OAU Assembly XXII
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Directors Fortnight Cannes 2000 Winner Best Feature
DIRECTORS WINNER FORTNIGHT BEST FEATURE CANNES PAN-AFRICAN FILM 2000 FESTIVAL L.A. A FILM BY RAOUL PECK A ZEITGEIST FILMS RELEASE JACQUES BIDOU presents A FILM BY RAOUL PECK Patrice Lumumba Eriq Ebouaney Joseph Mobutu Alex Descas Maurice Mpolo Théophile Moussa Sowié Joseph Kasa Vubu Maka Kotto Godefroid Munungo Dieudonné Kabongo Moïse Tshombe Pascal Nzonzi Walter J. Ganshof Van der Meersch André Debaar Joseph Okito Cheik Doukouré Thomas Kanza Oumar Diop Makena Pauline Lumumba Mariam Kaba General Emile Janssens Rudi Delhem Director Raoul Peck Screenplay Raoul Peck Pascal Bonitzer Music Jean-Claude Petit Executive Producer Jacques Bidou Production Manager Patrick Meunier Marianne Dumoulin Director of Photography Bernard Lutic 1st Assistant Director Jacques Cluzard Casting Sylvie Brocheré Artistic Director Denis Renault Art DIrector André Fonsny Costumes Charlotte David Editor Jacques Comets Sound Mixer Jean-Pierre Laforce Filmed in Zimbabwe, Mozambique and Belgium A French/Belgian/Haitian/German co-production, 2000 In French with English subtitles 35mm • Color • Dolby Stereo SRD • 1:1.85 • 3144 meters Running time: 115 mins A ZEITGEIST FILMS RELEASE 247 CENTRE ST • 2ND FL • NEW YORK • NY 10013 www.zeitgeistfilm.com • [email protected] (212) 274-1989 • FAX (212) 274-1644 At the Berlin Conference of 1885, Europe divided up the African continent. The Congo became the personal property of King Leopold II of Belgium. On June 30, 1960, a young self-taught nationalist, Patrice Lumumba, became, at age 36, the first head of government of the new independent state. He would last two months in office. This is a true story. SYNOPSIS LUMUMBA is a gripping political thriller which tells the story of the legendary African leader Patrice Emery Lumumba. -
Armed Conflicts Report - Chad
Armed Conflicts Report - Chad Armed Conflicts Report Chad (1965 - first combat deaths) Update: January 2009 Summary Type of Conflict Parties to the Conflict Status of Fighting Number of Deaths Political Developments Background Arms Sources Summary: 2008 In February, rebel forces attempted a coup d’etat in the capital N’Djamena. Although unsuccessful, the attempted coup resulted in several hundred deaths, displaced tens of thousands and prompted the Chadian government to declare a state of emergency. A joint-international mission was deployed in Chad, including an EU military component (EUFOR) and a UN humanitarian component, the United Nations Mission in Central African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT). However, the relative ineffectualness of these missions, in combination with rebel proxy violence in the Sudan/Darfur-Chad border regions, hampered potential developments towards security. The humanitarian situation deteriorated as insecurity hampered the efforts of aid organizations. Citing Chad’s continued failure to use oil revenues for poverty reduction, the World Bank finally ended its involvement there by recalling loans from the Chad-Cameroon oil pipeline. 2007 The governments of Chad, Sudan and the Central African Republic signed an agreement to not support rebels in their territory attacking the other signatories, however, cross border attacks continued in 2007 and led to the death and increased displacement of Chadian citizens as well as Sudanese refugees living in Chad. Despite the signing of a ceasefire agreement by the government and four main armed opposition groups, no lasting peace agreement has been reached and armed resistance to President Idriss Deby’s leadership continued to intensify. Ethnic violence also continued and led UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon to propose two possible military operations for Chad, in combination with the European Union peacekeeping mission that is set to deploy in early 2008. -
The Chair of the African Union
Th e Chair of the African Union What prospect for institutionalisation? THE EVOLVING PHENOMENA of the Pan-African organisation to react timeously to OF THE CHAIR continental and international events. Th e Moroccan delegation asserted that when an event occurred on the Th e chair of the Pan-African organisation is one position international scene, member states could fail to react as that can be scrutinised and defi ned with diffi culty. Its they would give priority to their national concerns, or real political and institutional signifi cance can only be would make a diff erent assessment of such continental appraised through a historical analysis because it is an and international events, the reason being that, con- institution that has evolved and acquired its current trary to the United Nations, the OAU did not have any shape and weight through practical engagements. Th e permanent representatives that could be convened at any expansion of the powers of the chairperson is the result time to make a timely decision on a given situation.2 of a process dating back to the era of the Organisation of Th e delegation from Sierra Leone, a former member African Unity (OAU) and continuing under the African of the Monrovia group, considered the hypothesis of Union (AU). the loss of powers of the chairperson3 by alluding to the Indeed, the desirability or otherwise of creating eff ect of the possible political fragility of the continent on a chair position had been debated among members the so-called chair function. since the creation of the Pan-African organisation. -
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power. -
Workshop Report
WORKSHOP OF THE FRANCOPHONE AFRICAN ALLIANCE FOR WATER AND SANITATION Mbour - Saly Portudal (Senegal), 18-22 June 2019 WORKSHOP REPORT Minutes Workshop 8 Water and sanitation CSOs from West and Central Africa June 2019 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Opening of the Workshop ............................................................................................................ 3 Part 1: Sharing experiences on citizen control and accountability for SDG6 ................................... 4 1. Progress of the action plans of the CSOs elaborated in workshop 7 and follow-up to the studies on accountability mechanisms in the countries ................................................................................... 4 2. Focus on the Sanitation and Water for All (SWA) Partnership: Feedback from the Sector Ministers' Meeting (April 2019, Costa Rica) .....................................................................................................6 3. Presentation of the Watershed program / Mali ..............................................................................9 Part 2: Strategic workshop "On the way to Dakar 2021: Mobilizing WASH NGOs/CSOs in the Sub- region to achieve the SDG6" ........................................................................................................ 10 1. Preparation of the kick-off meeting of the 9th World Water Forum ........................................... 10 2. Session on a sub-regional strategy for African NGOs for the 9th WWF and beyond .................... 17 3. Kick off meeting of the 9th -
Loyalist Monitoring, and the Sorcery Masonic Lodge∗
Chapter 4 of Inside Autocracy Expanding the Governing Coalition: \Unite and Rule", Loyalist Monitoring, and the Sorcery Masonic Lodge∗ Brett L. Cartery November 4, 2012 Abstract Scholars have long believed autocrats \divide and rule" their elite; divided elites, the argu- ment goes, are unable to conspire against the autocrat. Yet historical evidence suggests some autocrats do precisely the opposite. This chapter's theoretical model argues an autocrat may create a compulsory elite social club if his inner circle is sufficiently large. Frequent interaction between the inner circle and less trustworthy elite enables the loyalists to learn about { and thus prevent { nascent conspiracies. By reducing the probability of coups d'´etat from less trustwor- thy elites, \unite and rule" monitoring enable the autocrat to expand his governing coalition. Sassou Nguesso's compulsory elite social club takes the form of a Freemasonry lodge, created just before he seized power in 1997. After providing statistical evidence that high level appoint- ment is the best predictor of lodge membership, the chapter employs a matching estimator to establish that lodge membership causes elites to engage in less anti-regime behavior. ∗This research was made possible by grants from the National Science Foundation, United States Institute of Peace, Social Science Research Council, Smith Richardson Foundation, Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, and Institute for Quantitative Social Science. Thanks to Robert Bates, John Clark, Wonbin Kang, Steve Levitsky, James Robinson, and Yuri Zhukov for helpful comments and encouragement, as well as seminar participants at Harvard University and University of Wisconsin-Madison. My greatest debts are to several Congolese friends, who made this research possible and must remain anonymous. -
UNPLAN Republic of Congo 2002 English
UN PLAN 2002 Together... Republic of Congo (Brazzaville) UN COUNTRY TEAM Published by the Office of the United Nations Resident Coordinator and Humanitarian Coordinator BP 465, Avenue Foch, Brazzaville, Republic of Congo Telephone: (242) 81 03 88 Facsimilie: (242) 81 16 79 E-mail: [email protected] REPUBLIC OF CONGO FAO ILO IOM UNDP UNESCO UNFPA UNHCR UNICEF WFP WHO ...from the ground up Congo is located in western central Africa astride the equator. It borders Gabon, Cameroon, the Cen- tral African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and the Angolan exclave of Cabinda, with a short stretch of coast along the South Atlantic. Congo is divided into 11 administrative regions (Brazzaville, the Capital, constitutes a region). C INTRODUCTION ONTENTS Foreword 4 Executive Summary 5 UN Country Team Goals 6 COUNTRY BRIEF History 9 Civil War 10 Foundations for Peace 11 Building Democratic Institutions 12 Economic Management 13 CROSS-SECTOR THEMES Responding to Emergency 16 Gender Equity 17 HIV/AIDS 19 Human Rights 20 Poverty Reduction 22 SECTORS Agriculture, Food Security and Nutrition 23 Children and Family 25 Culture and Communications 26 Education and Science 27 Employment and Income-Generation 29 Environment 30 Health 31 Refugees 33 Reintegration Ex-Combatants 34 Water, Hygiene and Sanitation 35 UN PROJECTS FOR 2002 UN PROJECTS FOR 2002 Project Index 38 Project Index PARTNERS NGOS 82 FOREWORD This is the second year that we have produced an all-in-one ‘UN Plan’ for our work in Republic of Congo, fusing together the elements of the United Nation’s humanitarian OREWORD appeal, its common assessment, and its development framework into a unitary approach. -
The Burundi Peace Process
ISS MONOGRAPH 171 ISS Head Offi ce Block D, Brooklyn Court 361 Veale Street New Muckleneuk, Pretoria, South Africa Tel: +27 12 346-9500 Fax: +27 12 346-9570 E-mail: [email protected] Th e Burundi ISS Addis Ababa Offi ce 1st Floor, Ki-Ab Building Alexander Pushkin Street PEACE CONDITIONAL TO CIVIL WAR FROM PROCESS: THE BURUNDI PEACE Peace Process Pushkin Square, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Th is monograph focuses on the role peacekeeping Tel: +251 11 372-1154/5/6 Fax: +251 11 372-5954 missions played in the Burundi peace process and E-mail: [email protected] From civil war to conditional peace in ensuring that agreements signed by parties to ISS Cape Town Offi ce the confl ict were adhered to and implemented. 2nd Floor, Armoury Building, Buchanan Square An AU peace mission followed by a UN 160 Sir Lowry Road, Woodstock, South Africa Tel: +27 21 461-7211 Fax: +27 21 461-7213 mission replaced the initial SA Protection Force. E-mail: [email protected] Because of the non-completion of the peace ISS Nairobi Offi ce process and the return of the PALIPEHUTU- Braeside Gardens, Off Muthangari Road FNL to Burundi, the UN Security Council Lavington, Nairobi, Kenya Tel: +254 20 386-1625 Fax: +254 20 386-1639 approved the redeployment of an AU mission to E-mail: [email protected] oversee the completion of the demobilisation of ISS Pretoria Offi ce these rebel forces by December 2008. Block C, Brooklyn Court C On 18 April 2009, at a ceremony to mark the 361 Veale Street ON beginning of the demobilisation of thousands New Muckleneuk, Pretoria, South Africa DI Tel: +27 12 346-9500 Fax: +27 12 460-0998 TI of PALIPEHUTU-FNL combatants, Agathon E-mail: [email protected] ON Rwasa, leader of PALIPEHUTU-FNL, gave up AL www.issafrica.org P his AK-47 and military uniform. -
5. U.S. Policy Toward Africa
GREA1918 • FOREIGN POLICYT ASSOCIATION DECISIONS EDITION 2015 5. U.S. policy toward Africa Acronyms and abbreviations Omar al-Bashir: He became the president of Sudan in 1989 after a bloodless military coup and has been under AFRICOM—U.S. Africa Command scrutiny for corruption and other abuses of power. AFISMA—African-led International Support Mission to Mali Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali (Tunisia): General Ben Ali AGOA—African Growth and Opportunity Act who was serving as prime minister, became president af- AMISON—African Union Mission in Somalia ter Habib Bourguiba was forced to step down after being APRRP—African Peacekeeping Rapid Response Part- declared mentally unfit. Ben Ali ruled until Jan. 2011, nership when he left the country following continued violent AU—African Union demonstrations in the country. CAR—Central African Republic CBC—Congressional Black Caucus Boko Haram: A militant Islamist movement based in CPA—Comprehensive Peace Agreement Nigeria that gained international attention in 2014 when DRC—Democratic Republic of the Congo it kidnapped over 200 girls, planning to sell them into ECCAS—Economic Community of Central African States slavery. ECOWAS—Economic Community of West African States ICC—International Criminal Court Omar Bongo: President of Gabon for 41 years until his LRA—Lord’s Resistance Army death in 2009. Despite periodic accusations of corruption, NTC—National Transitional Council he maintained relative stability during his time in office, PEPFAR—President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief and, at the time of his death, was the longest-serving head USAID—U.S. Agency for International Development of state in Africa. Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA): A set of agreements seeking to end years of civil war in Sudan. -
Senegal Since 2000. Rebuilding Hegemony in a Global Age Vincent Foucher, Tarik Dahou
Senegal since 2000. Rebuilding Hegemony in a Global Age Vincent Foucher, Tarik Dahou To cite this version: Vincent Foucher, Tarik Dahou. Senegal since 2000. Rebuilding Hegemony in a Global Age. Turning Points in African Democracy, 2009. hal-02614085 HAL Id: hal-02614085 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02614085 Submitted on 20 May 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Mustapha_01 1/5/09 15:48 Page 13 2 Senegal since 2000 Rebuilding Hegemony in a Global Age TARIK DAHOU & VINCENT FOUCHER Senegal is often seen as a model of democracy in Africa. The changing character of Senegalese political life since independence has been paralleled by just as many changes in the literature about it. Initially most work tended to focus on the long history and rooted character of Senegalese democratic culture. This was essentially an urban-based political history centred on the lives of an enlightened class of évolués, African elites with a French education. In various shades, subse- quent authors described how the powerful Muslim brotherhoods functioned as mechanisms for political integration in the countryside: in exchange for agricultural services and other resources channelled to client marabouts, the party-state could count on the votes of the disciples attached to these marabouts (Copans 1980; Coulon 1981). -
Kitona Operations: Rwanda's Gamble to Capture Kinshasa and The
Courtesy of Author Courtesy of Author of Courtesy Rwandan Patriotic Army soldiers during 1998 Congo war and insurgency Rwandan Patriotic Army soldiers guard refugees streaming toward collection point near Rwerere during Rwanda insurgency, 1998 The Kitona Operation RWANDA’S GAMBLE TO CAPTURE KINSHASA AND THE MIsrEADING OF An “ALLY” By JAMES STEJSKAL One who is not acquainted with the designs of his neighbors should not enter into alliances with them. —SUN TZU James Stejskal is a Consultant on International Political and Security Affairs and a Military Historian. He was present at the U.S. Embassy in Kigali, Rwanda, from 1997 to 2000, and witnessed the events of the Second Congo War. He is a retired Foreign Service Officer (Political Officer) and retired from the U.S. Army as a Special Forces Warrant Officer in 1996. He is currently working as a Consulting Historian for the Namib Battlefield Heritage Project. ndupress.ndu.edu issue 68, 1 st quarter 2013 / JFQ 99 RECALL | The Kitona Operation n early August 1998, a white Boeing remain hurdles that must be confronted by Uganda, DRC in 1998 remained a safe haven 727 commercial airliner touched down U.S. planners and decisionmakers when for rebels who represented a threat to their unannounced and without warning considering military operations in today’s respective nations. Angola had shared this at the Kitona military airbase in Africa. Rwanda’s foray into DRC in 1998 also concern in 1996, and its dominant security I illustrates the consequences of a failure to imperative remained an ongoing civil war the southwestern Bas Congo region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). -
New Nations in Africa
3 New Nations in Africa MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW TERMS & NAMES REVOLUTION After World War II, Today, many of those • Negritude • Ahmed Ben African leaders threw off independent countries are movement Bella colonial rule and created engaged in building political •Kwame •Mobutu independent countries. and economic stability. Nkrumah Sese Seko • Jomo Kenyatta SETTING THE STAGE Throughout the first half of the 20th century, Africa resembled little more than a European outpost. As you recall, the nations of Europe had marched in during the late 1800s and colonized much of the conti- nent. Like the diverse groups living in Asia, however, the many different peoples of Africa were unwilling to return to colonial domination after World War II. And so, in the decades following the great global conflict, they, too, won their inde- pendence from foreign rule and went to work building new nations. TAKING NOTES Achieving Independence Clarifying Use a chart to list an idea, an event, or a The African push for independence actually began in the decades before World War leader important to that II. French-speaking Africans and West Indians began to express their growing sense country’s history. of black consciousness and pride in traditional Africa. They formed the Negritude movement, a movement to celebrate African culture, heritage, and values. When World War II erupted, African soldiers fought alongside Europeans to Ghana “defend freedom.” This experience made them unwilling to accept colonial dom- Kenya ination when they returned home. The war had changed the thinking of Zaire Europeans too. Many began to question the cost, as well as the morality, of main- taining colonies abroad.