cart, you work beside people in the fields and you roll around in the muck and the mud; and it was perfect timing for me because I was feeling a little burned out. I was like ‘what’s the value of my job? I’m solving problems, doing reports, administrative meetings and meetings and meetings.’ And then I read that poem and I thought, ‘Ok. I do have value to the enterprise of higher ed.’” -“Tita Con”

For her, it was not so much the poem as it was the validation of the work that others asked her to do beyond the scope of her position, as well as taking on work expected of her as a faculty woman of color. She felt isolated at work. She felt alone in her field until she read this poem that resonated with her. The poem can be read in its entirety in Appendix I.

Research Question 2: Historical and Socio-cultural

Research question 2 asked: What role might historical events and socio-cultural factors have on Filipino American women to create opportunities and obstacles for working in leadership positions at colleges and universities in the present? While the

93 topic of immigration, especially when it involves personal stories, can be sensitive, none of the participants of this study hesitated in sharing the story of their and their family’s migration to the United States. It is evident through the shared lived experiences of these women that the era or wave of immigration that coincided with their arrival in the United

States had a significant impact on the pathway, opportunities and challenges they faced.

Even though this researcher created the five “waves” or “eras” that saw larger groups of Filipinos come to the United States, there was some skepticism about hearing familial accounts from all five of the time periods. The last two columns of Figure 11 show the generation of Filipino immigrant that each participant was, and the historical wave that affected her family’s entry into the United States. Figure 15 shows that all participants shared some part of their family’s story of immigration during their interviews.

Figure 15 Themes from Coding Data: HISTORICAL AND SOCIO-CULTURAL * The participant did not directly address this area in the interview.

This section will be arranged roughly according to the chronological sequence of the waves and through the stories of each of the participants who shared. Reference to specific historical events will only be mentioned if the participants shared it and it does not compromise their confidentiality of identity.

Waves, Stories of Immigration and Historical Events.

“Tita Con” - 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4th Waves.

While each participant’s story is as unique as the woman who told it, some of the stories had very unusual circumstances. “Tita Con’s” is one such story. Her family had several events of going back and forth between the Philippines and the United States. The first entry into the United States was during the 1st Wave by her maternal grandfather.

“My grandfather was an orphan from the Spanish American War and just hopped on a boat and worked on the coasts: like the Oregon coast, like in canneries and stuff. Then, [he] ended up getting adopted by a white couple and they ended up sending him to college at Berkeley. My grandmother came by way of her parents being in Ireland and they moved to Tracy, CA and then she went to Mills College. So my grandparents met her in school [Berkeley].” -“Tita Con”

This excerpt shows how one young man took advantage of the mass migration of

Filipinos after the Spanish American war when Filipinos were deemed “U.S. Nationals.”

As stated in the last column of Figure 8, one effect of this Wave on Filipinos (and on

“Tita Con’s” grandfather specifically) was the ease of coming to this country because of their legal status. According to the Immigrations and Naturalization Service (INS),

“Nationals” share in all the civil rights and protections of a citizen but cannot vote. Her grandfather would have been able to easily enter the country and find work during these years.

She tells the story of struggles during the years of anti-miscegenation laws in the

United States. The general American public frowned upon any mixed marriages, and her grandmother was also disowned by her family for marrying a Filipino man. This was indicative of living during the 2nd Wave. “Tita Con’s” grandparents moved back to the

Philippines to start a family in the 1930’s. Even though, by definition, a U.S. National is entitled to all the civil rights and protections that a citizen had, to be brown in America during this time would have been challenging at best.

“Tita Con’s” mother grew up biracial in the Philippines during WWII and after.

This occurred during the 3rd Wave. She was married in the Philippines but moved to

United States to raise her children. Her mother had dual citizenship from being born in the United States and being married to a Filipino. Her father was a U.S. National who had served the United States by fighting in the war. Though many Filipino WWII veterans benefits and immigration opportunities were taken away with the passage of the

Rescission Act of 1946 (Cabotaje, 1999), many Filipino veterans were allowed to come to fill unwanted jobs (i.e. in agriculture, or in canneries) or to fill jobs in great demand with professional training and education (i.e. teachers and nurses). Having degrees from

Berkeley, both “Tita Con’s” parents were professionals who were able to come back to the United States to work as educators.

The participant shared an interesting perspective that shaped her earliest memories of experiencing racism and discrimination. Growing up biracial in the

Philippines, her mother always thought the problem of “fitting in” was because she was half-white, and this was a significant worldview that helped her make the decision to move to the United States to raise her children. “Tita Con” explains, “It never occurred to her that the problem was being half-Filipino or looking Asian or having brown skin.” So, showing up as a young person of color in the United States during the 1960’s would have been interesting to say the least. The participant’s first memories of the United States occurred in the 4th wave.

“Tita Esmeralda” - 3rd and 4th Waves.

A colorful story flavored with her recollections of historical events, “Tita

Esmeralda’s” lived experience has a wealth of first-hand accounts of what brought many

Filipinos to the United States during the 1980’s. However, her story as a Filipino

American woman first begins in the early 1940s as a Fulbright scholar during the 3rd wave.

“Well, I came back to the United States. It was very easy for me because I was a Fulbrighter already. I went through the process [of coming to the U.S. and becoming a citizen] with my husband. It was supposed to wait for ten years but with me already as a Fulbrighter returning grantee, it was easy for me to get another Visa.” -“Tita Esmeralda”

Unlike many of the other participants, “Tita Esmeralda’s” family’s goal was not to come to the U.S. to work or become citizens. Her and husband had good jobs in the

Philippines: she as a college professor and he as a professional working for the government. However, historical events surrounding the dictator at the time, Ferdinand

Marcos, began to make life difficult for them in their professional and ultimately their personal lives.

“It was the time of Marcos. This was the 60s and 70s. I think I was supposed to defend my dissertation already, but all the professors left the Philippines to come to the U.S. and that was because of Marcos and ‘The Blue Lady.’ You know the ‘Blue Lady?’ The ‘Blue Lady’ is Imelda and members of professional ladies who belonged to the inner circle of Imelda Marcos. We were all escaping, we were afraid at the university, we had to shut our mouths; there was not much talking.” -“Tita Esmeralda”

“Tita Esmeralda” explains that she and her family stayed as long as they could. If it was at all possible, they did not want to disrupt the lives of their children by moving away to different country, but things only got worse.

“We were very afraid [because] of Renato Constantino, he was a writer against the government at that time, we were freedom fighters that were getting blacklisted. It could have been easy for all us to disappear, you know… we would write and you better not mention anything about the government, I guess.” -“Tita Esmeralda”

In the column suggesting possible effects of the 4th Wave on Filipino American women,

Figure 8 states “History/expectation of feeling able to advocate for self and others but self-deprecating behaviors hold her back.” This may be a description of “Tita

Esmeralda’s” life in the U.S. after she moved here with her family escaping the Marcos dictatorship. The two quotes above are just a small indication of “Tita Esmeralda’s”

98 awareness of the effects of political power on working individuals and the importance of freedom and when those freedoms are taken away. When she arrived in the United States, she worked as a secretary and a high school teacher.

“Tita Jade” - 4th Wave.

If “Tita Esmeralda’s” story was one that started in education and brought her face to face with politics, then “Tita Jade’s” story is the exact opposite where it started with politics and brought her face to face with the world of higher education. “Tita Jade” arrived in the United States in the 1960s with the sole purpose of earning her advanced degree.

“I had no intention of staying. I was supposed to be an international foreign student and actually had to go back to the Philippines, but I got married to a professor at [this university] and I stayed. I came to [this state] laterally and it was quite a shock when I learned about the situation of many Filipinos that didn’t seem right or fair. And so it was easy for me to start [this program] at [this university].” -“Tita Jade”

“Tita Jade’s” parents were both highly educated, she travelled the world as a young girl because her father was considered a diplomat representing the Philippine government. Because of her family’s background, it is no surprise that her work and education is in political science.

Arriving in the United States during the 60s for a political science major was a “dream come true” for “Tita Jade.”

“The 1965 Immigration Law was passed, and that brought along a lot of new immigrant Filipinos trickling into [this state].” -“Tita Jade”

She was among that group that came, first as a student, then as a naturalized citizen getting married. She was politically active working on [this state’s] Civil Rights

Commission, fighting anti-discrimination issues against Filipinos, and addressing the

Supreme Court three times regarding discrimination against women and girls in education. She was good friends with Patsy Mink, the major author of the Title IX law, the first woman of color to be elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, and the first

Asian American to run for President of the U.S.

“Patsy Mink happened to be my good friend, you know the whole gender Title IX non-discrimination against women…that the whole civil rights thing which we felt right about protesting for. So that’s the change, was when we were able to make the National Institutional Strategic Goals and Objectives say that ‘it was a proper mission of the university to do equal access.’” -“Tita Jade”

“Tita Jade’s” history places here, clearly, in the 4th wave. The short excerpts shared here confirm the “results on Filipino American community” as stated in Figure 8 for this wave. “Tita Jade” did engage in organized and strong political groups, even starting some of them in her own community. It is clear from “Tita Jade’s” story and her lived experience that she is not only well versed in the politics surrounding her community, but the wealth of knowledge and wisdom she brings to her educational institution is immense.

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“Tita Baby” - 4th and 5th Waves.

“Tita Baby’s” story places her in the United States as a teenager during the 80s and the 4th wave. She was the first to be interviewed to self-identify as 1.5 generation

Filipino American. Having arrived with her family old enough to remember life in the

Philippines but not completely feeling like she “fit in” as an American.

Her family, like a few of the other participants, left the Philippines because of the difficulties presenting themselves through the unfair treatment of academics by the

Marcos Regime. Though extended family members had already left after the non-violent deposition of Marcos, also known as “People Power,” “Tita Baby’s” family did not leave right away.

“On my dad’s side, they moved to the States right before ‘People Power’ broke out in the 1986 Revolution. I think he didn’t want to be seen contributing to the old regime so to speak and so my dad and papers weren’t necessarily ready for us. My dad was very idealistic in the sense that you know this is America and if you work hard you’re going to get what you put in, which really is not the case. We moved here before my mom moved because she was finishing her Master’s.” -“Tita Baby”

“Tita Baby’s” lived experience revolves around her identity and balance between her Filipino heritage and living here in the United States. The description under the column “Effect on Filipino Americans” for the 5th wave in Figure 8 is very close to that described in the stories shared by “Tita Baby.” Her work and research in academia, though scientific in nature, is rooted in social action and culturally relevant education.

“Tita Hizon” - 5th Wave.

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“Tita Hizon’s” story in the United States begins as an adult woman with her sister in the 1990s. The story she shared was, by far, the shortest, but she eluded to an independence that she and her sister exhibited, namely two young women coming to the

United States to finish their degrees and become educators. This is indicative of the 5th wave as described in Figure 8, “Immigration in the Age of ‘Pinoy Pride’; Identity and success beyond [socioeconomic status].”

“I came to study at [this university] on a teaching assistantship. My younger sister followed me…to study at [that college]. She supplemented our financial resources by working in [a] school.” -“Tita Baby”

“Tita Baby’s” story, though short, was peppered with very clear advice about being intentional in seeking a goal, being prepared and working hard. She credits her pathway to her own preparation and hard work.

“Tita Fely” - 5th Wave.

“Tita Fely’s” lived experience is the one that most closely reflects the description of the 5th wave in Figure 8. Her parents came to the United States and worked as a bookkeeper and a janitor. She was the only participant interviewed to self-identify as a second generation Filipino American.

“I come from a family of immigrants for the Philippines. My mom came here as a professional. Because of the Immigration Reform Act of 1965, she was able to come over here…they experienced a lot of discrimination and had a very difficult time getting settled, getting a place to live. They struggled quite a bit. Coming her to the United States, I think people from the Philippines in many ways were recruited to come here and imagined a better life,

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imagined all the things that filed up the ‘American Dream’ whatever that means.” -“Tita Fely”

“Tita Fely’s” experience could have sent her down a different path had it not been for the intervention of her mother and the inspiration and education of a community college professor. Figure 8, in the last column, describes the possible connection to the subject group of Filipino American women that “she now struggles in education and often drops out of college in favor of working non-professional jobs.” In the case of

“Tita Fely,” she was a senior in high school when a school counselor told her and her mom that “she did not have enough credits to graduate from high school and she might do better going to a beauty school.” As a result of the intervention of her mother, and working hard at night school to get her credits to graduate, “Tita Fely” ultimately finished her education with a PhD. She considers hers a “rebellious path” of constantly proving people wrong about their perception of her.

Socio-cultural Factors.

In addition to the historical factors bringing these women to the United States to work in higher education, there were socio-cultural factors shared in their lived experience that were both challenges and facilitators on the pathway to their positions in higher education. The three that stood out were: deference to people in power or positions of authority, the double standard for women professionals, and the dissonance between

East, West and Filipino values and mores.

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Having deference is not a bad thing. Humility and respect are an integral part of many cultures. In the Filipino language, this is evident when a younger person or person of lesser authority ends their sentence with the honorific Tagalog word “po.” It is akin to an American saying “Yes ma’am” at the end of a sentence.

“And that whole deference to people in power. I would say insert your own voice, it’s hard, right? It’s really hard because we’re so used to the “po, po” right? So, we have to get out of that, and to not be so deferential. Being respectful to those with experience, those who are older than you, those who are above you, right? But at the same time not to diminish your own voice because, again, we’re so trained to do that in our culture.” -“Tita Angeles”

It becomes a problem for some women on the pathway to positions of leadership when they can’t say “no” or stand up for their beliefs in a disagreement. For some of the participants, they came to terms with this by reframing the perspective as not deference to power or self-deprecating behavior, but “seeing the good side of it” as a nurturing quality or selflessness.

“I was a good teacher, but not a great teacher; I was a decent researcher, but can never really sustain a research program and be funded and be successful; but I was very good at service, very good at facilitating other people (students and faculty and my colleagues) to meet their goals.” -“Tita Con”

It was interesting, but not surprising to hear about the double standard for women professionals within the Filipino community today. Interesting because there is growing intrigue in the history of the indigenous Filipino culture that shows evidence of women’s

104 place in society being far more commensurate than previously thought or even against the patriarchal values of Colonial Spain.

“Tita Inocencia” holds a PhD, left higher education to start a language immersion charter school, and has multiple community accolades for her work. Still, she experienced that double standard on a weekly basis by her mother and mother-in-law

(both of whom have advanced college degrees) while she was finishing her doctorate.

The calls would sometimes come during her doctoral classes with messages asking who was feeding the kids. “Tita Inocencia” started her doctorate once her children were no longer infants and each weekend of class, her husband was home with their children.

“Do you see what I mean? So it isn’t even the outside factors, oh it’s the fact that I am Filipina and first generation and that ‘I should know better’ and my elders are expecting me to know better in terms of how to do my role as a Filipina mother. As if no one else in my household can feed my kids but me, the mom…but by golly gee, that was still out there as the expectation; which was really ironic that you would think my mom [who] was in higher ed. would say ‘yeah, go for it.’ But there’s always this guilt trip as a woman and as a mother that if you’re really, genuinely Filipina you would do this, this and this also for your family. What’s really intriguing is that a woman as educated as my mom would still have a double standard like that.” -“Tita Inocencia”

“Tita Inocencia’s” story is interesting and not surprising. Interesting because all the participants of this study can name strong women in their lives who were role models for

105 their future success, but not surprising because of the overt issues of sexism that still exist in this country compounded more so for women of color.

The clash of cultures is a shared experience of many people who visit or move to a new country. The dissonance between East, West and Filipino values and mores was experienced by all of the participants. For some it began with what it means to be

Filipino American.

“We are so mixed and diverse. We have the most highly educated and the least educated, and yet we get lumped together… all Asians get lumped together and there are so many perspectives.” -“Tita Angeles”

With so many definitions and so many perspectives, it can be difficult to have a solid definition of what it means to be Filipino American. For “Tita Fely” this was also compounded by the fact that she was born and raised here in the United States while her parents still held on the traditional values of their Filipino upbringing. She said, “There was a lot of generational conflict. A lot of misunderstandings. And a lot of confusion about my identity.”

The effects of this came personally in the search for their identity, or professionally on their pathway to positions in higher education. “Tita Gigi” experienced this professionally when one of her superiors was a first generation Filipina and had expected her, even as a third generation Filipina, to understand the cultural traditions and behaviors she had not grown up with.

“One thing I noticed culturally in [that group] was that it was more about listening rather than speaking out, right?

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And that Caucasian side is more about speaking your mind and everything and because of this I have a hard time ‘categorizing’ when I should say this or when I should not. And what’s interesting is because of that I play it safe and don’t say anything even when I hear something I don’t agree with or Om’ asked to do something and can’t say ‘No’ that’s just how you feel… Bahala na, whatever.” -“Tita Gigi”

Research Question 3: Toward the Development of a new Critical Theory

Research Question 3 asked: How can the study of historical literature and the lived experience interview findings contribute to the development of Filipino Critical

Race theory (FlipCRiT)? This section focuses on those areas or issues revealed through the lived experience of the participants of this study that might be useful to address for the Filipino American community as a whole and in relation to other groups in the United

States. Those areas or topics highlighted by the women’s lived experience are: having a greater representation of the Filipino American demographic in various fields and platforms, learning to use your voice and having a stronger voice for the benefit of self and community; organizing the Filipino community, and developing future leaders among young Filipino Americans. While these are a few issues that surfaced after interviewing these ten women, it is by no means a complete list of what could or should be included in the development of FlipCRiT. Figure 16 illustrates the themes that emerged.

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Figure 16 Themes from coding Data: Toward the Development of FlipCRiT *The participant did not directly address this area in the interview.

Seven out of the ten participants mentioned the need for more representation of

Filipino Americans and Filipino American women in their stories. Eight of the ten spoke about either the feeling of not having a voice or the importance of giving the tools to have your voice heard to the next generation of Filipino American Leaders. Six out of the ten referred to the importance of organizing the community or the lack of organization of

Filipino American communities. All but one of the participants talked about the need to develop future leaders among Filipino Americans.

Representing the Demographic (aka identifying as a “Filipino and

American and a woman” and what that means).

Having a greater representation of the Filipino American demographic in various fields and platforms was not simply part of a “wish-list” there are statistics that show the

108 low numbers of Filipino Americans represented in positions of leadership across fields even in communities that have a high concentration of Filipino citizens. “Tita Angeles” sees this first hand at her university,

“Filipinos are severely underrepresented at [this university] and that’s one of the areas I work on. We’re 23% in public schools and we’re less than 10% at [this university] and we’re less than 2% on the faulty.” -“Tita Angeles”

By having a disproportionate amount of students of color to faculty of color ratio, it places a greater burden on those faculty to serve the students of their demographic. This is true not only for the Filipino community but for many ethnic minorities as well. “Tita

Con” expresses this burden in her explanation of cultural taxation.

“Cultural taxation is an issue that I’ve been thinking about a lot. Because there are so few of us, there’s a greater need. And there are so many Filipina students, or a Latina students or other students of color that relate to use because of so many of the common cultural roots we have. That’s why it’s important to increase the cultural representation and diversity in the faculty ranks... because of that cultural taxation that we pay.” -“Tita Con”

She talked about having a line of students waiting to see her during her office hours, and her colleagues who were not faculty of color would ask why she had a line and they did not. Even those faculty who know the concept of cultural taxation, they do not fully understand the health, energy, time burdens placed on those who are subjected to that taxation. She spoke about well-meaning colleagues who would advise her to just close

109 her door, but she would think of those students who would say that they didn’t think they could be successful until they met someone who looked like them, until they met her.

“[How could I] close my door and say I’m going to do my research now? You just keep the door open and that taxation catches up with you twenty years later.” -“Tita Con”

It seems logical that if there were more people to share the load, the load would become lighter. According to “Tita Con,” when administrative conversations turn toward faculty of color retention, this topic needs to happen.

“I am glad I’m here and I’m glad I’m in my position, because if I wasn’t in my position, then who would have those conversations? So I feel privileged to have enough power and authority to raise those questions… to make sure that a Vice President knows what cultural taxation is and how it impacts our junior faculty. Who else is going to raise that topic? Without people like ma and like you, high enough in the hierarchy, then those discussion are not had. And I feel kind of fortunate that even though it was kind of hard getting there, but I am in a position to make a difference by talking about these things openly.” -“Tita Con”

Their Voice.

Eight out of the ten participants brought up the need to have their voice heard or to train young Filipino American women to have their voice heard. The fact that they were asked to participate in this study, gave some of the participants their first platform at being heard. “Tita Con,” though she was one of the higher-ranking women of the group, expressed the greatest gratitude and interest in having her voice heard and hearing the voices of the other women as well.

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“I feel honored that you feel my voice and the voices of the other women who are having a similar journey or trajectories are worth studying or compiling.” -“Tita Con”

The topic of whether not having a voice was a cultural or gender issue and the consensus was that for Filipino American women leaders in higher education it is both.

Though some of the shared lived experiences tended to revolve around one identity or the other and specific incidences, both were still relevant to the women’s stories.

“I think the challenge is, I think being a woman … we often don’t allow ourselves to have a voice. It is not healthy. Yeah, I can be a great advocate for others, but not for myself. I think that’s gendered. I mean women are better in general; not to put myself in a box, but women are really better at negotiating for other people.” -“Tita Angeles”

Many of the women expressed the fear to speak up at certain times in their journey because of the threat that it might be detrimental to their upward mobility. Speaking out at the wrong time equates to a loss of opportunity. “Tita Gigi” talked about changing that perspective systematically, institutionally. “We have to get out of that and remember that we have a place at the table, we have a voice, we belong here.”

Organization of the Community.

Six out of the ten participants spoke directly about the need to organize the

Filipino community. The history shows that there were moments that were few and far between that could have been the beginnings of the organizing the Filipino community but they were either buried or lost to history. “Tita Inocencia” suggested that culturally

111 this came from the being a community of islands where people were geographically separated and had to learn to fend for themselves and look out for their own.

“The new census is coming out and it has some really big numbers on the Filipino community. And it’s like something’s not clicking that we don’t have a single Filipino senator or Representative. There’s something there that we still have to learn and I think it has something to do with us being Island Folks: over 7,000 islands as opposed to like one big geographical [area]. I don’t know … why we tend to exist in our silos and not organized enough to support each other and to care for one another and to say who we are in the context of being citizens of the United States.” -“Tita Inocencia”

This is not to say that the Filipino community is uninviting or disagreeable, on the contrary Filipinos are often described as welcoming and pleasant. This characteristic may be related to the fact that, coming from a country made up of so many islands that separate the people physically as well as by dialects and traditions; Filipinos have learned to be accepting of traditions, languages and people from themselves. This becomes relevant to this study because, for example, Tagalog is considered the present official spoken language of the Philippines; however, many Filipinos do not speak Tagalog.

When these groups arrive in the United States for school or work, they may already be separating themselves by language barriers based on the dialects they speak even though they all identify as Filipino. In addition to geographic distances, dialect differences may have some bearing on the phenomenon being studied here.

In the realm of higher education, lessons can be learned from other ethnic minority groups that have had success intentionally organizing their communities.

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Historically speaking, other ethnic groups have organized themselves better than

Filipinos: African Americans, Latinx community, Chinese Americans to name a few.

“There are faculty who are [African American] faculty who are mentoring young [African American] faculty, and Chicano faculty who are mentoring young Chicano faculty. They have programs, trainings and academies. They are organized. There are a lot of older Asian faculty, but they are not mentoring the younger faculty in that way.” -“Tita Angeles”

In sharing the stories of their pathway to the positions that they were in, all ten women shared stories of the engaged with the families and /or Filipino communities that gave them the sense of belonging to this group. “Tita Gigi” spoke at length about being involved in several community-based groups (a Filipino dance group, and Filipino youth group, and a Filipino musical performing group).

“I would continue with [that kind of] community support, it gives you a boost to continue doing what you want. I would continue with programs that go into the community and educate the young about their Filipino heritage, teaching the culture and the history. But it needs to move beyond that and be more intentional.” -“Tita Gigi

She spoke about how she just recently learned about the Filipinos role in helping Cesar

Chavez start the United Farm Workers movement and expressed sadness that it is hidden story of history. She felt that it was hidden because the Filipino community is not as organized and vocal as the Chicanx community is.

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Development of Future Leaders.

Nine of the ten participants mentioned the need for some kind of leadership development. For some, that need was brought up through the lack of such training in their own lived experience; for others it was overtly mentioned as the desire to increase the numbers of future Filipino American women leaders in higher education. “Tita Jade” suggests that it is not only in the interest of the Filipino community, but it will also help make the country better.

“We’re so underrepresented…so I see education, politics, media, the culture and the arts: we have to make a dent in each of these areas. Well, we have to make sure that the children get educated, have access to higher education and become our scientists, and out leaders. So to me, it’s sort of self-serving, and to everyone’s self-interest, to really reach out and try and include people because that’s the reality. Diversity is the reality. What we have to do is include that diversity.” -“Tita Jade”

“Tita Jade” comes from the world of politics and civic service. The perspective she brings to education is one that is practical and full of action. Her story is one that motivates others into action. In fact, in comparing stories and themes, this is the one theme that has a lot of overlap with that of helping Filipino American women leaders have a voice. It is not just creating the opportunities; it is also learning what to do when the opportunities present themselves. Sometimes, as “Tita Fely” shared, that comes by simply giving support to other Filipina American scholars who are on the same path.

“I think as Pinays we need to make sure that we support other Pinays. That’s basically the meaning behind

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Pinayism; and when we’re talking about higher education, it’s one of the hardest things to navigate as a faculty member. So, I think it’s our responsibility, for us who are faculty in higher ed. that are Filipina, that we need to support all the Pinays who are out there.” -“Tita Fely”

Whereas “Tita Fely” brought up supporting each other, “Tita Hizon” talks about the importance of preparing yourself as best you can by studying and working hard. There has to be a balance between relying on others and being self-reliant.

“For someone to compete and succeed in any position, one has to make sure you prepare yourself by getting all the experience and knowledge needed for that position. One has to study diligently the demands of the job, reflect on one’s disposition and qualifications to prepare and make sure you’re ready for it. Once you get the position, stay current in whatever knowledge is relevant to the position. It is also important to examine how one works with others (persons in authority and colleagues).” -“Tita Hizon”

The question of how to do that, then, arises. To start, it can begin with the learning the life lessons of other who have gone before us like these ten Filipino American women who have worked at institutions of higher education in the United States. “Tita Angeles” says that it beings with “organizing and figuring specific ways to overcome the perspectives of others, you know? Like the way that I present, the way that I speak.”

While these ten women are speaking directly from their own lived experience, sharing their challenges may help a future Filipino American woman avoid that same challenge.

Recognizing their value and wisdom of their voice, they strive to inform the landscape in which they are working. By sharing their challenges, they ensure that Filipino American

115 women know of threats to their identity and their cultural wealth. By sharing their successes, future leaders may imitate what worked and continue on their own path to higher education leadership.

In Relation to the Theoretical Frameworks

All the critical theories stem from the perspective of who has been excluded from society and how that happened, but then seeks to create opportunities for inclusion for the groups that are studied. The theoretical frameworks that were used in this study were

Critical Race theory (CRT), Feminist Critical Theory (FemCrit), Latino/a/x Critical Race

Figure 17 Theoretical Frameworks * The participant’s shared lived experience did not reflect An association with this critical theory

Theory (LatCrit) and Asian Critical Race Theory (AsianCrit). These were chosen because the participants, being Filipino American women, are at the intersection of all four of these critical theories. These critical theories can be heard in the stories shared by the ten

116 women interviewed for this study. Figure 17 shows which of the critical theories were highlighted in the interviews of the participants.

Critical Race Theory (CRT) was highlighted in half of the interviews. “Tita

Angeles” expressed her concern as a faculty of color and the feeling of being excluded:

“With regards to diversity in the universities and feeling [excluded]…plus the things that are happening now in the nation at the moment, right? And the push back is there. But I will say that [this university] was the first place that I was put in a box in that way, in terms of race.”

Never having experienced that discrimination, she calls push back, “Tita Angeles” calls out the feeling of exclusion.

This lens is important because there will always be a new immigrant group in the

United States. This is what this country was founded on, the ability to come to his place and create a new life regardless of race, religion or creed. That is the ideal, though history shows that the United States has treated its immigrant and minority groups badly.

For Filipino American women, the lens of Feminist Critical Theory (FemCrit) is a vital layer to investigate how to create smoother pathways for careers in higher education.

Feminism is defined by hooks as “a movement to end sexism, sexist exploitation, and oppression.” (16-17, hooks) It is this oppression, because of gender, that is applicable to the lived experiences of the ten women interviewed for this study. This was such a strong lens, that one of the themes that emerged was “strong women role models.” In most

117 cases, this was the mother or grandmother who sacrificed or made life choices as an example for the woman in this study.

“Mom had her own set of hardships, but chose her education over what would have been a fairly oppressive marriage. And she always felt guilty about that, but as an adult I’ve told her that that was what freed me to follow my own needs.” -“Tita Con”

By virtue of her identity as a Filipino and a woman, her experience situates her between her ethnicity and her gender. How these are perceived and reactions from both the dominant majority and other ministry groups can help the Filipino American women create strategies to succeed as a leader in higher education.

The shared history of Spanish colonization of Filipinos and Latina/o/x peoples situates a common cultural background that they can relate to. This includes some of the ways that the two communities have lived and survived in this country: strong family ties, work ethic, religion, and gender roles. While they may not be equitable, these cultural mores established expectations that helped the members in these ethnic communities come together. These “strategies” of surviving tend to be the same ones that help keep both Latina/o/x and Filipinos in states of oppression.

“I looked more Spanish than Filipino and this was my first experience in being discriminated against. I didn’t fit with the Filipinos. But I didn’t speak Spanish so I didn’t fit with the Mexicans.” -“Tita baby”

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In avoiding the feeling of not fitting in, some Filipino Americans never learned their own cultural heritage and history. “Tita Fely” tells the story of how she finally began to learn about Filipino American history only in college.

“A Chicano studies professor and big dude was kind of scary but he got my attention in that class and I started listening. He was talking about this thing called racism and I started learning about other things like imperialism, colonialism, and racism. And he handed me this green book and he said, ‘you know, like this is about your people’s story.’ The book was called America is in the Heart.” -“Tita Fely”

“Tita Fely” had a professor in college that saw her own need for understanding and shared what some consider to be the seminal work of Filipino American literature and history: American is in the Heart by Ramon Bulosan. She shared that he explained the importance of “knowing her people’s story.” He often spoke of his own cultural and ethnic heritage in a class that dealt with the oppression of all people of color. LatCrit is relevant in understanding the Filipino American woman’s experience because of the shared history of the two cultures.

Asian Critical Race Theory (AsianCrit) is also a relevant lens to use when analyzing the stories of the ten women. The stereotype of the Asian in America is that of the quiet or tame minority. “AsianCrit seeks to transcend invisibility by constructing a collective Asian American historical narrative.” (p.133, Solorzano, 1998) Figure 17 shows that this lens was the most applicable to the stories shared by the participants of this study.

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“The census projections are already out and Filipinos are finally getting their statistics apart from Asians, but we will see if this ends up being a good thing or not. We have been lumped together with all other Asians for so long, we [Filipinos] may not know how to act Filipino, or think Filipino, or be Filipino anymore.” -“Tita Inocencia”

Even if this is a shared perspective, there are still many similar cultural behaviors and expectations between Filipinos and those from mainland Asian countries. As such, many of the tenets of AsianCrit are still relevant to Filipino American. For Filipino

American women in higher education leadership roles, understanding the tenets of

AsianCrit might help enlighten some of the tension that exists in those roles.

One of the goals of this study was to show the need for the development of

Filipino Critical Race Theory (FlipCRiT). The other theories used in this study (as seen in Figure 10) contend that they be defined by a fixed set of characteristics (Delgado and

Stefancic, 2002; Solorzano, 1998). The researcher of this study asserts that FlipCRiT needs to be founded in an Anti-Racial Existentialist perspective. First, “essentialism” asserts that all things are created with a fixed “essence” or way that defines them.

Second, “race” is a socially constructed idea. This means that the society in which a group lives defines what race and racism are when they otherwise would not even exist

(Museus, 2013). Lastly, existential thought asserts that existence comes before essence.

In other words, people can exist without having any preconceived ideas about the meaning or “essence” of their life. So at first glance, the description of this perspective

(anti-racist existentialism) may seem like an oxymoron: connecting two words that have

120 opposing meanings. In the case of FlipCRiT, Filipino Americans can define themselves and exist based on their dreams and goals and their ability and to get there. Their lived experience does not need to be defined by the color of their skin or in their interaction with the dominant culture. This could be thought of in terms of cultural resistance, or resistance theory. This is the practice of contesting or fighting against a dominant power to create a different vision of the world (Duncombe, 2002). As Filipinos seek to define what it means to be a Filipino, that just might change the landscape of what it means to be a citizen in this country.

In Chapter 2, the literature on the four critical theories chosen for this study were described. Figure 10 showed a comparison of these four critical theories with the tenets described by the leading experts of those theories. The last column of the chart was left blank to show the need for the development of Filipino Critical Race Theory (FlipCRiT).

After gathering the data from these women and studying their lived experience in light of

CRT, FemCrit, LatCrit and AsianCrit, this researcher suggests the following seven tenets as a starting point for the development of FlipCRiT:

 SOCIETAL MORES -Balance between West-East expectations of behavior/identity  HISTORICAL –Buried and/or Forgotten history in the U.S.  OPPRESSION – Non-confrontational; Deference to Authority and Power  INTERSECTIONALITY- at the intersection of LatCrit and AsianCrit because of History (Spanish colonialism) and Geography (near Asia)  CHARACTERISTICS OF GROUP – Collaborative; Fulfill Self Role within that of the larger group; Experiential based  SPECIFIC ISSUES AFFECTING GROUP – Lack of formal organization within the Filipino community; Lack of representation in U.S. in other fields and leadership (politics, education)  KNOWLEDGE – Experiential; Relational; Anecdotal

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Figure 18 adds a new column to the previous comparison chart of the Critical theories (Fig. 10). Following the work of other critical theories, such as FemCrit,

AsianCrit and LatCrit, Filipino Critical Race Theory is highlighted in the last column.

The seven tenets proposed here can be seen in Figure 18.

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Figure 18 Critical Theories Comparison Chart with Filipino Critical Race Theory (FlipCRiT)

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Chapter 4 Summary

Conducting a phenomenological study based on the lived experiences of a small group was challenging for this researcher in making every attempt to report the lived experiences of the participants of the study without distorting the findings or the meanings from the perspectives of the women (Qutoshi, 2018). For this group of women, it consisted of their personal history and their professional journey. The two in combination gave colorful descriptions of how these ten women found themselves in positions of leadership at institutions of higher education. The primary aim of this type of phenomenological study that focuses on lived experience of its participants is to describe rather than explain. Because of this, the researcher engaged in ongoing bracketing that was color-coded and the researcher often referred back to the transcriptions of the women’s interviews as well as the notes while collecting data. While eight of the ten women held positions of professor to dean, “Tita Fely” and “Tita Jade” were the only ones who held executive/administrative level positions at their respective universities.

Still, they shared in common some of the same challenges and facilitators to their positions in higher education. Chapter 5 presents my conclusions and future directions for the next generation of Filipino American women in higher education leadership.

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CHAPTER 5 IMPLICATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Introduction

The goal of this study was to share the lived experiences of several women who have reached leadership positions at institutions of higher education in the United States.

This study addressed the research questions in the own words of each of the participants that created a unique story blending history, culture and the world of higher education.

While many research methodologies focus on the experiences of students of color in colleges and universities, there is much value in hearing the lived experiences of women who have reached some of the highest positions at these same institutions. The focus of this type of research is to gain a deeper understanding of the phenomena embedded within the views and perspectives of the participants (Qutoshi, 2018). Therefore, instead of investigating already set constructs imposed onto the lives of the participants, this study allowed the shared truths of the lived experiences of these ten women to float to the surface through their stories. These shared and common themes were unique to this group being study and may not be indicative of an entire group of people. The phenomenon of how there are so few Filipino American women holding leadership positions in higher education was elucidated through these emergent themes from the stories of these amazing ten women. Chapter 5 sets the findings of this study in the critical theories from the research literature and explores the implications for future studies of the data presented in Chapter 4.

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Significant to the implication and recommendations for future action is the reiteration of how select and few the participants of this study represent. By being so scarce, members of this group may be considered the first to have achieved their leadership positions at the universities and colleges they were or are employed in. These

“firsts” have no women before them to model their choices and development after. These are the women who are forging the very pathways they are traversing and are torchbearers imparting the knowledge of their life experiences and inspiring others

(Turner, 2007). By being the first in their gender or ethnicity, these women are changing the landscape of the field of education. The cultural wealth and history they bring inform the landscape and will forever be changed by their very presence in the field’s leadership.

Additionally, the purpose of this study was to explore the beginnings of what could become Filipino Critical Race Theory (FlipCRiT). By being intentional with this goal, this study considers implications from the stories of the participants to develop further insights that can help Filipino Americans.

Findings

This study sought to answer the following research questions:

1. What are the personal and professional challenges and facilitators that

Filipino American women encounter to attain positions of leadership at

institutions of higher education?

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2. What role might historical events and socio-cultural factors have on Filipino

American women to create opportunities and obstacles for working in

leadership positions at colleges and universities in the present?

3. How can the study of historical literature and the lived experience interview

findings contribute to the development of Filipino Critical Race Theory

(FlipCRiT)?

Participant’s Lived Experience

As I interviewed each of the women, it became increasingly clear that while their lived experiences addressed the research questions that were put forth, there was difficulty in making clear and direct connections between their own family histories and its influence on their lives. The insinuation was there. The stories of their family’s histories were there. But the direct connection between the histories and their professional pathway into higher education was not always made. This was contrary to the expectations of the researcher. It was hoped that the phenomenology might make clear the association between the Filipino American women leaders’ pathways and choices, and their family’s history and culture. The researcher had assumed and hypothesized that the history and culture of the families would stand out as a significant factor in the trajectory of these women’s lives and professional pathways. However, the data showed that they knew of their family’s history and in various ways accepted their cultural identity, but the professional pathways they choose were interconnected between

127 so many lived experiences that singling out just one or two influencers proved difficult to draw out from a one-hour, initial interview. Halfway into the interview with “Tita

Inocencia,” she told me, “And whether you are Filipino of whether you’re a woman or not, I think at the end of the day we are all seeking and looking for meaning.”

Answering research questions 1 and 2 were the bulk of the stories shared by the participants of this study. The first research question focused on the personal and professional experiences that they travelled on their pathway to the positions of leadership they held at their institutions of higher education. These stories tended to be anecdotal and littered with lessons learned that they wanted to impart to future Filipino

American women on the same professional trajectory. The second research questions focused on their family’s history and cultural contributions to their own identity. These stories tended to be about how they or their family came to the United States.

Each participant’s lived experience revealed the interconnectedness between self a family, education and profession, history and culture. Some critical race theorists describe the influence of race and culture as being “socially constructed” and therefore one’s self-defined identity is arbitrary (Hutchinson, 2002; Prizant, 2003). The phenomenological research lens allowed the “voice” of the women to come through each of their stories, arbitrary or not. Their lived experience was the most valuable data for understanding the phenomenon of so few Filipino American women in higher education leadership.

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The findings in this study revealed that participants’ lived experiences on their pathway to positions of leadership in higher education included both positive and negative events: “challenges” referring to the more negative events, and “facilitators” referring to the more positive events. Both challenges and facilitators were motivators for moving on in their careers. Some of the themes that emerged were both challenges and facilitators at the same time. For example, the difficulty in finding female mentors was a challenge, but having any mentor that helped a person on their pathway to a particular position was a facilitator. The overlap of themes in this way was common throughout the study. Common challenges among the participants were unrecognized work, unpaid service work to students of color, being overworked and under paid.

Common facilitators were having family members with college degrees and having strong women role models.

The challenges faced by the participants stemmed from the fact that they were one of the few and sometimes the only Filipino faculty or faculty of color at their institution.

This created situations where they would be expected to represent faculty of color or serve students of color even beyond the scope of their job descriptions. “Tita Con” called the strain and burden of serving beyond the scope of their job “cultural taxation.” Though all the participants did not refer to this burden of extra work as cultural taxation, their descriptions of that unrecognized and unpaid service work was the same.

The most common facilitator that helped the participants along the pathway to their positions was having family members with a college education. In many cases,

129 these were parents with advanced degrees. This facilitator was followed closely by having strong female role models. The multigenerational stories of women in families were a common theme among the shared lived experiences.

The fact that the majority of the participants of this study had family members with a college education may stand out as being unusual and not typical of the average

Filipino American college student. However, it is a well-studied phenomenon that parents’ education and the social capital students bring to college often predict the success of students at college and beyond. For Filipino American women to have attained positions of leadership at any four year institutions of higher learning, they will have had to attend and be successful at college on their early pathway to higher education leadership. The common theme of family members with a college education for the participants of this study then, is not surprising.

It was interesting to the researcher to note that even when the women interviewed were not well versed in the history of Filipino Americans, they did know the story of how their families came to United States and the historical period in which that occurred.

Most of the areas of influence, effect and results on Filipinos by the historical waves hypothesized by this researcher shown in Figure 8 were touched upon in the stories of the lived experiences of the women interviewed for this study. The one area that did not match the women’s stories was in the 5th wave, or “New Wave.” Current descriptive data published from colleges and universities on Filipino students indicate the information in this Wave as being accurate (Bustillos and Siqueiros 2018). However, for the seven

130 women of the ten interviewed who continue to work in higher education through this wave, those descriptions did not match. This was because the qualifiers for the women of this study were to have an earned doctorate and have worked or are currently working in a college or university in the United States. These two qualifiers alone make the participants of this study not fit into the descriptions of the Filipinos described from this wave. As stated previously, the lived experiences shared of the women in this study were unique to this group and may not be indicative of Filipino Americans living in the United

States today.

In summary, Figure 19 encapsulates the study findings against the theoretical framework used, the research questions, and the trajectory of the study. This “Window

Model for this Phenomenological study” includes four panes of information that delineates the lenses, findings, and recommendations of the study. The first pane shows the three overarching research questions used, and the second pane shows the critical theories chosen as a lens for the study. These first two frames together create the focus for the interviews of the participants to highlight their lived experiences leading up to and in positions of higher education leadership. Separating the

first two panes from the last two panes are the focus areas of the study: personal and professional, historical and sociocultural, and Filipino Critical Race Theory (FlipCRiT).

The highlighted arrows containing each of these are like the rays of light shining through

131 the window panes. The type and amount of light affects the way we see through our windows. In a similar way, these focus areas affect the way that the research questions and theoretical framework informed the findings and future recommendations. The third pane in this model were the themes that emerged from the shared lived experiences of the participants of the study. Finally, the fourth pane shows the recommendations of the researcher as a result of this study.

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Figure 19 Window Model for this Phenomenological Study

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Implications

The researcher intentionally chose the lenses of CRT, FemCrit, LatCrit and

AsianCrit for this phenomenological study. As stated before, the critical theories seek to give voices to those who have been excluded, oppressed and silenced. It seems only fitting then that the implications for this this study come from the amazing group of women in their own words. Figure 18 describes some of the suggestions from these remarkable women and the meanings.

Participant’s Voice What it means

“We have to get out of that and remember Professional Self-esteem that we have a place at the table, we have a - U voice, we belong here, right?” –Tita Angeles Use your voice

“I feel heavy about it because generations upon generations of young women are having - H to go through the same thing that I went Help the next generation of through and it’s still there.” - Tita Con women - B Be a mentor for young women

“I love being able to represent the fact that Breaking stereotypes being bilingual isn’t just about Spanish English, bilingual is also Filipino English, and so I get to model that in our context.” –Tita Inocencia

“I feel like I want to own and name my own -Reaching confidence to internal resources that helped me be recognize and use internal successful. And I know those come from resources other people as well, I’m not claiming them all to myself, but they’re really are internal resources.” – Tita con

“You know, you go out and you do the things - M that you need to do and be there, be present Maintain balance in work

134 and go into action mode and then you gotta step back, step away. Both ends are necessary.” –Tita Inocencia

“Don’t be scared to find friends and allies - D who are not necessarily part of the Don’t work in a vacuum community, right? You need your filipino - N community, but you also need to get, need to Network outside the see other perspectives and branch out.” –Tita community Angeles

“[Filipinas in higher ed.] need to know that - S we don’t exist in a vacuum and we don’t exist Self-esteem alone, we’re part of a long legacy and important that we don’t feel isolated.” –Tita Fely

“That teacher, that book initiated a - T conversation, an in-depth conversation I The influence a teacher can really found within myself in the story of my have own family. He made me feel like I could do - M something. “ -Tita Fely Mentorship

“I think the greatest challenge for me was and - H continues to be the expectations.” –Tita Have clear expectations Dizon - D Don’t allow yourself to be “There are not a lot of Filipino academics. I’m overworked one of the few. Among [this university system], I have no idea. I don’t see any [at - P this university] among the administration.” – Promote more Filipino Tita Angeles leaders in higher education.

“So one of the things that I have benefitted from is friendships with multi-generational - M groups. We share life-changing stories, Mentors professional stories. And I think there’s something to that, and I don’t know that there is something that exists like that with - S Filipinos.” –Tita Inocencia elf-care

“I want to help the young women coming up…You know, it’s tricky in a diverse society; - M

135 that they think it’s not there [racism & Mentors sexism] when it is. Then they internalize it, and think there’s something wrong with me or my voice is not important.” –Tita Con - V Voice “There are black faculty who are mentoring young black faculty. There are a lot of Chicano faculty who are mentoring younger - M Chicano faculty. There are a lot of older Asian Mentors faculty but they are not mentoring the younger faculty in that way, right?” –Tita Angeles

“I would continue with community support; it gives you a boost to continue to keep doing - C what you want. That just really gave me more Connection to community confidence and I would continue with - C community outreach. I would continue with Community based programs all those programs.” – Tita Gigi - Y Youth Leadership “Some Filipinos are over confident and arrogant…but humility is a very important approach to getting things done. You have to be humble also at the same time self- - H confident; you’re willing to learn and be open Humility to getting negative feedback and advice and - S support; and a lot more people are willing to Self-confidence help you if you don’t think that you’re the brightest person in the room.” -Tita Jade

“And I have to say that out of all my experiences, being in [that group] helped me form my identity and feel more comfortable with who I was as a Filipino American; - C because if that identity isn’t being formed by Community programs the family, then there needs to be places to - I do to form the identity later on.” –Tita Gigi Identity formation

“Well, they [future leaders] have to really be multicultural; I think they have to know a bit of their own culture and the heritage and you know what traits they have and values that - L are important to them, but at the same time Leadership traits

136 they have to appreciate their cultures.” –Tita - I Jade Identity formation - M “You have to actively manage your Multicultural perceptions as a woman and as a woman of color because people are going to have those perceptions and stereotypes; and there are going to be acts of microaggression…. But the - C extent to which you know it’s coming you can Control how I am perceived manage it. I choose to manage my by others perceptions so that I have control over it.” – Tita Con

“If that’s the path that you want to do, the path to higher ed., then do it. Don’t let any kind of rejection that you get, get in the way, it will just make you stronger…and maybe - P that is just a diversion to another path that Perseverance will make you better. You know what I mean? It’s just a detour. Every failure is a success.” – Tita Gigi

Figure 20 Participants’ Voices on Implications for Practice

The themes that emerged from the lived experience of the participants of this study were a starting point for the tangible improvements that are need for Filipino

American women in positions of leadership at institutions of higher education. For example, “mentors” was one the first themes to emerge. It was evident in the stories of many of the women that at least one mentor, usually a white male superior, along the way helped to facilitate her pathway to the position she was in. Yet, many of the women stated that there is no formal or organized system of helping Filipino American women find mentors that can help them. While they unofficially would mentor their students or

137 junior faculty, it is clear that the universities should invest or at least encourage the formation of a formalized system to train up the next generation of Filipino American women joining their ranks of leadership.

Another implication is that while there is some literature on the history of Filipino

Americans, what is published and what is known falls short of educating citizens in relevant history. Particularly when diversity and culturally relevant education is becoming so popular among K-12 curricula, dissemination of Filipino American history would be timely. Currently, there are few colleges and universities in the United States with degrees in Filipino studies or Filipino language (Tagalog) or Filipino literature.

Some of these programs are thriving like the Yuchengco Philippine Studies Program

(YPSP) at the University of San Francisco with its active mentoring program for students along with a full array of course choices. Then there are those programs that are struggling to survive like the Philippine studies program at UC Berkeley where the

University has sought to make the program funded by the Filipino American community in order to remain a part of the UC Berkeley offerings. Ironically, this occurs at the one

UC campus in the heart of the largest concentration of Filipino communities in the United

States: California’s Bay Area. With the 2020 U.S. Census projections from the summer of 2019 showed that Filipinos are now the largest Asian group in California that comprises the conglomerated ethnic category for the first time in U.S. history taking the place of Chinese Americans in California. Despite the events taking place at UC

Berkeley, there are K-12 School Districts (like San Francisco Unified School District,

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Oakland School District and Jefferson Union School District in Daly City, CA) following new additions to State Social Studies standards that mandate the very basic history and people from Filipino American history be taught in school. These programs are being spearheaded by Filipino American community leaders and educational leaders.

The growing interest in scholarship about and for Filipino American students is vital to the development of future leaders within the Filipino community and ultimately

Filipino American women leaders at the higher education level. A simple starting place would be inclusion of the book “America is in the Heart” by Carlos Bulosan for required reading at the high school and college level. This book, written in 1943, is a rare account of the struggles and life of Filipino migrant workers from the 1930s and 40s. Another book, considered a social classic by many Filipino Americans is “Dogeaters” by Jessica

Hagedorn. This novel describes the Filipino experience during the 1980s and highlights the struggles of an immigrant group caught between cultures. It will take intentional inclusion of this type of curriculum at the K-16 level before Filipino Americans are given their due place in U.S. history books.

Of particular concern to the researcher of this study, are the many stories of unrecognized service work, the added unpaid work for faculty women of color, and the feeling of being overworked. The implications of this are that if it does not change, there will continue to be a shortage of faculty of color and a disparity between the numbers of

Filipino students to Filipino faculty. To ignore the suffering is indifference; to ignore the inequity is unjust.

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In this study, Filipino American women who worked or are working in position of leadership at institutions of higher education in the United States were given a voice.

“Thank you for this opportunity. This is super important for me that you’ve asked [for my voice]. I’m really grateful because as a Filipina and as a woman, I think I’ve focused on what can I do as a human being today from whatever work context it’s asking me. But to reflect on it from the framework of my own ethnicity and my own gender is important. And I hardly get asked that because Filipinos we’re very good at mixing in.” -“Tita Inocencia”

One area severely lacking the echoes of that voice is within the field of politics.

Creating intentional leadership programs for youth and women within the Filipino

American community may create a greater pool of elected officials. Currently there are only two Filipino Americans holding Federal elected positions: Rep. Robert Scott and

Rep. TJ Cox in Congress. While there are more in the state of California, the numbers are still few and far between. Assemblymember Rob Bonta was the first Filipino

American legislator elected to the State Senate. When elected, Rob Bonta, who was raised by well-known California community organizers who worked alongside the legendary Larry Itliong and Phillip Vera Cruz, exposed the absence of Filipino American women elected to office. He stated in a post-election interview with NBC News,

“[Filipino women] they need to double down on their aspirations and grab their own seats in the California and U.S. legislatures.” Even with no current Filipino American women in national elected office, California can boast its first Filipino America woman as Chief

Justice of California in Tani Cantil-Sakauye. She was nominated in 2011 by then Gov.

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Arnold Schwarzeneggar. The overlap of influence that political and educational leaders can have is immense. It will take, like in the case of education, women who are willing to be the first in order to start bringing about needed change to the landscape of California.

Recommendations

This study described some of the challenges and facilitators of ten Filipino

American women leaders from institutions of higher education in the United States. The lived experiences of these women underscores that it is possible to change the trajectory of one’s life and become a successful leader in higher education. To gain a deeper understanding of the challenges and facilitators of more Filipino American women leaders in higher education, I recommend the following suggestions for future researchers:

 I recommend that this study be replicated but with a greater sample

size. This could be done with more participants, or in comparison of

two or more communities that have success in recruiting/retaining

Filipino American women at their colleges or universities.

 I recommend the development of Filipino Critical Race Theory

(FlipCRiT) be developed as a lens by which to view more specific

challenges to the Filipino community.

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Findings from these future studies should be used to inform policies and practice that would better serve the Filipino community, and thereby impacting the future of our nation’s society as a whole.

Researcher’s Reflection

As described in my proposal, I used a journal for bracketing: to write my own reflections and feelings to separate my personal experiences and biases from the lived experience of the women I studied. It would be untruthful of me to say that I was not impacted by this study. However, I often found myself feeling, during the interviews of these amazing women, like a I was a pilgrim sitting at the feet of the guru.

My childhood could be described in one-word: multicultural. I identify as biracial: half-Filipino and half-German. My earliest memories of my Filipino heritage were from my Filipino grandparents living with us and a few summer trips to the

Philippines. This ethnic heritage was superseded by that of my German heritage when my family moved to Germany because of my father’s work for the U.S. Department of

Defense. By the time I returned to the U.S. for high school and college, my friends often teased me by calling me the “coconut” because I was brown on the outside, but white on the inside. I did not feel like I was less Filipino than German. In fact, I reveled in the fact that I was related to many colorful historical figures from Philippine history. Yet, I did not feel the pride I have now until I joined a Filipino folk dance group called the

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Filipino Cultural Dance Association of Sacramento (FCDAS) and became the 3rd generation folk dancer in my family.

What I noticed as I became involved in the Filipino community there was a lack of formal organization, especially in comparison to other ethnic minorities like the

Mexicans or the Southeast Asians of South Sacramento where I lived. The extent to which the community organized was either from one charismatic person who led a group, or from a single event that affected the community. Both of which would often fade with time.

I have worked as a K-12 teacher for over 20 years, serving poor communities in

South Sacramento. I have witnessed first-hand how education can break the cycle of poverty and other problems found in urban America. Yet, the greatest help goes to those communities who seem to be formally and politically organized. Truth be told, one of the reasons I went back to school to get my doctorate was to help organize my Filipino community and create ways to train up the next generation of leaders.

I work to be an example for others; I serve so that my community can be better, and I care so that others may find hope in a world that so desperately needs it.

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APPENDICES

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Appendix A

Proposed Interview Protocol

J. Jacky Mamola Possible Interview Questions of Filipino American women working in leadership positions at a University

Introduce your self Brief overview of the research and purpose of the interview

Background

1. Please tell me a little about yourself. *Probes: Based on what you know, how did your family come to the United States? Where did your family enter the United States and how were they employed? Please explain. 2. Please tell me about your position at the University. *Probes: Was this your intended job? 3. Describe your pathway to this position. *Probes: Culture, education, family, other influences 4. What was your greatest challenge on the way to getting this job? 5. What was your greatest recourse (help) on the way to getting this job? 6. Would your experience or pathway to this job have been different if you were not Filipino/woman? 7. From your perspective, how does your experience being selected for this position differ or mirror that of other women/Filipino American women? (Explain) 8. If there were one thing you could change or could continue to help future Filipino American women obtain leadership positions in higher education, what would that be? 9. What advice would you give to future Filipino American women who want to obtain leadership positions at a university? 10. Is there anything else you would like to add to your story? Note: Probing questions/prompts can include:  Please tell me a little more about….  You said ______. Please give me an example of that.  Can you tell me a story about that? *Probes: probing questions to go deeper into what the participant shared Thank you for your time and contribution to his project.

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Appendix B

Draft Qualitative Interview Protocol

1. Send out invitations (recruitment letter). 2. Collect Consent will be part of the pre-interview. Researcher will not proceed without the consent form. 3. Pre-interview Script a. (Remind participant that they agreed to have the interview recorded, ask if this is still okay, then turn on the device). [record] Thank you for doing this interview. Please remember that any identifying information will be edited for the dissertation. It is your story that is most important. Can you tell me your name, where you work/worked and your position? Thank you. Please tell me about yourself, where you grew up, your education, your family, etc. [continue with interview questions] 4. Make “on the spot” revisions contingent upon the participant’s story. (i.e. probing deeper into something they have already begun to share). 5. Keep it Focused and Time Sensitive/Keep it SHORT! You promised an interview about 60 minutes long. 6. Have genuine care, concern, and interest for your participant. They did not have to share their story with you. 7. Follow up. Ask them what their preferred method of follow up would be in case there is any need for clarification of the details of their story. 8. End with script. Thank the interviewee. Mention that this concludes the interview [turnoff

recording device] Give instructions of how you will proceed from here, and what

they can expect after the interview (i.e., how to contact me, if they want copies of

the recording, transcription, or confirmation of deletion, and where/how that

should be sent to them)

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Appendix C

Draft Recruitment Letter

Dear (Potential Participant’s Name):

The famous businesswoman and columnist Mons said, “No one is excluded from hardships. I like sharing my story because I want other Filipinas to learn from my challenges.” My name is Jacqueline “Jade” Jacky-Mamola. I am a student in the Doctoral of Educational Leadership Program at California State University Sacramento. This letter is seeking permission to interview you for my dissertation research.

My dissertation is titled: “Lived experiences of Filipino American Women in Higher Education Leadership: Toward the development of Filipino Critical Race Theory.” I am concurrently gathering the stories of Filipino American women working in higher education as well as general information on the experiences of Filipino Americans. The first is to observe the challenges and opportunities Filipino American women have on the pathway to leadership positions in higher education, and the second is toward the future development of Filipino Critical Race Theory (FlipCRiT). As a member of one or both of these groups, I am seeking your help in gathering this data.

The interview will take no longer than 60 minutes. I will be considerate of your time. The interview will be face-to-face, either at a location of your choosing or via a digital platform such as Zoom or FaceTime. I have ten questions that are designed to ask for information about your experience on the pathway that led you to your position at the university. Please be assured that your responses will be confidential, and any identifying information will be edited to protect your privacy. Your story would be an invaluable contribution to my study. If you have availability between now and January, I would like to schedule a time at your convenience. I will follow up with other details (interview questions, consent form, etc.) upon the acceptance of this request for an interview.

Please feel free to contact me at the numbers below. I look forward to hearing from you. Always,

J ##

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APPENDIX D

Script for Telephone/Video call to Participants

Good morning/afternoon (Research Participant Name).

Thank you for taking the time to speak to me. I am a doctoral student at CSU, Sacramento. I am in the process of completing my doctoral dissertation research toward my graduation in May 2020. I would like to ask for your permission to conduct a 60-minute interview with you for my dissertation research.

The title of my dissertation is “Lived experiences of Filipino American Women in higher education leadership: Toward the development of Filipino Critical Race Theory.” My dissertation seeks to examine the pathways and experiences of 10 Filipina educational leaders. You are a part of this select group of Filipinas. I believe this research would be of interest to individuals wanting to learn from the success of Filipino American women who have reached leadership positions in higher education, such as yourself. The interview will be face-to-face or through video call. During the interview, I will ask about 10 questions relevant to your pathway to the position you have/had as a leader in higher education, as well as your experience Filipina American.

I am very excited about this research project and anticipate the story shared by you will be an invaluable contribution to Filipino American literature. If you have an hour in the next few weeks for the interview, I can be available whenever is convenient for you.

(offer contact numbers/info if applicable at the time)

Thank you again for the taking the time to speak with me.

(follow up “THANK YOU” email the next day)

148

APPENDIX E

Script for email to Participants

SUBJECT LINE: Request to interview you for Filipino American Research Dear (Research Participant Name):

My name is Jade Jacky-Mamola, I am a doctoral student at CSU, Sacramento. I am in the process of completing my doctoral dissertation research toward my graduation in May 2020. I would like to ask for your permission to conduct a 60-minute interview with you for my dissertation research. Specifically, I am hoping you can comment on:  Your story  Your pathway to a leadership position in higher education

Thank you so much for considering my request.

Feel free to contact me at: [email protected], 916-xxxxx (cell), or being replying to this email address. I look forward to hearing from you.

Respectfully, jjm

(Send email confirmation of the interview several days before the interview date)

149

Appendix F

Draft Consent Form

Consent Form

Dissertation Research with J. Jacky Mamola

Participant’s Name: ______

Participant’s Title: ______

Participant’s University: ______

Address/Phone/Email: ______

______

If you agree to participate in this study, please sign below:

I do grant permission to have the interviews recorded.

I do not grant permission to have the interviews recorded. You have the right to preview the tapes upon request. [note: recorded interviews will be transcribed and original recording will be destroyed]

Participant: ______

Date:______

Researcher: ______

Date:______

150

Appendix G

Abstract and Research Questions Sent to Participants

Abstract

LIVED EXPERIENCES OF FILIPINO AMERICAN WOMEN IN HIGHER EDUCATION LEADERSHIP: TOWARD THE DEVELOPMENT OF FILIPINO CRITICAL RACE THEORY by

J. Jacky Mamola

This qualitative study examines the lived experiences of Filipino American women working in leadership positions at higher education institutions. The study uses Critical Race Theory as well as Feminist Critical Theory and Asian Critical Race Theory as a framework with which to view the stories of its participants. A review of the history of Filipino American immigration from specific time periods provides an historical perspective from which to understand their lived experiences. This phenomenological study includes interviews of 10 Filipino American women leaders employed at colleges and universities in the United States to gain insights into their experience as presented in their own voice. Specifically, this study will address the following research questions: 4. What are the personal and professional challenges and facilitators that Filipino American women encounter to attain positions of leadership at institutions of higher education? 5. What role might historical events and socio-cultural factors have on Filipino American women to create opportunities and obstacles for working in leadership positions at colleges and universities in the present? 6. How can the study of historical literature and the lived experience interview findings contribute to the development of Filipino Critical Race Theory (FlipCRiT)?

151

Appendix H

Pseudonyms of Participants

PARTICIPANT “Tita Angeles” “Tita Baby” “Tita Con” “Tita Dizon” “Tita Esmeralda” “Tita Fely” “Tita Gigi” “Tita Hizon” “Tita Inocencia” “Tita Jade”

152

Appendix I

To Be of Use

By Marge Piercy

The people I love the best Jump into work head first Without dallying in the shallows And swim off with sure strokes almost out of sight. They seem to become natives of that element, The black sleek heads of seals Bouncing like half-submerged balls.

I love people who harness themselves, an ox to a heavy cart, Who pull like water buffalo, with massive patience, Who strain in the mud and the muck to move things forward, Who do what has to be done, again and again.

I want to be with people who submerge In the task, who go into the field to harvest And work in a row and pas the bags along, Who are not parlor generals and field deserters But move in a common rhythm When the food must come in or the fire be put out.

The work of the world is common as mud. Botched, it smears the hands, crumbles to dust. But the thing worth doing well done Has a shape that satisfies, clean and evident. Greek ampohras for wine or oil, Hopi vases that held corn, are put in museums But you know they were made to be used. The pitcher cries for water to carry And a person for work that is real.

(Piercy, M. 1982)

153

Appendix J

Participants’ Location of College Education

154

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