Das Reich Der Seele Walther Rathenau’S Cultural Pessimism and Prussian Nationalism ~ Dieuwe Jan Beersma

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Das Reich Der Seele Walther Rathenau’S Cultural Pessimism and Prussian Nationalism ~ Dieuwe Jan Beersma Das Reich der Seele Walther Rathenau’s Cultural Pessimism and Prussian Nationalism ~ Dieuwe Jan Beersma 16 juli 2020 Master Geschiedenis – Duitslandstudies, 11053259 First supervisor: dhr. dr. A.K. (Ansgar) Mohnkern Second supervisor: dhr. dr. H.J. (Hanco) Jürgens Abstract Every year the Rathenau Stiftung awards the Walther Rathenau-Preis to international politicians to spread Rathenau’s ideas of ‘democratic values, international understanding and tolerance’. This incorrect perception of Rathenau as a democrat and a liberal is likely to have originated from the historiography. Many historians have described Rathenau as ‘contradictory’, claiming that there was a clear and problematic distinction between Rathenau’s intellectual theories and ideas and his political and business career. Upon closer inspection, however, this interpretation of Rathenau’s persona seems to be fundamentally incorrect. This thesis reassesses Walther Rathenau’s legacy profoundly by defending the central argument: Walther Rathenau’s life and motivations can first and foremost be explained by his cultural pessimism and Prussian nationalism. The first part of the thesis discusses Rathenau’s intellectual ideas through an in-depth analysis of his intellectual work and the historiography on his work. Motivated by racial theory, Rathenau dreamed of a technocratic utopian German empire led by a carefully selected Prussian elite. He did not believe in the ‘power of a common Europe’, but in the power of a common German Europe. The second part of the thesis explicates how Rathenau’s career is not contradictory to, but actually very consistent with, his cultural pessimism and Prussian nationalism. Firstly, Rathenau saw the First World War as a chance to transform the economy and to make his Volksstaat a reality. Secondly, he was a neoconservative intellectual who dreamt of a homogenous society. He distrusted the representative democracy of the Weimar Republic. Thirdly, after the war, Rathenau waged an ‘economic war’. Together with Chancellor Joseph Wirth, Rathenau constantly obstructed peace negotiations to make his independent German empire a reality. The last part of the thesis discusses the interpretation of Rathenau made by the Austrian writer Robert Musil in his magnum opus Der Mann Ohne Eigenschaften, a work which has been underdiscussed in the scholarship on Rathenau. This thesis argues that Musil’s literary caricature, Dr. Paul Arnheim, is a very insightful interpretation of Rathenau’s neoconservatism. Bio Dieuwe Jan Beersma received a bachelor’s degree in Political Science at the University of Amsterdam. Due to his passion for history and literature he decided to write his master’s thesis at the History department. His thesis on Walther Rathenau combines his knowledge of international relations and politics with his passion for German history and literature. The incorporation of Robert Musil gives his thesis an interdisciplinary character and it deepens our understanding of Walther Rathenau’s legacy. II Nun folgt sofort ein Widerspruch: Damit das Spiegelbild klar und rein erscheine, muß die projizierende Flamme gleichmäßig leuchten: nur homogene Gemeinschaften haben Ideale. Walther Rathenau, Zur Kritik der Zeit, p.99 III Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter 1 – Rathenau’s Intellectual Career 6 1.1. Der Geist – The rise of the educated middle class 6 1.2. Die Zukunft - The rise of neoconservatism 9 1.3. Höre Israel - Rathenau’s antisemitism 13 1.4. Mitteleuropa – Rathenau’s German Colonial Empire 15 1.5. Entgermanisierung - Rathenau’s cultural pessimism and racial theory 17 1.6. Von Kommenden Dingen - Rathenau’s technocratic Utopia 20 Chapter 2 Part One - Rathenau’s Career During the First World War 27 Chapter 2 Part Two - Rathenau’s Post-War Career 35 2.2.1. The Broader Context 36 2.2.2. Rathenau and Wirth’s Wirtschaftskrieg 40 2.2.3. The Genoa Conference and the Rapallo Treaty 48 2.2.4. Harry Graf Kessler and the myth of ‘preventive diplomacy’ 53 2.2.5. Rathenau’s assassination 55 Chapter 3 - Musil’s Arnheim: An early interpretation of Walther Rathenau in ‘Der Mann Ohne Eigenschaften’ 59 3.1. Robert Musil and Rathenau 59 3.2. Arnheim - Musil’s literary portrait 61 Conclusion 67 Bibliography 71 IV Introduction Walther Rathenau was born in 1867 into a wealthy Jewish family in the rising industrial city of Berlin. Hans Fürstenberg (1890-1982), the man who would come to write an insightful memoir on Rathenau’s life, grew up in the same neighbourhood. In one of Fürstenberg’s childhood memories, he would later describe, his mother came to kiss him goodnight while Walther stood in the doorframe of his bedroom.1 The men met again during their student days and later in life through work and travels. They both served in the army and both of them were, what was called, Bildungsbürger: men with a broad education and a passion for the arts and literature.2 Their family businesses worked together intensively over the years. Hans’ father, Carl Fürstenberg (1850-1933), was one of the prominent Jewish bankers who financed projects of Walthers’ father, Emil Rathenau (1838-1915). In all of Fürstenberg’s memories, Walther Rathenau acted as a ‘proud man, full of self- knowledge’.3 Fürstenberg knew, however, that behind this ‘veneer of strength lied a persisting feeling of inferiority’.4 When he looked back on Rathenau’s life in 1962, Fürstenberg was surprised that many regarded him as a ‘patron saint of the Weimar Republic’.5 Fürstenberg outlived Rathenau by many years and wrote a memoire on his childhood friend in 1962 named Erinnerung an Walther Rathenau. According to Fürstenberg, the mythical- and saint- like image of Rathenau was caused by how he had been presented in the historiography. Fürstenberg stated that the biography written by Harry Graf Kessler (1868-1937) had been especially influential.6 Kessler’s biography Walther Rathenau: Sein Leben und Sein Werk (1928) has become the standard in Rathenau-scholarship. Its central thesis is that Rathenau had a contradictory character: 1 Hans Fürstenberg,‘Erinnerung an Walther Rathenau, Ein Kommentar’ In: Kessler, Harry Graf, Walther Rathenau, Sein Leben und Sein Werk (Wiesbaden 1962) 390. 2 Ibidem, 396-398. 3 Ibidem, 390. 4 Ibidem, 390. ‘Sofern er Minderwertigkeits-Komplexe besaß – und daran ist kaum zu zweifeln -, wußte er sie gut zu verbergen.’ 5 Ibidem, 386. ‘Schutzheilige’ 6 Ibidem, 387. 1 […] [der] Doppelbestimmung Walther Rathenaus, zu jenem nie in ihm ausgeglichenen Konflikt zwischen dem Hang zu weltfremder seelischer Verinnerlichung und der geheimnisvoll unwiderstehlichen Nötigung zu eng auf einen Zweck eingestelltem kaufmännischem und technischem Schaffen, zu jener Doppelheit, die ihn schließlich tragisch innerlich zerriß und äußerlich zu einem Gegenstand des Anstoßes und des Hasses für Millionen machte […].7 Kessler argued that there was a clear and problematic distinction between Rathenau’s intellectual theories and ideas and his political and business career.8 He stated that for Rathenau the differences between his intellectual and practical career were so strong, so contradictory, that this led to ‘internal divisiveness’. Many more biographies on Rathenau have been written in the meantime, which all differ in content and character. Kessler’s concept of contradiction, however, has stuck. In 1967, for instance, the Dutch historian H.W. von der Dunk emphasized the contradictory nature and ambivalence of Rathenau’s character.9 Peter Berglar emphasized Rathenau’s multiplicity (vielschichtige Gestalt) in 1970.10 In 1997 Dieter Heimböckel called Rathenau a ‘Widersprüchlicher Universalist’.11 This approach persevered and returned in the biographies of Wolfgang Michalka in 2008 and Lothar Gall in 2009.12 The ‘contradiction’-argument seems to have become a myth in itself, which has been haunting research on Rathenau for decades. Perspectives in the historiography might be changing slowly, however. In 2009, Dieter Heimböckel, who had once claimed differently, stated that a new approach to the study of Rathenau might be needed.13 Kessler also presented Rathenau as an ‘Erfüllungspolitiker’, working towards solidarity with both the Russians in the East and the Allied Powers in the West.14 Kessler presented Rathenau as a politician who brought peace to the continent.15 7 Harry Graf Kessler, Walther Rathenau, Sein Leben und Sein Werk (Wiesbaden 1962) 25. 9 Hermann Von der Dunk, ‘Walther Rathenau 1867-1922, Leven tussen aanpassing en kritiek’, Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 80 (1967) 331. 10 ‘Peter Berglar, bekannt durch zahlreiche literarische, zeitkritische, philosophische und historische Arbeiten, bringt die vielschichtige Gestalt Walther Rathenaus (1867-1922) zur lebendigen Anschauung.’, Quote from the back cover of Peter Berglar, Walther Rathenau: Ein Leben zwischen Philosophie und Politik (Vienna 1987). 11 Dieter Heimböckel, ‘Widersprüchlicher Universalist : der Industrielle, Politiker und Schriftsteller Walther Rathenau.’ Schweizer Monatshefte : Zeitschrift für Politik, Wirtschaft, Kultur (1997) 77.11. 12 Lothar Gall, Walther Rathenau, Portrait einer Epoche (Munich 2009) 258; Michalka, Wolfgang. ‘Vordenker der Moderne’ In: Michalka, Wolfgang e.a. ed., Walther Rathenau (Berlin 2008) 28: ‘Rathenau’s Vielseitigkeit und Widersprüchlichkeit.’ 13 Dieter Heimböckel, ‘Kunst contra Mechanisierung’, In: Delabar, Walther e.a. ed., Walther Rathenau: Der Phänotyp der Moderne. Literatur- und kulturwissenschaftliche Studien zu Walther Rathenau (Bielefeld 2009) 12. 14 Kessler, Rathenau, 297, 300. 15 Ibidem, 352. 2 But we now
Recommended publications
  • The German North Sea Ports' Absorption Into Imperial Germany, 1866–1914
    From Unification to Integration: The German North Sea Ports' absorption into Imperial Germany, 1866–1914 Henning Kuhlmann Submitted for the award of Master of Philosophy in History Cardiff University 2016 Summary This thesis concentrates on the economic integration of three principal German North Sea ports – Emden, Bremen and Hamburg – into the Bismarckian nation- state. Prior to the outbreak of the First World War, Emden, Hamburg and Bremen handled a major share of the German Empire’s total overseas trade. However, at the time of the foundation of the Kaiserreich, the cities’ roles within the Empire and the new German nation-state were not yet fully defined. Initially, Hamburg and Bremen insisted upon their traditional role as independent city-states and remained outside the Empire’s customs union. Emden, meanwhile, had welcomed outright annexation by Prussia in 1866. After centuries of economic stagnation, the city had great difficulties competing with Hamburg and Bremen and was hoping for Prussian support. This thesis examines how it was possible to integrate these port cities on an economic and on an underlying level of civic mentalities and local identities. Existing studies have often overlooked the importance that Bismarck attributed to the cultural or indeed the ideological re-alignment of Hamburg and Bremen. Therefore, this study will look at the way the people of Hamburg and Bremen traditionally defined their (liberal) identity and the way this changed during the 1870s and 1880s. It will also investigate the role of the acquisition of colonies during the process of Hamburg and Bremen’s accession. In Hamburg in particular, the agreement to join the customs union had a significant impact on the merchants’ stance on colonialism.
    [Show full text]
  • Versailles (Hellerau, 1927). Even Deutschland, Frankreich Und
    BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE Most of the sources on German history from 1890 to the end of the Weimar Republic are of use in a study of Maximilian Har­ den. In the following paragraphs are noted, besides the un­ published sources, only the published materials that deal directly with Harden, and the general works or monographs on the period that have been used most extensively. Many works cited in the text are not listed here; a complete reference to each one is found in its first citation. The indispensable source of information on Harden is the magazine he edited from 1892 until 1922. The one hundred and eighteen volumes of the Zukunft contain the bulk of his essays, commentaries, and trial records, as well as many private letters to and from him. The Zukunft was the inspiration or the source for Harden's principal pamphlets and books, namely Kampfge­ nosse Sudermann (Berlin, 1903); KopJe (4 vols., Berlin, 1911-1924); Krieg und Friede (2 vols., Berlin, 1918); and Von Versailles nach Versailles (Hellerau, 1927). Even Deutschland, Frankreich und England (Berlin, 1923), written after the Zukun}t had ceased publication, was in large a repetition of Zukunft articles. Harden's earliest work, Berlin als Theaterhauptstadt (Berlin, 1889), consisted in part of pieces he had written for Die Nation. Apostata (Berlin, 1892), Apostata, neue Folge (Berlin, 1892), andLiteraturund Theater (Berlin, 1896), were collections of his essays from Die Gegenwart. The Gegenwart and the other magazines for which he wrote before 1892 - Die Nation, Die Kunstwart, and M agazin fur Litteratur - are also indispensable sources. Harden's published writings also include articles in other German and foreign newspapers and magazines.
    [Show full text]
  • Aktueller Begriff Vor 100 Jahren: Der Mord an Matthias Erzberger
    Wissenschaftliche Dienste Aktueller Begriff Vor 100 Jahren: Der Mord an Matthias Erzberger Am 26. August 1921 wurde der Zentrumspolitiker Matthias Erzberger bei Bad Griesbach im Schwarzwald bei einem Spaziergang mit einem befreundeten Reichstagsabgeordneten von zwei rechtsradikalen Freikorpsmitgliedern ermordet. Der tödliche Anschlag galt einem der exponier- testen Verfechter der noch jungen Weimarer Demokratie, der als Reichstagsabgeordneter schon vor 1914 entschieden für eine Parlamentarisierung des Kaiserreiches eingetreten war. Matthias Erzberger wurde am 20. September 1875 im schwäbischen Dorf Buttenhausen geboren. Aus einfachen Verhältnissen stammend schloss er 1894 eine Ausbildung zum Volksschullehrer als Jahrgangsbester ab. Schon während seiner zweijährigen Tätigkeit als Lehrerpraktikant wurde seine politische Begabung vom Mitbegründer der württembergischen Zentrumspartei Josef Eckard entdeckt, der ihn zum Eintritt in die Redaktion des katholischen „Deutschen Volksblat- tes“ veranlasste. Neben seiner publizistischen Tätigkeit leitete Erzberger in Stuttgart ein katholi- sches Arbeitersekretariat und gehörte zu den Verfechtern der 1899 gegründeten Christlichen Ge- werkschaften. 1903 wurde er mit 28 Jahren für die Zentrumspartei im Wahlkreis Biberach-Leut- kirch-Waldsee-Wangen als jüngster Abgeordneter in den Reichstag gewählt, wo er zur neuen Ge- neration von Berufspolitikern zählte. Da Reichstagsabgeordnete zu diesem Zeitpunkt noch keine Diäten erhielten, verdiente er seinen Lebensunterhalt als parteipolitisch gebundener Journalist.
    [Show full text]
  • West German Heavy Industrialists and the Role of Honour and Honour Courts in the Adenauer Era Grunbacher, Armin
    University of Birmingham 'Honourable Men' – West German heavy industrialists and the role of honour and honour courts in the Adenauer Era Grunbacher, Armin DOI: 10.1017/S0960777313000064 License: None: All rights reserved Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Citation for published version (Harvard): Grunbacher, A 2013, ''Honourable Men' – West German heavy industrialists and the role of honour and honour courts in the Adenauer Era', Contemporary European History, vol. 22, no. 2, pp. 232-252. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0960777313000064 Link to publication on Research at Birmingham portal Publisher Rights Statement: © Cambridge University Press 2013 Eligibility for repository checked October 2014 General rights Unless a licence is specified above, all rights (including copyright and moral rights) in this document are retained by the authors and/or the copyright holders. The express permission of the copyright holder must be obtained for any use of this material other than for purposes permitted by law. •Users may freely distribute the URL that is used to identify this publication. •Users may download and/or print one copy of the publication from the University of Birmingham research portal for the purpose of private study or non-commercial research. •User may use extracts from the document in line with the concept of ‘fair dealing’ under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 (?) •Users may not further distribute the material nor use it for the purposes of commercial gain. Where a licence is displayed above, please note the terms and conditions of the licence govern your use of this document. When citing, please reference the published version.
    [Show full text]
  • German Politics and the 'Jewish Question', 1914-1919
    German Politics and the 'Jewish Question', 1914-1919 Lucia Juliette Linares Darwin College Dissertation submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2019 PREFACE I hereby declare that this dissertation is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except as declared in the preface and specified in the text. It is not substantially the same as any other work that I have submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for a degree or diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other university or similar institution except as declared in the preface and specified in the text. I further state that no substantial part of my dissertation has already been submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for any such degree, diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other university or similar institution except as declared in the preface and specified in the text. It does not exceed the prescribed word limit for the Faculty of History. All translations are my own unless specified in the text. i ABSTRACT German Politics and the 'Jewish Question', 1914-1919 Lucia Juliette Linares The First World War confronted German politicians with a range of unprecedented, vital questions in the spheres of domestic as well as foreign policy. As the fortunes of war shifted, so did borders, populations and national allegiances. In a period of acute and almost constant political crisis, the German government faced issues concerning citizenship, minority rights, religious identity, nationhood and statehood. My dissertation analyses these issues through the prism of the so-called 'Jewish Question'.
    [Show full text]
  • Bulletin of the GHI Washington
    Bulletin of the GHI Washington Issue 5 Fall 1989 Copyright Das Digitalisat wird Ihnen von perspectivia.net, der Online-Publikationsplattform der Max Weber Stiftung – Stiftung Deutsche Geisteswissenschaftliche Institute im Ausland, zur Verfügung gestellt. Bitte beachten Sie, dass das Digitalisat urheberrechtlich geschützt ist. Erlaubt ist aber das Lesen, das Ausdrucken des Textes, das Herunterladen, das Speichern der Daten auf einem eigenen Datenträger soweit die vorgenannten Handlungen ausschließlich zu privaten und nicht-kommerziellen Zwecken erfolgen. Eine darüber hinausgehende unerlaubte Verwendung, Reproduktion oder Weitergabe einzelner Inhalte oder Bilder können sowohl zivil- als auch strafrechtlich verfolgt werden. B. Genoa/Rapallo and the Reconstruction of Europe, 1922 Washington, D.C., June 14–17,1989 This research conference was jointly sponsored by the German Historical Institute, Washington, D.C., and the Association Internationale d'Histoire Contemporaine de l'Europe, an organization based in Strasbourg which promotes research on European international relations from the mid-nineteenth century to the present. Twenty-five specialists in the post-World War I era from ten countries gathered to discuss problems of the first major international effort to construct a new political and economic order for Europe. Conference organizers were Carole Fink, Professor of History at the University of North Carolina at Wilmington, who has published The Genoa Conference: European Diplomacy 1921–22, and Axel Frohn and Jürgen Heideking, both
    [Show full text]
  • University Microfilms
    INFORMATION TO USERS This dissertation was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction. 1. The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating' adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. You will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., was part of the material being photographed the photographer followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin photoing at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue photoing from left to right in equal sections with a small overlap. If necessary, sectioning is continued again — beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. 4. The majority of users indicate that the textual content is of greatest value, however, a somewhat higher quality reproduction could be made from "photographs" if essential to the understanding o f the dissertation.
    [Show full text]
  • Republic of Violence: the German Army and Politics, 1918-1923
    University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Graduate Studies The Vault: Electronic Theses and Dissertations 2015-09-11 Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 Bucholtz, Matthew N Bucholtz, M. N. (2015). Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 (Unpublished doctoral thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. doi:10.11575/PRISM/27638 http://hdl.handle.net/11023/2451 doctoral thesis University of Calgary graduate students retain copyright ownership and moral rights for their thesis. You may use this material in any way that is permitted by the Copyright Act or through licensing that has been assigned to the document. For uses that are not allowable under copyright legislation or licensing, you are required to seek permission. Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 By Matthew N. Bucholtz A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN HISTORY CALGARY, ALBERTA SEPTEMBER, 2015 © Matthew Bucholtz 2015 Abstract November 1918 did not bring peace to Germany. Although the First World War was over, Germany began a new and violent chapter as an outbreak of civil war threatened to tear the country apart. The birth of the Weimar Republic, Germany’s first democratic government, did not begin smoothly as republican institutions failed to re-establish centralized political and military authority in the wake of the collapse of the imperial regime. Coupled with painful aftershocks from defeat in the Great War, the immediate postwar era had only one consistent force shaping and guiding political and cultural life: violence.
    [Show full text]
  • A History of German-Scandinavian Relations
    A History of German – Scandinavian Relations A History of German-Scandinavian Relations By Raimund Wolfert A History of German – Scandinavian Relations Raimund Wolfert 2 A History of German – Scandinavian Relations Table of contents 1. The Rise and Fall of the Hanseatic League.............................................................5 2. The Thirty Years’ War............................................................................................11 3. Prussia en route to becoming a Great Power........................................................15 4. After the Napoleonic Wars.....................................................................................18 5. The German Empire..............................................................................................23 6. The Interwar Period...............................................................................................29 7. The Aftermath of War............................................................................................33 First version 12/2006 2 A History of German – Scandinavian Relations This essay contemplates the history of German-Scandinavian relations from the Hanseatic period through to the present day, focussing upon the Berlin- Brandenburg region and the northeastern part of Germany that lies to the south of the Baltic Sea. A geographic area whose topography has been shaped by the great Scandinavian glacier of the Vistula ice age from 20000 BC to 13 000 BC will thus be reflected upon. According to the linguistic usage of the term
    [Show full text]
  • Diplomacy & Statecraft JM Keynes and the Personal Politics of Reparations
    This article was downloaded by: [Professor Stephen Schuker] On: 23 November 2014, At: 19:47 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Diplomacy & Statecraft Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fdps20 J.M. Keynes and the Personal Politics of Reparations: Part 1 Stephen A. Schuker Published online: 30 Aug 2014. To cite this article: Stephen A. Schuker (2014) J.M. Keynes and the Personal Politics of Reparations: Part 1, Diplomacy & Statecraft, 25:3, 453-471, DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2014.936197 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2014.936197 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content.
    [Show full text]
  • Die Weimarer Republik Als
    Die Weimarer Republik 01. Die deutsche Revolution 1918 November 2018 2 Seiten 02. Zur Europawoche: Der Versailler Vertrag 1919 Mai 2014 2 Seiten 03. Die Weimarer Verfassung 1919 Juli 2019 2 Seiten 04. Die Reichskanzler Konstantin Fehrenbach und Joseph Wirth 2008 8 Seiten 05. Gustav Stresemann, Reichskanzler und Außenminister 2009 8 Seiten 06. Hermann Müller, Sozialdemokrat und Reichskanzler 2007 8 Seiten 07. Wilhelm Groener, Württemberger, Generalstäbler, Minister 2010 10 Seiten 08. Heinrich Brüning, Reichskanzler in der Krise 2010 8 Seiten 09. Hindenburg November 2020 4 Seiten Volkshochschule Karlsruhe 182-24044/November 2018 Hansjörg Frommer Die deutsche Revolution 1918 Folgen der Revolution 1848 Der Schock der Revolutionsbewegungen im März 1848 hatte dazu geführt, dass die neuen libe- ralen Regierungen der Wahl einer deutschen Nationalversammlung zustimmten, die sich für eine parlamentarische Monarchie entschied, einen deutschen Kaiser und ein für die Regierung ver- antwortliches Parlament. Aber der preußische König lehnte im April 1849 ab, weil eine Volksver- tretung ihm die Krone überhaupt nicht anbieten konnte, höchstens seine Mitfürsten, die wie er von Gott berufen worden waren. Nach 1849 wurden überall die fürstlichen Rechte ausgebaut und erweitert, die Parlamente hatten nur ein Mitwirkungsrecht bei der Gesetzgebung, aber keinen Einfluss auf die Regierung. Der preußische Landtag, das wichtigste Parlament, war durch das Dreiklassenwahlrecht eine Vertretung der Besitzenden, nicht des Volkes. Bismarck, 1862 vom König berufen, um gegen die Landtagsmehrheit zu regieren, schaffte mit drei Kriegen gegen Dänemark, Österreich und Frankreich die Gründung des Kaiserreichs. Aber das neue Reich war ein Fürstenbund, ein Vertrag unter Fürsten; König Ludwig von Bayern trug König Wilhelm die Kaiserkrone an, und Großherzog Friedrich von Baden brachte das erste Hoch auf den neuen Kaiser aus.
    [Show full text]
  • The Jewish Contribution to the European Integration Project
    The Jewish Contribution to the European Integration Project Centre for the Study of European Politics and Society Ben-Gurion University of the Negev May 7 2013 CONTENTS Welcoming Remarks………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………1 Dr. Sharon Pardo, Director Centre for the Study of European Politics and Society, Jean Monnet National Centre of Excellence at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev Walther Rathenau, Foreign Minister of Germany during the Weimar Republic and the Promotion of European Integration…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………3 Dr. Hubertus von Morr, Ambassador (ret), Lecturer in International Law and Political Science, Bonn University Fritz Bauer's Contribution to the Re-establishment of the Rule of Law, a Democratic State, and the Promotion of European Integration …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………8 Mr. Franco Burgio, Programme Coordinator European Commission, Brussels Rising from the Ashes: the Shoah and the European Integration Project…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………13 Mr. Michael Mertes, Director Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Israel Contributions of 'Sefarad' to Europe………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………21 Ambassador Alvaro Albacete, Envoy of the Spanish Government for Relations with the Jewish Community and Jewish Organisations The Cultural Dimension of Jewish European Identity………………………………………………………………………………….…26 Dr. Dov Maimon, Jewish People Policy Institute, Israel Anti-Semitism from a European Union Institutional Perspective………………………………………………………………34
    [Show full text]