Asian Perspective Preprint 2021 Xiaoxiao Meng (Forthcoming)
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THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY SCHREYER HONORS COLLEGE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE GUANGDONG: FROM ECONOMIC PIONEER TO LEADER IN POLITICAL REFORM? JARLENE CHOY Spring 2010 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a baccalaureate degree in International Politics with honors in International Politics Reviewed and approved* by the following: Gretchen Casper Associate Professor of Political Science and Asian Studies Thesis Supervisor Michael Berkman Professor of Political Science Honors Adviser * Signatures are on file in the Schreyer Honors College. i ABSTRACT My thesis is on the economic development of Guangdong and how it could contribute to political liberalization in the province. I will examine the political relationship between the southern Chinese province, Guangdong, and the capital, Beijing. I will research how Guangdong’s geographical distance from Beijing in the north has historically allowed it to be a more politically "independent-minded" province. I plan to research centralized vs. local government control between Beijing and Guangdong at the national, provincial, prefectural and county levels. I plan to examine the pattern of Guangdong’s local political appointments, their political and personal backgrounds, and how closely they implement policies ordered by the central government in Beijing. Guangdong is worth examining because it has historically been a center for revolutionary activities. Guangzhou warrants further study because it is a city of major economic and historical importance to China, despite often being politically overshadowed by Shanghai and Beijing. Guangzhou is the third largest Chinese city and the largest mainland economy in terms of GDP as of 2007. Guangdong province will be compared with Hong Kong due to its geographical proximity and economic cooperation. -
(Hrsg.) Strafrecht in Reaktion Auf Systemunrecht
Albin Eser / Ulrich Sieber / Jörg Arnold (Hrsg.) Strafrecht in Reaktion auf Systemunrecht Schriftenreihe des Max-Planck-Instituts für ausländisches und internationales Strafrecht Strafrechtliche Forschungsberichte Herausgegeben von Ulrich Sieber in Fortführung der Reihe „Beiträge und Materialien aus dem Max-Planck-Institut für ausländisches und internationales Strafrecht Freiburg“ begründet von Albin Eser Band S 82.9 Strafrecht in Reaktion auf Systemunrecht Vergleichende Einblicke in Transitionsprozesse herausgegeben von Albin Eser • Ulrich Sieber • Jörg Arnold Band 9 China von Thomas Richter sdfghjk Duncker & Humblot • Berlin Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Bibliothek Die Deutsche Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über <http://dnb.ddb.de> abrufbar. DOI https://doi.org/10.30709/978-3-86113-876-X Redaktion: Petra Lehser Alle Rechte vorbehalten © 2006 Max-Planck-Gesellschaft zur Förderung der Wissenschaften e.V. c/o Max-Planck-Institut für ausländisches und internationales Strafrecht Günterstalstraße 73, 79100 Freiburg i.Br. http://www.mpicc.de Vertrieb in Gemeinschaft mit Duncker & Humblot GmbH, Berlin http://WWw.duncker-humblot.de Umschlagbild: Thomas Gade, © www.medienarchiv.com Druck: Stückle Druck und Verlag, Stückle-Straße 1, 77955 Ettenheim Printed in Germany ISSN 1860-0093 ISBN 3-86113-876-X (Max-Planck-Institut) ISBN 3-428-12129-5 (Duncker & Humblot) Gedruckt auf alterungsbeständigem (säurefreiem) Papier entsprechend ISO 9706 # Vorwort der Herausgeber Mit dem neunten Band der Reihe „Strafrecht in Reaktion auf Systemunrecht – Vergleichende Einblicke in Transitionsprozesse“ wird zur Volksrepublik China ein weiterer Landesbericht vorgelegt. Während die bisher erschienenen Bände solche Länder in den Blick nahmen, die hinsichtlich der untersuchten Transitionen einem „klassischen“ Systemwechsel von der Diktatur zur Demokratie entsprachen, ist die Einordung der Volksrepublik China schwieriger. -
Petroleum Group’S Rise to Power
1 Shifting development Strategies in Post-Maoist China : A Research into the Interplay of Politics and Economic Strategy (1976-1979) Ari Van Assche August 1999 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements Introduction 1. Historic Background 2.1 The Petroleum Group’s Rise to Power 2.2 Decentralization during the Turbulent Years of the Cultural Revolution 2.3 Recentralisation of Economic Decision-Making Power 2.4 The Petroleum Group Discredited 2.5 Conclusion 2. Rise to Power of the Military-Bureaucratic Coalition 2.1 Politicial Model 2.2 Political Landscape 2.3 Collaboration of the Survivors and Beneficiaries 2.4 Military-bureaucratic coalition 2.5 Rehabilitation of Deng Xiaoping (Breach of Harmony) 2.6 Conclusion 3. Four Modernizations Program 3.1 Economic situation during the Cultural Revolution 3.2 Recentralisation of economic decision-making power 3.3 Four Modernisations Program 3.4 Ten-Year Plan 3 3.5 Great Leap Outward 3.6 Conclusion 4. Economic Imbalances 4.1 External Imbalance 4.2 Internal Imbalance 4.3 Conclusion 5. Political Struggle 5.1 Political Landscape 5.2 Practice Faction in control of the media 5.3 Regional support for the practice faction 5.4 November Work Conference – finishing off the Whatever Faction 5.5 Conclusion 6. Retrenchment Strategy 6.1 Rise of Chen Yun 6.2 Abolishment of the Ten-Year Plan 6.3 Retrenchment Strategy 7.1 Conclusion 7. Conclusion 8. Bibliography 4 INTRODUCTION The spectacular growth of the Chinese economy from the beginning of the 1980s to the present day has fascinated many scholars. Puzzled by the reasons behind the breath-taking speed of this economic take-off, they initiated profound analyses of the fundamental political and economic logic behind this phenomenon. -
The Third Chinese Revolutionary Civil War, 1945–49
Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 20:24 09 May 2016 The Third Chinese Revolutionary Civil War, 1945–49 This book examines the Third Chinese Revolutionary Civil War of 1945–49, which resulted in the victory of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) over Chiang Kaishek and the Guomindang (GMD) and the founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949. It provides a military and strategic history of how the CCP waged and ultimately won the war, the transformation of its armed forces, and how the Communist leaders interacted with each other. Whereas most explanations of the CCP’s eventual victory focus on the Sino- Japanese War of 1937–45, when the revolution was supposedly won as a result of the Communists’ invention of “peasant nationalism,” this book shows that the outcome of the revolution was not a foregone conclusion in 1945. It explains how the eventual victory of the Communists resulted from important strategic decisions taken on both sides, in particular the remarkable transformation of the Communist army from an insurgent / guerrilla force into a conventional army. The book also explores how the hierarchy of the People’s Republic of China developed during the war. It shows how Mao’s power was based as much on his military acumen as his political thought, above all his role in formulating and implementing a successful military strategy in the war of 1945–49. It also describes how other important figures, such as Lin Biao, Deng Xiaoping, Nie Rongzhen, Liu Shaoqi, and Chen Yi, made their reputations during the conflict, and reveals the inner workings of the First generation political-military elite of the PRC. -
The Communist Party of China: I • Party Powers and Group Poutics I from the Third Plenum to the Twelfth Party Congress
\ 1 ' NUMBER 2- 1984 (81) NUMBER 2 - 1984 (81) THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA: I • PARTY POWERS AND GROUP POUTICS I FROM THE THIRD PLENUM TO THE TWELFTH PARTY CONGRESS Hung-mao Tien School of LAw ~ of MAaylANCI • ' Occasional Papers/Reprint Series in Contemporary Asian Studies General Editor: Hungdah Chiu Executive Editor: Mitchell A. Silk Managing Editor: Shirley Lay Editorial Advisory Board Professor Robert A. Scalapino, University of California at Berkeley Professor Martin Wilbur, Columbia University Professor Gaston J. Sigur, George Washington University Professor Shao-chuan Leng, University of Virginia Professor Lawrence W. Beer, Lafayette College Professor James Hsiung, New York University Dr. Lih-wu Han, Political Science Association of the Republic of China Professor J. S. Prybyla, The Pennsylvania State University Professor Toshio Sawada, Sophia University, Japan Professor Gottfried-Karl Kindermann, Center for International Politics, University of Munich, Federal Republic of Germany Professor Choon-ho Park, College of Law and East Asian Law of the Sea Institute, Korea University, Republic of Korea Published with the cooperation of the Maryland International Law Society All contributions (in English only) and communications should be sent to Professor Hungdah Chiu, University of Maryland School of Law, 500 West Baltimore Street, Baltimore, Maryland 21201 USA. All publications in this series reflect only the views of the authors. While the editor accepts responsibility for the selection of materials to be published, the individual author is responsible for statements of facts and expressions of opinion contained therein. Subscription is US $10.00 for 6 issues (regardless of the price of individual issues) in the United States and Canada and $12.00 for overseas. -
China's October Coup That Ended the Maoist
345 CHINA’S OCTOBER COUP THAT ENDED THE MAOIST ERA SUN, Warren-TEIWES, Frederick AVUSTRALYA/AUSTRALIA/АВСТРАЛИЯ From the perspective of the larger dynamics of elite politics, this paper attempts to provide a detailed fresh examination of the dramatic events of “China’s October coup” that took place immediately following the passing in 1976 of the PRC’s founding father, Mao Zedong. In this unprecedented denouement, Hua Guofeng, Mao’s newly anointed successor, unexpectedly took decisive steps to act against his late patron’s will by arresting the “gang of four” including Mao’s widow. Mao had entrusted the radical four to carry forward the great red flag of his Cultural Revolution. Thus Hua’s purge of the “gang of four” must be seen as a first step to move away from Mao’s legacy of radicalism by physically removing the platform for any further Cultural Revolution which had obsessed Mao but plagued the Chinese people for the entire period of Mao’s later years. When Mao died the basic division within the Chinese polity from the Politburo to the grass roots was obvious. On one side stood the radical adherents of the Cultural Revolution, those who benefited from the movement and/or believed in its ideological message. At the apex, of course, stood the so- called “gang of four” who had been catapulted to their elevated positions from the margins of the elite in a process quite different from the Party’s traditional ladder of promotion. In opposition were a variety of individuals and groups identified with the establishment: officials who had directly suffered at the hands of rebels during the movement, others dismayed by the political and economic disruption associated with the Cultural Revolution, and a broad range of people who objected to the whole process as an inversion of proper status within the CCP. -
HOW the GUANGMING DAILY WAS TAKEN OVER at the TIME of the SMASHING of the “GANG of FOUR” Oral Account by Sun Zhongfan; Compi
HOW THE GUANGMING DAILY WAS TAKEN OVER AT THE TIME OF THE SMASHING OF THE “GANG OF FOUR” Oral account by Sun Zhongfan; compiled by Sun Qingsong September, 2010 [This document, an oral history by a former Organization Department functionary, provides some of the on-the-ground detail surrounding the 1976 coup against the “Gang of Four,” the faction centered on Mao Zedong’s wife Jiang Qing that dominated the propaganda system in the early 1970s, promoting the radical line. They were placed under arrest about a month after Chairman Mao’s death. The narrator, Sun Zhongfan (1941-2010) spent most of his career in the technical education field. He retired as head of the China Academy of Industry and Transportation. In 1976 he was one of those charged with purging the Guangming Daily, a newspaper primarily directed toward the intellectual community and prior to Mao’s death very much under Gang control. The narrative strongly brings out the dangers of being “criticized by name,” and also provides a little information over a rather obscure point of sinological Kremlinology, Chairman Mao’s supposed “last words” to the effect that the Party should act according to the “set direction.” Somehow Hua Guofeng, Mao’s successor as Party Chairman and front man for the coup, found this threatening. According to Sun, however, the turn of phrase was relatively innocent, not a part of any plot by the radicals to seize power. Sun argues that the purge of the Guangming Daily was carried out in a principled and professional manner, and—again relatively—perhaps it was. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
1/2006 Data Supplement PR China Hong Kong SAR Macau SAR Taiwan CHINA aktuell Journal of Current Chinese Affairs Data Supplement People’s Republic of China, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: Institute of Asian Affairs Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax:(040)4107945 Contributors: Uwe Kotzel Dr. Liu Jen-Kai Christine Reinking Dr. Günter Schucher Dr. Margot Schüller Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC LIU JEN-KAI 3 The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC LIU JEN-KAI 22 Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership LIU JEN-KAI 27 PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries LIU JEN-KAI 45 PRC Laws and Regulations LIU JEN-KAI 50 Hong Kong SAR Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 54 Macau SAR Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 57 Taiwan Political LIU JEN-KAI 59 Bibliography of Articles on the PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, and on Taiwan UWE KOTZEL / LIU JEN-KAI / CHRISTINE REINKING / GÜNTER SCHUCHER 61 CHINA aktuell Data Supplement - 3 - 1/2006 The Leading Group for Fourmulating a National Strategy on Intellectual Prop- CHINESE COMMUNIST erty Rights was established in January 2005. The Main National (ChiDir, p.159) PARTY The National Disaster-Reduction Commit- tee was established on 2 April 2005. (ChiDir, Leadership of the p.152) CCP CC General Secretary China National Machinery and Equip- Hu Jintao 02/11 PRC ment (Group) Corporation changed its name into China National Machinery In- dustry Corporation (SINOMACH), begin- POLITBURO Liu Jen-Kai ning 8 September 2005. -
THE CHINESE TRADITION of RIGHTEOUS WAR and CHINA's DECISIONS for WAR BETWEEN 1950 AND1979 by CHENG-YUN CHANG B.A., Soochow
THE CHINESE TRADITION OF RIGHTEOUS WAR AND CHINA’S DECISIONS FOR WAR BETWEEN 1950 AND1979 by CHENG-YUN CHANG B.A., Soochow University, Taiwan, 2001 M.A., Tamkang University, Taiwan, 2004 AN ABSTRACT OF A DISSERTATION submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Security Studies Program College of Arts and Sciences KANSAS STATE UNIVERSITY Manhattan, Kansas 2013 Abstract This dissertation engages the question of what role the Chinese Righteous War Tradition (CRWT) played in the process of Chinese decision-making regarding the decisions to go to war during the period from 1950 to 1979. It asks whether, in their decision-making, the Chinese leaders identified “just cause” through a frame of reference provided by the CRWT; it asks further under what circumstances the identified “just cause” may have exerted influence upon their decision for war. This dissertation presents the first empirical study exploring the application and influence of the traditional Chinese concept of righteous war to China’s modern history. The CRWT is my label for a set of ideas found in the ancient Chinese classics. These ideas suggest that two major standards, righteousness-based justifications and competent authority, were a frame of reference for the Chinese leaders in their assessment of the legitimacy of a decision for war. The justifications of stopping violence, punishing a disobedient state, helping a weaker state against a stronger state’s invasion, and self-defense are regularly defined in the CRWT as righteous causes for going to war. The identification of competent authority is often related to the perception of moral standing, in which a war can be justified by confronting an opponent who is morally inferior to oneself. -
FIFI ANGGRAENI Cover 123.Pdf
DigitalDigital RepositoryRepository UniversitasUniversitas JemberJember PARTAI KOMUNIS CINA (PKC) DI BAWAH REZIM DENG XIAOPING PADA 1976-1989 SKRIPSI Diajukan guna melengkapi tugas akhir dan memenuhi salah satu syarat untuk menyelesaikan studi pada Jurusan Sejarah (S1) dan mencapai gelas Sarjana Sastra Oleh FIFI ANGGRAENI NIM. 110110301042 JURUSAN ILMU SEJARAH FAKULTAS SASTRA UNIVERSITAS JEMBER 2015 i DigitalDigital RepositoryRepository UniversitasUniversitas JemberJember PERNYATAAN Saya yang bertanda tangan di bawah ini: Nama : Fifi Anggraeni NIM : 110110301042 Menyatakan dengan sesungguhnya bahwa karya ilmiah yang berjudul “Partai Komunis Cina (PKC) Di Bawah Rezim Deng Xiaoping Pada 1976-1989“ adalah benar-benar hasil karya sendiri, kecuali kutipan yang sudah saya sebutkan sumbernya, belum pernah diajukan pada institusi mana pun, dan bukan karya jiplakan. Saya bertanggung jawab atas keabsahan dan kebenaran isinya sesuai dengan sikap ilmiah yang harus dijunjung tinggi. Demikian pernyataan ini saya buat dengan sebenarnya, tanpa ada tekanan dan paksaan dari pihak mana pun serta bersedia mendapat sanksi akademik jika ternyata di kemudian hari penyataan ini tidak benar. Jember 30 Oktober 2015 Yang menyatakan, Fifi Anggraeni NIM 110110301042 ii DigitalDigital RepositoryRepository UniversitasUniversitas JemberJember PERSETUJUAN Skripsi ini telah disetujui untuk diujikan oleh: Dosen Pembimbing, Drs. Nurhadi Sasmita, M. Hum NIP. 196012151989021001 iii DigitalDigital RepositoryRepository UniversitasUniversitas JemberJember PENGESAHAN Diterima dan disahkan oleh Panitia Penguji Skripsi Program Strata 1 Jurusan Sejarah Fakultas Sastra Universitas Jember Pada hari : Jum’at Tanggal : 30 Oktober 2015 Ketua, Drs. Nurhadi Sasmita M. Hum NIP.196012151989021001 Anggota 1, Anggota 2, Drs. I.G. Krisnadi M. Hum Mrr. Ratna Endang W. SS., MA NIP. 19612151989021001 NIP. 196907271997022001 Mengesahkan Dekan Fakultas Sastra Universitas Jember Dr. Hairus Salikin, M. -
China's Navy 2007
Organizational Structure Leadership Political System Doctrine Submarine Forces Surface Forces Naval Aviation Coastal Defense Forces Marine Corps Manpow- er Unit Training Quality of Life Foreign Relations Organizational Structure Leadership Political System Doctrine SubmarineChina’s Forces Surface Navy Forces Naval Avia- 2007 Office of Naval Intelligence China’s Navy 2007 Office of Naval Intelligence China’s Navy 2007—i ii—China’s Navy 2007 The PLA Navy is responsible for safeguarding China’s maritime security and maintaining the sovereignty of its territorial seas along with its maritime rights and interests. Preparation for the maritime battlefield has been intensified and improved while the integrated combat capabilities are being enhanced to conduct offshore campaigns. The capability of nuclear counter-attacks has also been enhanced. In accordance with the principle of smaller but more efficient troops, the PLA Navy has compressed the chain of command and reorganized the combat forces in a more scientific way while giving prominence to building maritime combat forces, especially amphibious combat forces. The PLA Navy has also sped up the process of updating its weaponry and equipment with priority given to the development of new combat ships as well as various kinds of special- purpose aircraft and relevant equipment. At the same time, the weaponry is increasingly informationalized and long-range precision strike capability raised. China’s 2004 Defense White Paper The Navy aims at gradual extension of the strategic depth for offshore defensive operations and enhancing its capabilities in integrated maritime operations and nuclear counterattacks. The Navy is working to build itself into a modern maritime force of operation consisting of combined arms with both nuclear and conventional means of operations. -
Symposium: the Trial of the "Gang of Four" and Its Implication in China
OcCAsioNAl PApEas/ REpRiNTs SEaks 0 • iN CONTEMpORARY '' AsiAN STUdiEs I a' NUMBER 3- 1981 (40) ?1' SYMPOSIUM: THE TRIAL OF THE, 'GANG OF FOUR" AND ITS 0 IMPLICATION IN CHINA I 0• Edited by James C. Hsiung, with :::ontributions by H. Lyman Miller, ~ungdah Chiu and Lillian Craig Har ris, Documents prepared by Hungdah :::hiu Occasional Papers/Reprint Series in Contemporary Asian Studies General Editor: Hungdah Chiu Executive Editor: David Salem Managing Editor: Shirley Lay Editorial Advisory Board Professor Robert A. Scalapino, University of California at Berkeley Professor Martin Wilbur, Columbia University Professor Gaston J. Sigur, George Washington University Professor Shao-chuan Leng, University of Virginia Professor Lawrence W. Beer, University of Colorado Professor James Hsiung, New York University Dr. Robert Heuser, Max-Planck-Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law at Heidelberg Dr. Lih-wu Han, Political Science Association of the Republic of China Professor K. P. Misra, Jawaharlal Nehru University, India Professor J. S. Prybyla, The Pennsylvania State University Professor Toshio Sawada, Sophia University, Japan Published with the cooperation of the Maryland International Law Society. All contributions (in English only) and communications should be sent to Professor Hungdah Chiu, University of Maryland School of Law, 500 West Baltimore Street, Baltimore, Maryland 21201 USA. All publications in this series reflect only the views of the authors. While the editor accepts responsibility for the selection of materials to be published, the individual author is responsible for statements of facts and expressions of opmion contained therein. Subscription is US $10.00 for 8 issues (regardless of the price of individual issues I in the United States and Canada and $12.00 for overseas.