Baine's [!] History of the Late

y'^^^^ > .3 ^.. v-^^ .o< ^ r^: c"^ 00 ,*^ v: 0" ^ * ^t. v^^ :^, A^ iv '=t ^^ 00^ oH vO V,-^ •^.-^77;^^G^ Oo. A -f. ?: -%.%^ °-'>^i^'.' ^>- 'If, . -vV 1 "'r-t/t/'*^ "i" v^ .''^ «^r "^ - /^ ^ *<, s^ ^0 ^ ^ s}> -r;^. ^^. .- .>r-^. ^ '^ '^. ,^^«iy' c « O. ..s^J^ i^ » ,,$^ 'V. aN^' -. ^ ^ s , o * O , ^ y 0" .. °^ :f' .1 / BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND GREAT BRITAIN; WITH A CTJllTlCAli ATTEXmX, &c BY EBENEZER HARLOW CUMMINS, A. M. BALTIMOBE: riinted by Benja. Edes, corner of Second and Ga/.streets 1820. ADVERTISEMENT. Since the late hostilities with Great Britain, several books have been published in the United States purporting to be histories of tiie war. No one of tliem, it is believed, can be received as generally authentic: the whole adding little to the literary character of the country. Of those most g-en'^rally circulated, we can speak the least favourably, as specimens of history, which means something more than compilations from newspapers, or a tirade of epithets stigmatising our adversaries. Two or three stipendi- aries occupied the fore ground in the race of the booksellers for the market of the United States, producing interesting though coarse compilations; which, while the feelings created by the war were still in Hvely existence, were read with sensations of pleas- ure. But no one now will ascribe to their works, the name, much less the character of history. Weems' life of Marion, in which the author has collated and embellished many interesting events, with the view to a popular book, has greatly superiour pretensions to either. With enough of fact to challenge, at this late day, the credence of most readers, it excels in all kinds of jest and fancy; and administers abundantly of the finest entertain- ment to the lovers of fun. Not so the works we have noticed. Eaton, Latour, and McAffee have furnished books of a different character. They are useful; containing a great mass of important information, necessary to the historian who shall come after them. We do not design to bring up for criticism, or any thing else, the many other histories, sketches, and biographical memoirs, published in different parts of the country. They ap- pear to have been sheltered from animadversion, by their own demits, and naturally reposed in oblivion. Great Britain, too, has had her histories of the war. We have seen three: Nicholson's, Clarke's, and Baines'. In addition to the EngUsh histories there has been one published in Canada, by a Mr. James, cooked and seasoned exactly for the palate of John Bull. The first and secondare echoes of the reports of Brit- ish commanders, and British ministerial newspapers and maga- , zines. The third, which is contained in this volume, differs from IV them as macli in composition as in cliaracter. It is, as a speci= men of history, ver}' superiour to any thing we have, on the same subject, in the United States; and on the whole a Uberal and mag- nanimous production. It was not expected that the dominions of his late majesty, George IH. contained a British subject, who, in writing a history of the war with the United States, would dare tell John Bull to his teeth, that brother Jonathan had broken his nose and spilled his claret: but the reader will find in the history of Mr, Baines man)^ instances of this daring. We have derived infinite satisfaction from the contents of many chapters in this book; because they were writen by a British subject; and because the compliments and concessions of a rival are greatly more valuable than the plaudits we bestow on ourselves. The American reader must excuse the historian for many things which we would call errors, when he reflects upon his relation to the parties, and the sources from which he has most naturally drawn his information. In the end, he has fully compensated the pain his mistatements excite, by the honorable admissions to the American character, of gallantry, intelligence, and virtue. Where we have supposed the historian in error, from the want of just information, or from the bias of his feelings in favour of his countrymen, we liave corrected liim by a series of notes appended to this volume; and where he has indulged too freely in praise of British commanders, at the expense of the Amer- ican character, we have extended our criticismiS to a just re- taliation. W^e have left untouched the original, and have not interfered at all witli the notes and references; except to correct typographical mistakes and the occasional misnomer of American officers. The numerical figures, to be found interpei'sed through- out ihe history, refer to the Appendix, where all our animadversions are inserted. It is not pretended that all occasions for crit- icims have been fully improved. This woiild have swelled our commentary to an unreasonable size. We have seized only on the most important, leaving those merely venial to be occupied by the reader; in doing which he will have a full share of amuse- ment. On the capture of Washington, and several oilier top- ics, we have not enlarged, because we have been unwilhng to revive discussions and renew animadversions, which now sleep in the calm that has so happily succeeded the tempest of war. We feel now as much disposed to forgive and forget the blunders and misfortunes of the unsuccessful, as we are qualified more justly to appreciate the achievements and exploits of those on whom victory was pleased to bestow laurels. To the former we would not give a new pang; and from the latter we have not re- moved a wreath, though accorded by tlie people transported with joy in the moments of triumph, wlien honours were distributed without dJscriminalionsand too frequently without regard to merit. BALTIMORE, 1820. air®^#BW(Pii#sr* The relations subsisting between Great Brrtaia and tlie United States of America had for raany years exliibited a singular aspect. The nations were not indeed in a state of open war, but the conflict of opposite pretensions, the angry discussion of many intricate questions of international law, the charges and recriminations whicli had for a num- ber of years formed the only subject of their diplo- matic intercourse, had diffused over both countries a spirit of distrust and animosity, which seemed likely to find in war alone its natural gratification. In Great Britain an idea prevailed, and seemed in a considerable degree to influence the ministry, that America liad displayed a very unjustifiable spirit of hostility towards this country, while she had manifested a decided leaning and partiality towards the interests and views of France. This opinion appeared to justify those who were decid- edly for war with the United States, in giving cur- rency to their hostile feelings. But another cir- cumstance also operated towards the same end. A A VI »ar with America, it was ai'gued, would be not only just but of short continuance, and would ex- hibit a scene of uninterrupted and splendid succes- ses on our part, and of defeat and disgrace on theirs. The Americans, on the other hand, were galled and irritated by the attacks made on tlieir commerce; by the riglit of search, as claimed and exercised by England, not always on the best grounds, or in the least offensive manner; and by the impressment and detention of their seamen; and to these motives for war was probably added the hope of conquering Canada, and of enriching themselves by the capture of our merchant ships. As no doubt could be entertained, that in the event of a war between the two countries, Canada would be attacked. Sir James Craig, the governor of that province, very judiciously took every mea- sure which he thouglit could be effectual or condu- cive to its protection and defence. Had lie conrni- ed himself to this line of conduct alone, no blame could have been imputed to him; but he thought himself justified in sending a person, of the name of Henry, into the United States on a very ambig- uous and reprehensible errand. This man was seized (I) by the American government, who ob- tained possession of his instructions, as well as co- pies of the communications which he had made to Sir James Craig; and according to the statements submitted to congress, the object of captain Henry was to ingratiate himself with the fedei-al party; to asccrti'.ui its strength, its wishes, and its views, in the different states; and more particularly to en- Vll courage, witli tlic promise of Bi'itisli assistance, any design they might be disposed to form for a separation of the states. This conduct on the part of Great Britain, originating in one of her highest authorities in North America, the president, in a message to congress, represented as a flagrant breach of public faith, committed at a time when Great Britain and America were employed in discussions of amity and reconciliation. When the subject of the mission of Capt. Henry was brought •before the British parliament, ministers refused to produce the correspondence and papers connected with these mysterious transactions, nor did they give a very clear and satisfactory account of the business. They denied, however, that captain Henry was accredited by them, or that they were acquainted with the intention of Sir James Craig to employ him. Notwithstanding this disavowal, the British government had all the disgrace of having acted contrary to the law of nations, and at the same time, the mortification to perceive tli at the American people were more closely united by this most injudicious and unjustifiable attempt to divide them.

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