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German Politics and the 'Jewish Question', 1914-1919
German Politics and the 'Jewish Question', 1914-1919 Lucia Juliette Linares Darwin College Dissertation submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2019 PREFACE I hereby declare that this dissertation is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except as declared in the preface and specified in the text. It is not substantially the same as any other work that I have submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for a degree or diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other university or similar institution except as declared in the preface and specified in the text. I further state that no substantial part of my dissertation has already been submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for any such degree, diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other university or similar institution except as declared in the preface and specified in the text. It does not exceed the prescribed word limit for the Faculty of History. All translations are my own unless specified in the text. i ABSTRACT German Politics and the 'Jewish Question', 1914-1919 Lucia Juliette Linares The First World War confronted German politicians with a range of unprecedented, vital questions in the spheres of domestic as well as foreign policy. As the fortunes of war shifted, so did borders, populations and national allegiances. In a period of acute and almost constant political crisis, the German government faced issues concerning citizenship, minority rights, religious identity, nationhood and statehood. My dissertation analyses these issues through the prism of the so-called 'Jewish Question'. -
Republic of Violence: the German Army and Politics, 1918-1923
University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Graduate Studies The Vault: Electronic Theses and Dissertations 2015-09-11 Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 Bucholtz, Matthew N Bucholtz, M. N. (2015). Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 (Unpublished doctoral thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. doi:10.11575/PRISM/27638 http://hdl.handle.net/11023/2451 doctoral thesis University of Calgary graduate students retain copyright ownership and moral rights for their thesis. You may use this material in any way that is permitted by the Copyright Act or through licensing that has been assigned to the document. For uses that are not allowable under copyright legislation or licensing, you are required to seek permission. Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 By Matthew N. Bucholtz A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN HISTORY CALGARY, ALBERTA SEPTEMBER, 2015 © Matthew Bucholtz 2015 Abstract November 1918 did not bring peace to Germany. Although the First World War was over, Germany began a new and violent chapter as an outbreak of civil war threatened to tear the country apart. The birth of the Weimar Republic, Germany’s first democratic government, did not begin smoothly as republican institutions failed to re-establish centralized political and military authority in the wake of the collapse of the imperial regime. Coupled with painful aftershocks from defeat in the Great War, the immediate postwar era had only one consistent force shaping and guiding political and cultural life: violence. -
Jusqu'au Dernier Jour
Jusqu'au dernier jour PIERRE-BLOCH Jusqu'au dernier jour MÉMOIRES Albin Michel « H comme Histoire » Collection dirigée par Philippe Bourdrel © Éditions Albin Michel S.A., 1983 22, rue Huyghens, 75014 Paris ISBN 2-226-01920-0 ISSN 0755-1754 Le souvenir est un poète, n'en fais pas un historien. Georges Clemenceau A ma femme Le temps du souvenir Je n'ai pas la prétention d'être un historien même si je me plonge souvent dans les manuels d'histoire. Ce livre, reflet de ma mémoire, narre une histoire : la mienne avec son cortège de souvenirs et de portraits. J'y évoque des grands hommes et des moins grands. Certains furent des proches et avec d'autres j'ai participé à quelques événements de ce siècle. Il se peut que certains d'entre eux soient des inconnus pour vous. Il n'y a pas que la mort pour effacer le souvenir, le temps y contribue, aussi, allégrement. Je doute que beaucoup, de ceux qui me liront, se souviennent ou aient simplement entendu évoquer les noms de Paul Mounet, même si la ville de Bergerac possède une statue des célèbres frères Mounet, Mary Garden, Poincaré, Viviani, Jean Longuet, Frossard et bien d'autres encore. J'ai connu et rencontré ces hommes. L'histoire passe, broyant tout sur sa route. Dans quelques années, si le bachot existe toujours, des cancres feront de Foch et de Joffre des maréchaux d'Empire et, de la même manière, penseront que de Gaulle était un traître et que l'ex-maréchal Pétain a prononcé l'appel du 18 juin. -
Diplomacy & Statecraft JM Keynes and the Personal Politics of Reparations
This article was downloaded by: [Professor Stephen Schuker] On: 23 November 2014, At: 19:47 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Diplomacy & Statecraft Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fdps20 J.M. Keynes and the Personal Politics of Reparations: Part 1 Stephen A. Schuker Published online: 30 Aug 2014. To cite this article: Stephen A. Schuker (2014) J.M. Keynes and the Personal Politics of Reparations: Part 1, Diplomacy & Statecraft, 25:3, 453-471, DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2014.936197 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2014.936197 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. -
Karl Helfferich and Rudolf Hilferding on Georg Friedrich Knapp's State
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Greitens, Jan Conference Paper — Manuscript Version (Preprint) Karl Helfferich and Rudolf Hilferding on Georg Friedrich Knapp’s State Theory of Money: Monetary Theories during the Hyperinflation of 1923 Suggested Citation: Greitens, Jan (2020) : Karl Helfferich and Rudolf Hilferding on Georg Friedrich Knapp’s State Theory of Money: Monetary Theories during the Hyperinflation of 1923, Annual Conference of the European Society for the History of Economic Thought (ESHET) 2020, Sofia., ZBW - Leibniz Information Centre for Economics, Kiel, Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/216102 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available -
Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy
Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy How do democracies form and what makes them die? Daniel Ziblatt revisits this timely and classic question in a wide-ranging historical narrative that traces the evolution of modern political democracy in Europe from its modest beginnings in 1830s Britain to Adolf Hitler’s 1933 seizure of power in Weimar Germany. Based on rich historical and quantitative evidence, the book offers a major reinterpretation of European history and the question of how stable political democracy is achieved. The barriers to inclusive political rule, Ziblatt finds, were not inevitably overcome by unstoppable tides of socioeconomic change, a simple triumph of a growing middle class, or even by working class collective action. Instead, political democracy’s fate surprisingly hinged on how conservative political parties – the historical defenders of power, wealth, and privilege – recast themselves and coped with the rise of their own radical right. With striking modern parallels, the book has vital implications for today’s new and old democracies under siege. Daniel Ziblatt is Professor of Government at Harvard University where he is also a resident fellow of the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies. He is also currently Fernand Braudel Senior Fellow at the European University Institute. His first book, Structuring the State: The Formation of Italy and Germany and the Puzzle of Federalism (2006) received several prizes from the American Political Science Association. He has written extensively on the emergence of democracy in European political history, publishing in journals such as American Political Science Review, Journal of Economic History, and World Politics. -
Das Reich Der Seele Walther Rathenau’S Cultural Pessimism and Prussian Nationalism ~ Dieuwe Jan Beersma
Das Reich der Seele Walther Rathenau’s Cultural Pessimism and Prussian Nationalism ~ Dieuwe Jan Beersma 16 juli 2020 Master Geschiedenis – Duitslandstudies, 11053259 First supervisor: dhr. dr. A.K. (Ansgar) Mohnkern Second supervisor: dhr. dr. H.J. (Hanco) Jürgens Abstract Every year the Rathenau Stiftung awards the Walther Rathenau-Preis to international politicians to spread Rathenau’s ideas of ‘democratic values, international understanding and tolerance’. This incorrect perception of Rathenau as a democrat and a liberal is likely to have originated from the historiography. Many historians have described Rathenau as ‘contradictory’, claiming that there was a clear and problematic distinction between Rathenau’s intellectual theories and ideas and his political and business career. Upon closer inspection, however, this interpretation of Rathenau’s persona seems to be fundamentally incorrect. This thesis reassesses Walther Rathenau’s legacy profoundly by defending the central argument: Walther Rathenau’s life and motivations can first and foremost be explained by his cultural pessimism and Prussian nationalism. The first part of the thesis discusses Rathenau’s intellectual ideas through an in-depth analysis of his intellectual work and the historiography on his work. Motivated by racial theory, Rathenau dreamed of a technocratic utopian German empire led by a carefully selected Prussian elite. He did not believe in the ‘power of a common Europe’, but in the power of a common German Europe. The second part of the thesis explicates how Rathenau’s career is not contradictory to, but actually very consistent with, his cultural pessimism and Prussian nationalism. Firstly, Rathenau saw the First World War as a chance to transform the economy and to make his Volksstaat a reality. -
Sholem Schwarzbard: Biography of a Jewish Assassin
Sholem Schwarzbard: Biography of a Jewish Assassin The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Johnson, Kelly. 2012. Sholem Schwarzbard: Biography of a Jewish Assassin. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:9830349 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA © 2012 Kelly Scott Johnson All rights reserved Professor Ruth R. Wisse Kelly Scott Johnson Sholem Schwarzbard: Biography of a Jewish Assassin Abstract The thesis represents the first complete academic biography of a Jewish clockmaker, warrior poet and Anarchist named Sholem Schwarzbard. Schwarzbard's experience was both typical and unique for a Jewish man of his era. It included four immigrations, two revolutions, numerous pogroms, a world war and, far less commonly, an assassination. The latter gained him fleeting international fame in 1926, when he killed the Ukrainian nationalist leader Symon Petliura in Paris in retribution for pogroms perpetrated during the Russian Civil War (1917-20). After a contentious trial, a French jury was sufficiently convinced both of Schwarzbard's sincerity as an avenger, and of Petliura's responsibility for the actions of his armies, to acquit him on all counts. Mostly forgotten by the rest of the world, the assassin has remained a divisive figure in Jewish-Ukrainian relations, leading to distorted and reductive descriptions his life. -
A Place in the Sun: Rethinking the Political Economy of German Overseas Expansion and Navalism Before the Great War
A Place in the Sun: Rethinking the Political Economy of German Overseas Expansion and Navalism Before the Great War Erik Grimmer-Solem It has long been tempting to see the political economy of German imperialism as little more than a handmaiden to disaster. Tis perspec- tive is supported by the fact that many of the economists active in this prewar Weltpolitik were later also involved in wartime administration, wartime strategy, and defning German war aims. Indeed, it is striking just how many of the younger students of prominent economists of the period would play signifcant roles in German imperialist politics and in the war. Among those worth mentioning is Karl Helferich, a student of Georg Friedrich Knapp and director of the Deutsche Bank, who over- saw the prewar construction of the Berlin-Bagdad Railway, was named State Secretary of the Reich Treasury in 1915 and in that capacity Tis is a revised version of a paper frst given at the conference “New Perspectives on the History of Political Economy” held at Harvard Business School, November 1–2, 2013. I would like to thank David Armitage for his insightful critiques of this paper. Phil Pomper, Michael Trautwein and Gerhard Wegner gave valuable feedback on earlier drafts, for which I am also very grateful. Te author takes sole responsibility for any remaining errors or omissions. E. Grimmer-Solem (*) Wesleyan University, Middletown, USA e-mail: [email protected] © Te Author(s) 2018 253 R. Fredona and S.A. Reinert (eds.), New Perspectives on the History of Political Economy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-58247-4_9 254 E. -
Heft 3 / Juli 2012 ISSN 0042-5702 B 2176 F
60. Jahrgang / Heft 3 / Juli 2012 ISSN 0042-5702 B 2176 F Ein Wissenschaftsverlag der Oldenbourg Gruppe Marc Hansmann Vor dem dritten Staatsbankrott? Der deutsche Schuldenstaat in historischer und internationaler Perspektive Zeitgeschichte 2012 Zeitgeschichte 2., durchgesehene Auflage 2012 114 Seiten | broschiert | € 16,80 für herausgegeben von ISBN 978-3-486-71784-6 Helmut Altrichter Horst Möller Hans-Peter Schwarz Andreas Wirsching Zeitgeschichte im Gespräch, Band 13 Mit der Schuldenkrise in der Euro-Zone dämmert die Erkenntnis, dass nicht nur Staaten der »Dritten Welt« pleite gehen können. Es Aus dem Inhalt wird sogar die Frage laut: Ist auch die Bundesrepublik auf dem Weg in den Staatsbankrott. Im 20. Jahrhundert ereilte Deutschland Eva Oberloskamp dieses Schicksal 1923 und 1948 immerhin gleich zweimal, und auch Vierteljahrshefte Das Olympia-Attentat 1972 die Bundesrepublik machte sich spätestens seit den 1970er Jahren auf den Weg in den Schuldenstaat. Vor diesem Hintergrund erlangt die Zeitgeschichte der Finanzpolitik eine beklemmende Aktualität. Thies Schulze Antikommunismus als politischer Leitfaden des Vatikans? Jeder Staatsbürger, der hierzulande eine unparteiische, ›› über die Zufallszahlen der Tagesberichterstattung hinausreichende Der Heilige Stuhl und das NS-Regime im Jahr 1933 Unterrichtung sucht, erhält jetzt eine ausgezeichnete Handreichung in einem kleinen, mit Fakten vollgepackten Büchlein Tal Bruttmann/Laurent Joly/Barbara Lambauer Gustav Seibt in: Süddeutsche Zeitung Der Auftakt der Verfolgung der Juden in Frankreich -
Strukturmerkmale Der Deutschen Geschichte Des 20. Jahrhunderts
Schriften des Historischen Kollegs Kolloquien 63 Strukturmerkmale der deutschen Geschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts R. Oldenbourg Verlag München 2006 Strukturmerkmale der deutschen Geschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts Herausgegeben von Anselm Doering-Manteuffel unter Mitarbeit von Elisabeth Müller-Luckner R. Oldenbourg Verlag München 2006 Schriften des Historischen Kollegs herausgegeben von Lothar Gail in Verbindung mit Etienne Francois, Johannes Fried, Klaus Hildebrand, Manfred Hildermeier, Martin Jehne, Claudia Märtl, Helmut Neuhaus, Friedrich Wilhelm Rothenpieler, Luise Schorn-Schütte und Dietmar Willoweit Geschäftsführung: Georg Kalmcr Redaktion: Elisabeth Müller-Luckner Das Historische Kolleg fördert im Bereich der historisch orientierten Wissenschaften Ge lehrte, die sich durch herausragendc Leistungen in Forschung und Lehre ausgewiesen haben. Es vergibt zu diesem Zweck jährlich bis zu drei Forschungsstipendien und zwei Fördersti pendien sowie alle drei Jahre den „Preis des Historischen Kollegs“. Die Forschungsstipendien, deren Verleihung zugleich eine Auszeichnung für die bisherigen Leistungen darstellt, sollen den berufenen Wissenschaftlern während eines Kollegjahres die Möglichkeit bieten, frei von anderen Verpflichtungen eine größere Arbeit abzuschließen. Professor Dr. Anselm Doering-Manteuffel (Tübingen) war - zusammen mit PD Dr. Bern hard Löffler (Passau), Prof. Dr. Jan-Dirk Müller (München) und Prof. Dr. Peter Schäfer (Ber lin, Princeton, NJ) - Stipendiat des Historischen Kollegs im Kollegjahr 2002/2003. Den Ob liegenheiten der -
Unholy Alliances? Nationalist Exiles, Minorities and Anti-Fascism in Interwar Europe
Unholy Alliances? Nationalist Exiles, Minorities and Anti-Fascism in Interwar Europe XOSÉ M. NÚÑEZ SEIXAS Ethno-nationalist exiles in the interwar period were a unique species. While some of them relied on their own diasporic networks and waited for a chance, others established agitation platforms and regarded themselves as an alternative International of the ‘oppressed peoples’. Most of these alliances ended in failure, as it proved extremely difficult to reconcile the demands stemming from divergent national claims, such as those of autonomist factions versus irredentist or pro-independence groups, or those of national minorities seeking reintegration into their motherland as opposed to groups seeking independence. This article explores the relationship between minority nationalist exiles and anti-fascism by focusing on three issues: the emergence and evolution of ‘international alliances’ of minority activists in interwar Europe; contacts and ideological exchanges between ethno-nationalist exiles and liberal and anti-fascist segments of European public opinion and, finally, the emergence of a transnational anti-fascist nationality theory. In the aftermath of the First World War state borders in east-central Europe were redrawn at the Paris Peace Conference. The armed conflicts that subsequently broke out between various successor states, along with the progression of the Russian Civil War, forced dozens of ethno-nationalist activists into exile. Those belonging to national and ethnic minorities could easily find refuge in their respective ‘motherlands’, from Weimar Germany to post-Trianon Hungary. They created networks of political and cultural associations that served as the bases for stirring up irredentism, with official state support and often also with the collaboration of large portions of the homeland’s revisionist and nationalist parties.