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2.15 PALEOINDIAN AND ARCHAIC PERIODS IN DAVID G. ANDERSON

Unequivocal evidence for widespread human settlement in and to the south in Latin America. Evidence for earlier human North America dates to c. 13,000 cal BP (all dates herein are in occupation in the Americas prior to c. 13,000 cal BP is reviewed calendar years before present unless explicitly noted), and sites by Michael Collins in this volume (Chapter 2.14), while Archaic are recognised by the presence of bifacial fl uted Clovis- style and subsequent occupations in other parts of the continent up projectile points, named after a town in eastern New to and after c. 3000 cal BP are summarised by several authors in where they were found in stratigraphic complex in the 1930s later chapters. and after at the nearby site of (Boldurian & Clovis points, the diagnostic artifacts used to identify Cotter 1999 ) (Map 2.15.1). The ensuing 10,000 years of human these early occupations, have blades that are typically lanceo- occupation in North America, during the temporal interval late or slightly expanding in shape, and range in size from a from c. 13,000 to 3200 cal BP or c. 11,200–3000 14C yr BP, cor- few to 20 cm or so in length, with most under c. 10 to 12 cm responds to what were traditionally known as the Paleoindian (Fig. 2.15.2). They were prepared using a distinctive manu- and Archaic stages of cultural development across much of facturing procedure employing overshot fl aking to produce a the continent, prior to the appearance of , monu- bifacial shape from a parent core or fl ake, followed by a thin- mental architecture and in many areas (e.g. , Willey & ning procedure involving direct percussion or pressure fl aking Phillips 1958 ; Griffi n 1967 ). All of these cultural developments known as fl uting, which involves the removal of one or more are now known to have begun much earlier, back into the fl akes from the base upwards along the , typically to no Archaic; the date of their appearance varies from area to area more than a third to halfway up the original blade length. if they occurred at all, and the cultures that were present at any Fluting occurs for approximately a millennium on Clovis and given time were highly varied, rendering the use of stage termi- a number of presumably descendant types nology as a marker of cultural development untenable in most such as Barnes, Cumberland, Folsom, Gainey and Vail- Debert areas. For the purposes of the present discussion, and employ- in portions of North America, and then disappears, never to ing usage common in many areas, particularly in the eastern be adopted again (Bradley et al. 2008 ; Meltzer 2009 ). Artifacts part of the continent, the Paleoindian Period here refers to the exhibiting this distinctive form of basal or end thinning are interval from c. 13,200 to 11,450 cal BP , or 11,200 to 10,000 14C thus unambiguous indicators of Late occupations yr BP , the Terminal Pleistocene geochronological epoch, during in North America; large true blades appear to be another tool the warmer Allerø d and the colder and more variable Younger form that dates to this period, although blades, albeit typi- Dryas Period, which occurred from c. 12,850 to 11,650 cal BP cally much smaller, also occur a number of times and places (Fiedel 1999 ; Hughen et al. 2000 ) (Fig. 2.15.1). The succeeding later in as well, so care must be taken before using Archaic Period spans the interval from 10,000 to 3000 14C yr BP, their presence to infer early occupation. While rare compared or 11,450 to 3200 cal BP , during the Early and Middle parts of with many subsequent forms, fl uted points have been avidly the epoch, and the Boreal, Atlantic or Hypsithermal sought after and recorded by archaeologists and collectors and Subborreal climatic periods, which occur from c. 11,650 alike for almost a century, since they were fi rst found in direct to 8900, 8900 to 5700, and 5700 to 2500 cal BP , roughly coe- association with Pleistocene fauna in the 1920s and 1930, with val with the Early, Middle and Late Archaic periods in many an extinct form of bison at Folsom, New Mexico, in 1926 and regional cultural sequences (e.g. , Anderson & Sassaman with mammoth at Dent, Colorado, in 1932. Clovis, the earliest- 2004 , 2012; Frison 1991 ; McElrath, Fortier & Emerson 2009 ; known fl uted point type, has been tightly dated at a number Sassaman & Anderson 2004 ). In what follows, Paleoindian of locations to between c. 13,150 and 12,850 cal BP (Waters & and Archaic occupations are examined across North America, Stafford 2007 ), although given the absence of dates from many with an emphasis on the eastern two-thirds of the continent areas, including where the type occurs in large numbers in the north of Mexico and south of the Arctic circle, complementing midcontinent and the southeast, its temporal range may be discussions presented elsewhere in this volume on human set- greater and its beginnings possibly somewhat earlier, as sug- tlement to the north, east and west on the continental margins gested by dates of c. 13,500 cal BP at the Aubrey Site in Texas

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MAP 2.15.1. North American Paleoindian and Archaic sites mentioned in the text: 1. Adkins, ; 2. Anzik Site, Montana; 3. Aubrey, Texas; 4. Blackwater Draw, New Mexico; 5. Bonneville Estates , Nevada; 6. Buhl, Idaho; 7. Bull Brook, Massachusetts; 8. Burning Tree, Ohio; 9. , Virginia; 10. , ; 11. Caney, ; 12. Carlston Annis, ; 13. Cathedral , Nevada; 14. Coates- Hines, Tennessee; 15. Connley Cave No. 4B, Oregon; 16. Coopers Ferry, Idaho; 17. Cow Point, New Brunswick; 18. Crowfi eld, Ontario; 19. , Utah; 20. Debert, Nova Scotia; 21. Dent, Colorado; 22. Doershuck, North Carolina; 23. , ; 24. East Wenatchee, Washington; 25. Fifty/, Virginia; 26. Folsom, New Mexico; 27. Frenchman’s Bend, Louisiana; 28. Gault, Texas; 29. Hardaway, North Carolina; 30. Harris Creek , Tick Island, ; 31. Hebior, Wisconsin; 32. , Nevada; 33. Homestead Cave, Utah; 34. , Kentucky; 35. Isle Royale, Michigan; 36. Keweenaw Peninsula, Michigan; 37. Koster, Illinois; 38. L’Anse Amour, Newfoundland; 39. Lamoka Lake, New York; 40. Lindenmeier, Colorado; 41. Link Farm, Tennessee; 42. , Nevada; 43. Marmes, Washington; 44. Meadowcroft Rock Shelter, Pennsylvania; 45. , Illinois; 46. Mountaineer, Colorado; 47. Neville, New Hampshire; 48. Oconto, Wisconsin; 49. Osceola Wisconsin; 50. Page- Ladson, Florida; 51. Port au Choix/Gould, Labrador; 52. , Louisiana; 53. Read, Kentucky; 54. Reigh, Wisconsin; 55. Rodgers Shelter, Missouri; 56. Schaefer, Wisconsin; 57. Sentinel Gap, Washington; 58. Sloan, ; 59. Smith Creek Cave, Nevada; 60. St. Albans, West Virginia; 61. Stallings Island, ; 62. Stanfi eld Worley Bluff Shelter, Alabama; 63. Sunshine Locality, Nevada; 64. Thom’s Creek, South Carolina; 65. Topper, South Carolina; 66. Turner Farm, Maine; 67. Vail, Maine; 68. , ; 69. Wacissa River, Florida; 70. , Louisiana; 71. Wildcat Canyon, Oregon; 72. Windover, Florida.

(Ferring 2001 ). Several thousand Clovis points have been southwestern Europe, and the Nenana and nearby river valleys found in North America and, while the form is more preva- in central Alaska have all been proposed, with some source lent in some areas than in others, particularly along the major areas drawing greater attention and controversy than others drainages of the eastern part of the continent, it occurs as far ( e.g., Goebel, Waters & O’Rourke 2008; Stanford & Bradley south as northern Mexico, although the incidence drops mark- 2002 ; Straus, Meltzer & Goebel 2005 ). While the preponder- edly into Central America (Anderson et al. 2010 ) (Map 2.15.2). ance of linguistic, genetic and other physical anthropological/ Possibly related and roughly contemporaneous or perhaps morphological evidence indicates that the Paleoindian inhab- slightly later basally thinned forms found in itants in the New World ultimately derived from northeastern are characterised, in many cases, by long stems and distinctive and East Asia, Clovis itself may well have developed expanding blades, and are considered morphologically suffi - in North America, perhaps in the eastern and southeastern ciently distinct from Clovis to be characterised as a separate part of the continent or in the southern plains. Fluted points “Fish-tail” horizon (see Chapter 2.14). are found in large numbers in these areas, and possible pre- The origins of Clovis people and technology are unknown, cursor sites yielding biface and blade up to sev- although locations as far afi eld as extreme Northeast Asia, eral thousand years older have been found, such as at Gault in

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FIGURE 2.15.2. Diagnostic Paleoindian projectile- point types in eastern North America. a. “Fluted” Dalton; b. Hardaway Dalton; c–e. Unfl uted Dalton points; f. Cormier- Nicholas; g, h. Beaver Lake; i, o. Unfl uted lanceolate; j. Ste. Anne- Varney; k. Bull Brook- West Athens Hill; l. Vail- Debert; m, n, u. Suwannee/Simpson; p, q. Redstone; s. Cumberland; t. Michaud- Neponset; r, v–z. Clovis; aa. Clovis Variant. (Images drawn by R. Jerald Ledbetter and William Burgess, used by permission of the artists and the Maine Archaeological Society.)

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MAP 2.15.2. Fluted point sites in North America. Image courtesy of the Paleoindian Database of the Americas (PIDBA), available at http://pidba.tennessee.edu/ .

Texas, Cactus Hill in Virginia and Meadowcroft Rock Shelter of preservation and raw material, they also sometimes occur in Pennsylvania, as well as several locations in Florida and with a range of well-made stone, bone and ivory bifaces, Wisconsin. Small triangular to lanceolate shaped unfl uted blades and blade cores, scraping and graving tools and bone bifaces variously named the “Early Triangular”, “Miller and ivory points and other tool forms. How varied Clovis Lanceolate”, or “Page- Ladson” types have been recovered at adaptations may have been in various parts of the continent some of these sites ( Fig. 2.15.3 ), as have true blades; and while is not well understood at present, since comparative analyses in some cases the dating and associations are controversial, of technological and assemblage variation among Clovis sites these point forms may ultimately prove to be an ancestor of and artifacts are infrequent. Specialised hunting adaptations, the near-ubiquitous Clovis and post-Clovis Paleoindian bifa- directed to larger animals such as mastodon or mammoth, or cial technology occurring a few millennia later (Adovasio et al. herd animals such as caribou, may have been present in higher 1999 ; Goodyear 2005 ; Dunbar & Hemmings 2004 ; Overstreet latitudes and on the plains in areas characterised by tundra, 2005 ; Webb 2006 ). boreal forest and grassland environments, while more gen- Clovis assemblages are characterised by fl uted projectile eralised adaptations are inferred in more wooded temperate points; and while there is appreciable variation due to factors and subtropical parts of the continent (Meltzer 1988 , 2009 ).

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FIGURE 2.15.3. Some Florida Paleoindian projectile- point types. (Image courtesy of James S. Dunbar, Senior Archaeologist, Public Lands Program, Florida Bureau of Archaeological Research.)

High mobility is indicated by the widespread occurrence of of presumably immediately descendant forms like Folsom in tool stones up to several hundred kilometres away from quar- the western part of the continent from roughly the Mississippi ries in many areas, indicating that the annual and lifetime River to the eastern margins of the Great Basin and Plateau, group ranges of these peoples were probably quite extensive, and on a range of forms in portions of the east, including the at scales rarely seen in later prehistory, save perhaps dur- Barnes, Bull Brook-West Athens Hill, Cumberland, Gainey, ing the immediately succeeding Younger Dryas Period on the Kings Road-Whipple, Michaud-Neponset, Redstone and Vail- Plains among Folsom populations, and in the same region Debert types. The technology appears to have been abandoned in the historic period when the adoption of horses facilitated fi rst in the southeast and a few centuries later in the plains and bison hunting over large areas. Use of high-quality lithic raw in the upper midwestern and northeastern parts of the con- material is characteristic of Clovis assemblages in many areas, tinent. Unfl uted lanceolate, waisted, stemmed and notched and appears to have facilitated high mobility at great dis- point forms were adopted in many areas. Once abandoned, tances from sources of raw material (Goodyear 1979 ; Kelly & fl uting was never adopted again in the millennia that followed, Todd 1988 ). The elaborate stone- tool technology itself, which even though examples were undoubtedly found from time to required great knapping skill, probably had a similar purpose, time by later peoples. to ensure that people ranging far from raw material sources In the intermontane Great Basin and far west, where fl uting could maximise the life span and hence the utility of the stone of any kind is rare, a contracting “Western Stemmed” biface they were carrying. The skill required to produce such points horizon is present, identifying a “Paleoarchaic” cultural tra- would have also probably provided a common bond or sense of dition that appears to have been contemporary and perhaps shared identity between peoples thinly scattered and ranging slightly earlier than the fl uted and immediately postfl uted widely over the landscape, facilitating interaction when these forms found farther to the east and, occasionally, in the same peoples met. Fluting technology occurred for little more than area (Beck & Jones 2010 ; Meltzer 2009 : 313–15). Thought to a thousand years in North America, on Clovis and a number have developed independently of Clovis, possibly from early

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migrants along the northern Pacifi c rim, these peoples were found at a number of locations, primarily in the western part adapted to the comparatively lush pluvial and upland environ- of the continent, and some appear to refl ect deliberate grave ments present in the region during the Terminal Pleistocene offerings, as at the Anzik Site in Montana, or alternatively were and Initial Holocene. The point styles attributed to the hori- objects cached but never recovered, as at East Wenatchee in zon include the Cougar Mountain, Haskett, Lake Mohave, Lind Washington (Kilby 2008 ). Clovis cache deposition has been Coulee, Parman, Silver Lake and Windust types. Points were interpreted as a means of maintaining raw materials by peo- typically made on fi ne- grained metavolcanics and obsidian, ples ranging widely from stone sources (Meltzer 2002 ), and and less commonly on cherts, unlike the situation observed while this undoubtedly explains some of the discoveries, cer- on Clovis points in many areas (Beck & Jones 2010 : 99). Other emonial or ritual behaviour is also indicated in some cases, fl aked stone- tool forms associated with the tradition include since in some Clovis caches objects were sprinkled with red crescents, drills, gravers, scrapers and spokeshave/notches, ochre, and at the Crowfi eld Site in Ontario a number of fl uted similar in many respects (save for the presence of crescents) points were deliberately broken and burned (Deller, Ellis & to Clovis assemblages. Sites yielding Western Stemmed points Keron 2009 ). The production of elaborate, oversized bifaces and well dated to between c. 13,200 and 11,600 cal BP include and other tool forms occurs throughout prehistory in many Bonneville Estates Rock Shelter, Buhl, Connley Cave No. 4B, parts of North America, particularly in the east, where over- Coopers Ferry, Marmes, Sentinel Gap, the Sunshine Locality, sized bifaces fi rst appear in large numbers on sites of the later Smith Creek Cave and Wildcat Canyon (Beck & Jones 2010 : Paleoindian- Period Dalton Culture in the central Mississippi 101–2). As the regional climate became drier in the Early Valley, dating to c. 12,500 to 11,000 cal BP. Oversized or “hyper- Holocene, Western Stemmed point forms and the way of life trophic” Sloan Dalton projectile points have been found sin- were gradually replaced by Desert Archaic culture adapta- gly, or in groups or caches at over thirty locations along a c. tions as represented at sites like Danger Cave, Hidden Cave 600 km stretch of the central Mississippi Valley , from north of and Lovelock Shelter (Jennings 1957 ; Graf & Schmitt 2007 ; the near St. Louis to northeastern Arkansas Simms 2008 ). (Koldehoff & Walthall 2009 ; Walthall & Koldehoff 1998 ). At the Evidence about Paleoindian/Paleoarchaic group compo- Sloan Site in northeastern Arkansas, several hundred unused sition and organisation is limited in many parts of North points and tools, including a number of oversized Dalton or America, in part because investigations have tended to focus “Sloan” points, were found in some twenty clusters of artifacts on kill sites characterised by larger and hence better preserved and human remains, an apparent marked cemetery given that and identifi able faunal remains. This is particularly true on the there was no overlap of the clusters, the earliest evidence for plains and in the southwestern portions of the continent, where such mortuary behaviour in the Americas (Morse 1997 ). While moderate numbers of mammoth and bison kills have been Sloan points resemble the hypertrophic bifaces found in ear- examined (Grayson & Meltzer 2002 ). Evidence for structures lier western North American Clovis caches, they differ in that is rare everywhere, although probable Folsom structures have they do not seem to refl ect isolated and widely separated depo- been discovered recently, at the Mountaineer Site in Colorado sitional episodes, but instead appear to have been fairly com- (Stiger 2006 ), and structures are inferred to have been present mon items, occurring in burials and other site contexts, where around areas at a number of sites in the middle Atlantic they were perhaps used as status indicators or votive offerings. and northeast, such as Adkins , Debert Fifty and Vail (Gramly It has been suggested that local Dalton point- using groups 1982 , 1988 ; MacDonald 1968 ; Adovasio & Carr 2009 ). Across were bound together by the ritual use of these objects in what the continent, small, probably band-sized groups were pres- has been described as a “Cult of the Long Blade” (Walthall & ent, occasionally and at special times or places coming together Koldehoff 1998 : 260–1). Other examples of behaviour centred in larger numbers, as has been inferred at sites like Bull Brook on the production of oversized artifacts are found in Benton in Massachusetts and Lindenmeier in Colorado (Wilmsen & points, banner stones/atlatl weights and ground-stone in Roberts 1978 ; Grimes 1979 ; Robinson et al. 2009 ). Such aggre- portions of the later Archaic southeast, and the elaborate chert gation events would have facilitated intergroup information swords depicted in Mississippian artwork, and found in large exchange, mating opportunities and ceremony and ritual, a numbers in the in 1894 at the Link Farm Site convenient means by which widely ranging peoples could ren- in Tennessee (Sassaman 2005 , 2010a ). dezvous (Anderson 1990 , 1995 ; Meltzer 2002 ). Paleoindian subsistence is not well documented in many Artwork is extremely rare among Paleoindian populations areas until fairly late in the period, due to an archaeological in North America. Painting, pictographs and emphasis on kill sites and the only comparatively recent adop- on or rock walls, common in later Archaic contexts tion of recovery strategies like fi ne- screening and fl otation. in many areas, are unknown at present in North America. In portions of the continent, furthermore, most sites that Several cobbles in a Paleoindian context at the Gault Site in have been found were either open-air assemblages or kills Texas have engraved lines, squares and in one case an appar- of large game animals; the use of rock shelters, where bet- ent (Collins, Hester & Headrick 1992 ), and while there ter preservation typically occurs, was uncommon in the east have been engraved depictions of animals reported on por- until post- Clovis times (Walthall 1998 ). While well- preserved table objects of bone, ivory or shell, none to date have proved palaeosubsistence remains have been found in submerged set- to be of Paleoindian age. In contrast, caches of well- made, tings, such as at the Page- Ladson Site in Florida (Webb 2006 ), sometimes oversized or hypertrophic Clovis bifaces have been systematic survey and examination for early archaeological

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remains in permanently saturated settings have not been occupations in lower and middle latitudes of North America undertaken in most regions. Clovis peoples clearly targeted was shaped, in part, by the great changes in species occurrence large game animals in many regions, yet how prevalent this and composition that occurred at the end of the Pleistocene, activity was, and whether it contributed to the extinctions including the major extinctions of large fauna that occurred, observed at the end of the Pleistocene, remains the subject of encompassing some thirty- fi ve genera (Grayson 2007 ; Haynes heated debate (Fiedel & Haynes 2004 ; Grayson 2007 ; Grayson 2009 ). The onset of the Younger Dryas (c. 12,850–11,650 cal & Meltzer 2002 , 2003 ; Haynes 2002 , 2009 ; Wolverton et al. BP ), a cold reversal interrupting the general interglacial warm- 2009 ). There is no question, however, that mammoth, mast- ing trend, is roughly coeval with the end of Clovis and the odon and bison were at least occasionally killed and butch- megafaunal extinctions, although the causes of this climatic ered, particularly in the western portion of the continent, episode and its effect on human and animal populations, if where a number of associations have been documented. Bone any, are currently the subject of much ongoing research and and ivory from these and a number of other extinct species debate ( e.g., Holliday & Meltzer 2010 ; Meltzer & Holliday 2010 ). have been found at a number of locations in Florida, which Across much of North America, about the time of the onset of means that humans were present soon after the animals died, the Younger Dryas, Clovis points were replaced by a range of even if they did not kill them directly (Hemmings, Dunbar & point styles with fl uting that extends well up the blade, a so- Webb 2004 ). Kill sites of extinct fauna are uncommon in the called full-fl uted horizon characterised by Folsom points in the east compared with the west, however, suggesting either that west and the Barnes, Bull Vail- Debert, Cumberland, Gainey, such animals were not hunted much or at all, or that archae- Michaud/Neponset and Redstone types, among others, in the ologists have not been particularly successful in fi nding such east (Anderson et al. 2010 ; Bradley et al. 2008 ; Ellis & Deller 1997 ; sites; the latter may be a possibility, given that comparatively Goodyear 2010 ). In addition to a diversifi cation of point forms, few archaeologists in the region explore earlier Paleoindian the immediate post-Clovis Era is characterised by a restriction and Archaic occupations, at least compared to the efforts in the occurrence of successor point styles, with few found directed to later periods (Sassaman 2010a : 5–7). A number widely over more than a small part of the continent, although of possible associations between humans and extinct fauna, Folsom is something of an exception, occurring widely in the specifi cally mammoth and mastodon, have been reported in west, on the plains and into eastern North America. eastern North America, including at the Hebior and Schaefer While fl uted forms continue for roughly another millen- Sites in Wisconsin, Burning Tree in Ohio, Coates-Hines in nium, nonfl uted forms appear fairly quickly in many areas or Tennessee and Page- Ladson in Florida (Lepper & Funk 2006 ; were contemporaneous all along, as for example the Goshen Overstreet 2005 ; Webb 2006 ), although to date the only kill and Midland types on the plains, coeval with Folsom, the site widely accepted from east of the Mississippi is that of a Western Stemmed horizon in the intermontaine and far west, Bison antiquus from the Wacissa River in Florida, which had an and a wide range of lanceolate and waisted forms in the south- unhealed wound from a projectile- point fragment penetrating east and lower Midwest, such as the Beaver Lake, Dalton, a sinus cavity (Webb et al. 1984 ). Quad, Simpson and Suwannee types. These in turn are suc- Generalised foraging adaptations were emerging or present ceeded by side- and corner-notched forms in the Early Archaic in many areas during the Paleoindian Era, and are documented in the east; by a number of lanceolate types on the Plains dur- in a number of rock shelter assemblages dating to the Terminal ing the later Paleoindian and Early Archaic, such as Agate Pleistocene/Initial Holocene eras in eastern, southwestern and Basin, Angostura, Alberta, Eden and Scottsbluff types (Frison the Great Basin and Plateau areas of North America, including 1991 ), and later Plains Middle Archaic notched forms like the at Cathedral, Danger, Hidden and Homestead Caves in Utah McKean complex types (Kornfeld & Todd 1985 ); and by a con- and Nevada; Dust Cave and Stanfi eld Worley Bluff Shelter in tinuity of stemmed and notched forms in the far west. Whether Alabama; and several other sites in eastern these changes in point morphology are stylistic in nature or Tennessee; Modoc Rock Shelter and Koster in Illinois; and refl ect signifi cant changes in adaptation is unknown in many Rodgers Shelter in Missouri, to name just a few of the better areas. The full fl uted forms are generally thought to be much known sites (Hollenbach 2009 ; Jennings 1957 ; Madsen 2000 ; more diffi cult to create than Clovis points, suggesting even Rhode, Madsen & Jones 2006 ; Simon 2009; Styles & Klippel greater concern with knapping skill and maximising lithic raw 1996 ; Thomas 1985 ; Walker & Driskell 2007 ). In eastern material than during earlier times. If fl uting was a reaction to North America large mammals like caribou, elk and moose uncertainty in the surrounding world, furthermore, then the were targeted in more northern areas by post- Clovis popula- initial part of the Younger Dryas may have been a period of tions, while a greater array of and animals were taken greater subsistence stress than the centuries immediately prior in areas to the south, including large and small mammals, fi sh to this. Range mobility appears to have decreased at this time and birds. A similar pattern applied to many other parts of the in portions of eastern North America from Clovis to immedi- continent, although bison were apparently a major food source ate post-Clovis times, as refl ected in the distribution of raw throughout the Archaic Period for peoples living on the Plains, materials and numbers of points and sites over the landscape although a wide range of other foodstuffs were also utilised (Anderson et al. 2010 ). This suggests that diffi culty of fl uting even in this area from the earliest times (Kornfeld 2007 ). was probably not strictly linked to range extent. On the Plains, The apparently more diversifi ed subsistence and increased in contrast, Folsom mobility appears to have been greater than diet breadth characteristic of later Paleoindian and Archaic that observed for Clovis in some areas, and no decline in site

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or numbers over this form compared to earlier Clovis present in many areas during the Early Archaic Period in North occupations is observed (Amick 2000 ; Labelle 2005 ; Meltzer & America. There is no evidence anywhere for social complexity, Holliday 2010 ). Range-extensive mobility characterised life on although cemetery behaviour is observed in some areas towards the Plains throughout the ensuing Archaic Period, although, the end of the period, notably in the lower southeast, indicating as in the eastern part of the continent, more localised cultures a probable increasing concern with delimiting group ranges. A were apparently emerging, as refl ected in the more restricted range of projectile-point forms are the primary means used to occurrence of some tool forms. identify Early Archaic occupations, including lanceolate forms The end of the Pleistocene and the onset of the Holocene on the Plains and notched and later stemmed forms in many are roughly coeval with the end of the Younger Dryas at about parts of eastern North America. The development of Archaic 10,000 14 C yr BP or 11,500 cal BP , a date that is used in many cultural sequences occurred in many parts of the continent in parts of North America to arbitrarily separate the Paleoindian the 1940s and after, primarily through the excavation of deeply and Archaic periods. The Holocene is widely considered to be stratifi ed fl oodplain, upland or rock shelter sites, in many areas a time of essentially modern climate and biota over the conti- complemented by more extensive excavations at single compo- nent, although biotic communities continued to change across nent sites, or sites occupied for briefer periods. In the east the North America and climate was still signifi cantly variable, with basic Archaic projectile-point sequence was established by Coe extended as well as briefer excursions of warmer or colder ( 1964 ) at the fl oodplain Doershuck and upland Hardaway Sites temperatures (Anderson 2001 , 2007 ). Sea levels at the start along the Yadkin River in North Carolina, by Dincauze ( 1976 ) at of the Holocene, while well above the c. –140 m level at the the Neville Site on the Merrimack River in New Hampshire, and Last Glacial Maximum some 20,000 cal BP , were c. 25 m below by Broyles ( 1966 , 1971 ) at the St. Albans Site along the Kanawha modern conditions and continued to rise for several thousand River in West Virginia. The fi rst extensive more years, not reaching to within 1 to 2 m of the modern level of the eastern Archaic sequence came in the 1970s at a number until c. 5000 cal BP , with minor fl uctuations thereafter. The of stratifi ed fl oodplain sites in eastern Tennessee (Chapman warmest portion of the current interglacial was during the 1985 ). In the Midwest similar sequences were developed at deep Mid-Holocene or Middle Archaic Period, from c. 8900 to 5700 open- air sites like Koster and rock shelter sites such as Modoc cal BP, and it is not until after this era, during the Late Archaic Rock Shelter in Illinois (e.g. , Brown & Vierra 1983 ; Fowler 1959 ; Period, that climate and biota similar to those at present occur Struever & Holton 1979 ). In the southwest and Great Basin, over much of the continent. rock shelter sites like Danger Cave , Utah, and Ventana Cave , The concept of an Archaic stage in cultural development in Arizona, were instrumental in establishing the Desert Archaic North America dates to the early 1930s, with William Ritchie’s sequence (e.g. , Haury 1950 ; Jennings 1957 ). In the (1932 ) report on work at the Lamoka Lake Site in the Finger and Far West, as in many areas but perhaps more so in these Lakes of New York, where houses, burials, stone tools and regions, the Archaic cultural sequence was established through palaeosubsistence remains of preceramic hunter-gatherer- the excavation of numerous stratifi ed as well as more briefl y fi shers, now known to date to c. 5300 to 5000 cal BP , were fi rst occupied sites ( e.g. , Ames & Maschner 1999 ; Erlandson 1994 ; found in the 1920s. The Archaic Period spans some 8250 years, Frison 1991 ; Jones & Klar 2007 ; Kornfeld & Todd 1985 ; Matson and probably represents half or more of the time humans were & Coupland 1995 ). present in the Americas, at least in any numbers. To assume The Archaic cultural sequences in each part of the conti- that human cultures over this vast interval of space and time nent vary appreciably from one region to the next, and they are were largely static or unchanging is unrealistic, and research best used in the areas where they were developed, with great in recent decades has increasingly focused on the variability in care taken when extrapolating to other areas. A transition local cultures observed during this span. Archaic- age archae- from side to corner notching is observed in many areas of the ological sites are, in fact, common in many parts of North east out into the Plains, with this change in notching earliest America, and a wide range of societies were present, with great in the southern and eastern parts of the continent where an differences in technology, adaptation, social organisation and “Early Side Notched” horizon is recognised, and somewhat ceremony observed between and within areas over space and later on the Plains. These notched forms are almost invariably time. While increasing cultural isolation is sometimes inferred extensively reworked, suggesting they saw a great deal of use, to have developed over the course of the Archaic, in actuality probably as multipurpose hunting and butchering tools. The interaction and exchange increase in many areas. By the Middle precocious Dalton Culture in the central Mississippi Valley Archaic Period artifacts of copper, shell and other materials are disappeared soon after the start of the Early Archaic, for rea- circulating widely over the eastern part of the continent, from sons not yet understood. It is possible that population density the Atlantic and Gulf coasts to the upper Midwest, while by the had grown to the point where elaborate ceremony and mor- Late Archaic Period networks comparable in scale were emerg- tuary ritual were no longer needed to bind together people ing or present in the southwest, Great Basin, and the far west, formerly thinly spread over the landscape. The Holocene cli- including between these areas, and between the southwest and mate was warmer and more predictable than that during the areas farther to the south in Mesoamerica (Baugh & Ericson Younger Dryas, perhaps reducing the need for more complex 1994 ; Wilcox 1999 ; Lekson 2008 ). organisational forms. Band- level groups characterised by fl uid membership and Use of cemeteries, fi rst observed in the late Paleoindian a high degree of residential mobility are inferred to have been Dalton Culture, is again observed in eastern North America

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from c. 10,000 to 7000 cal BP , during the Early Archaic and to such developments (Anderson 2002 , 2004 ; Emerson & initial Middle Archaic periods in Florida, where burials were McElrath 2009 : 32–4). placed in bogs and ponds, at locations like the Windover Site In the Lower Mississippi Alluvial Valley of northeastern (Doran 2002 ). The occurrence of these cemeteries suggests Louisiana, a series of earthen mound complexes were built that group territories may have been in place, although unfor- between c. 6000 and 4800 cal BP at sites like Watson Brake, tunately very little is known about the sociopolitical organisa- Caney and Frenchman’s Bend, followed by an apparent hiatus tion and ceremonial life of Early Holocene cultures in most in mound building for about a millennium, with a resumption parts of the continent. The association of death and burial of this activity at the Poverty Point Site complex between c. 3600 with a watery underworld is observed in many later prehistoric and 3100 cal BP (Gibson 1996 , 2000 ; Russo 1994 ; Saunders et al. and historic cultures in eastern North America. Such beliefs 1997 , 2005 ; Saunders 2010 ; Kidder 2001 , 2006 ) (Fig. 2.15.4). apparently have great antiquity, and may explain why some of While monumental architecture occurs as early, or almost the early mounds in Florida and the Lower Mississippi Valley as early, in a number of other parts of the region, notably were built on or near such settings (Hudson 1976 : 131–68; U-shaped, circular, and more amorphous shell and mid- Sassaman 2010a ). During the ensuing Middle Archaic Period, den complexes in coastal and interior areas ( Fig. 2.15.5 ), those after c. 7000 cal BP , “wet” burial was replaced by “dry” burial in in northeastern Louisiana are unusual in being composed mortuary complexes associated with, and typically in or under, of earth rather than earth and shellfi sh, at least some of the mounded shell and/or earth in Florida (Sassaman 2010a ). latter of which was subsistence debris in most areas where it During the Middle Archaic, after c. 6500 cal BP , recognisably was used. Watson Brake , built between c. 5400 and 5000 cal complex societies are observed in southeastern North America BP , is the largest and most elaborate of these sites, a roughly and, a few millennia later at the end of the Archaic and after, circular complex some 300 m in diameter and with eleven in other parts of the continent, in the far west, southwest and mounds ranging from c. 20 to more than 50 m in diameter, northwest. In the southeast these societies, characterised and from under a metre to over 7 m in height. At least seven of above all by the use of shell or earth or both in the construc- the mounds are on a circular ridge, with an open central area, tion of monumental architecture, occurred fi rst in the Lower the fi rst mound and plaza complex observed in North America, Mississippi Valley of Louisiana and along the Atlantic and including Mesoamerica , a site plan that remained in use in Gulf coasts of Florida and adjoining states, and by the end of many parts of eastern North America until European contact in the Archaic more widely (Anderson, Russo & Sassaman et al. the 16th century. Several other single mounds and multimound 2007 ; Emerson, McElrath & Fortier 2009 ; Gibson & Carr 2004 ; complexes were built at this time in eastern Louisiana, and the Kidder & Sassaman 2009 ; Milner 2004 ; Russo 2006 ; Sassaman larger sites are similar in layout and scale to Watson Brake, & Anderson 2004 ). In cases where burials have been found, suggesting they were created using a common measurement status-linked patterns of body treatment are observed includ- system and plan (Clark 2004 ). ing the use of grave-goods, individual graves, marked cemeter- Poverty Point , built some two thousand years later between ies and/or mound/charnel house complexes. The exchange of c. 3600 to 3200 cal BP in the same general part of the Lower materials from long distances increases in the east from this Mississippi Valley, and apparently laid out using a nearby time onwards, including copper from the upper Midwest and Middle Archaic Period mound as a guide, is one of the larg- shell from the Atlantic and Gulf coasts as well as a wide range est mound and earthwork complexes in the Americas, encom- of lithic raw materials, and these are sometimes used in the passing c. 200 ha (Gibson 1996 , 2000 ; Kidder 2001 , 2006 , creation of specialised artifacts signalling status both in life 2010 ) (Map 2.15.3). The main mound at the site was built over and after as grave inclusions (Jefferies 1996 , 2004 ). Use of a fi lled- in pond or swamp, measures c. 210 × 210 × 22 m in elaborately crafted and in some cases hypertrophic objects extent and contains c. 238,000 m3 of fi ll. While other earthen like bifaces, axes and atlatl weights reappears after a hiatus of monuments were being built at this time in nearby areas, by several thousand years. Hypertrophic Benton projectile points peoples who seem to have been associated with Poverty Point were exchanged or interred with burials in the vicinity of the in some way, the sites’ monuments are an order of magnitude upper Tombigbee, middle Tennessee and middle Cumberland larger in size than any contemporaneous earthen mound sites Rivers of the southeast from c. 6500 to 6000 cal BP, possibly built at this time, and in terms of volume are second only to as a means of promoting alliances between groups to help the construction at the late prehistoric site of Cahokia in North alleviate subsistence or other forms of uncertainty (Johnson America north of Mexico. Poverty Point appears to have infl u- & Brookes 1989 ; Kidder & Sassaman 2009 : 676–7). The fi rst enced cultural developments over large areas of the lower evidence for extensive interpersonal violence is found at this southeast during the terminal Archaic, not through the direct time, in the form of skeletal trauma and embedded projectiles, control of outlying groups, of which there is no evidence, but although whether low-intensity skirmishes or more inten- more likely by serving as an example of what could be accom- sive warfare were occurring is unknown (Dye 2009 ; Smith plished by people working together, as well as by shaping 1996 ). Tribal- level or segmentary societies are thought to have trading networks and what goods were appropriate for use, emerged at this time in some areas, with a capacity for labour perhaps in combination with an effective ideology and the organisation, integration and interaction well beyond that of exchange of objects materialising these beliefs. Tonnes of the band- level societies assumed to have been common pre- lithic raw materials like soapstone are found at the site that viously, and that probably still continued in areas marginal came from locations to the northwest, northeast and east,

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FIGURE 2.15.4. The Watson Brake Mounds, Louisiana, contours and idealised reconstruction. (Drawn by Jon L. Gibson, used with permission.)

from the Ouachita and and from the during this interval. Shell middens appear along and near the lower Midwest (Gibson 1996 , 2000 ). St. Johns River in northeastern Florida and along the lower While a hiatus in mound building appears to have occurred Hudson River in New York some seven thousand years ago, in northeastern Louisiana during the initial part of the Late and about the same time along a number of the major river sys- Archaic after c. 4800 cal BP , and prior to the rise of Poverty tems in the lower Midwest and midsouth (Claassen 1995 , 2010 ; Point, mounds continued to be built elsewhere in the region Dye 1996 ; Marquardt & Watson 2005 ; Sassaman 2005 , 2010a ,

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FIGURE 2.15.5. Footprints of Middle and Late Archaic shell ring and sites from Florida, Georgia, and South Carolina. (Courtesy , Southeastern Archeological Center, and Michael Russo, from Russo MAP 2.15.3. The Poverty Points, Louisiana. (Drawn by Jon 2006 : 147.) Gibson, used with permission.)

2010b ). The earliest mounded mortuary complex known from Culture (Marquardt & Watson 2005 ; Sassaman 2010a , 2010b ), the St. Johns area comes from the Harris Creek Mound on Tick although their occurrence does not that of shellfi sh Island, where c. 175 individuals were placed in successive mor- itself, but appears to refl ect cultural factors that are as yet tuary deposits interspersed within or capped by layers of sand, unknown, perhaps the occurrence of nearby caves, thought to shell, earth and midden (Aten 1999 ; Kidder & Sassaman 2009 : be portals to the underworld (Claassen 2010 ). Middens tend to 674). Stable carbon and oxygen analyses indicate that most ate be composed of shell, or shell and earth, and are amorphous food obtained locally, although a few had signatures indica- in shape, with no evidence for the circular or U-shaped forms tive of nonlocal diets and origins, suggesting that some people characteristic of some sites in coastal regions, or the mound were moving appreciable distances over their lifetime (Quinn, and plaza arrangements of northeastern Louisiana (Claassen Tucker & Krigbaum 2008 ). Coastal shell middens are charac- 1996 , 2010 ; Crothers 1999 , 2004 ; Marquardt & Watson 2005 ). terised by a diverse array of sizes, shapes and functions (Map Many of these middens have large numbers of human buri- 2.15.4 ). Smaller accumulations appear to represent routine als within them, and it is not currently known whether they subsistence debris, house fl oors, platforms or burial mounds, represent mortuary complexes or an unplanned gradual accu- while larger, circular and/or U-shaped structures may refl ect mulation from routine habitation and subsistence activity in communities centred on plaza areas, a pattern similar to that their vicinity (cf . Claassen 1996 , 2010 ; Milner 2004 ; Milner & observed in the earthen mounds of northeastern Louisiana. A Jefferies 1998 ; Thompson 2010 ). The peoples of these interior common architectural grammar was apparently present, and southeastern Shell Mound Archaic societies exhibit many other there is some suggestion that the size of the deposits in dif- signs of complexity, including participation in long-distance ferent areas of the complex was linked to feasting and status exchange, a suggestion of status differentiation among buri- differences between the social groups involved in their con- als (although with no evidence for hereditary inequality), signs struction and use (Russo 2004 , 2010 ). of fairly intensive confl ict from skeletal remains as well as Shell middens are common features along some of the indications that portions of the landscape were defended or major interior rivers of the southeast, such as the Cumberland , used by distinct social groups, as indicated by the restricted Green, Savannah and Tennessee, and include well-known distributions of objects potentially conveying ethnic identity, sites like Carlston Annis, Indian Knoll, Read and Stallings such as projectile points, atlatl weights, and bone pins (Kidder Island ( Fig. 2.15.6 ). Those sites found in the midconti- & Sassaman 2009 ; Jefferies 1996 , 2004 ; Sassaman 2010a ). nent are described as belonging to the Shell Mound Archaic Appreciable variability is evident in the size and complexity of

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Silver Glen Run Complex ca. 1923 N 050 100 Meters Contour Interval = 50 cm NAVD88

Lake George

Orange-period monument

location of “amphitheater” observed by Wyman (1875) Mt. Taylor Ridge

Silver Glen Spring Run

village sites

sand mound

MAP 2.15.4. Silver Glen Run Complex, Florida, c. 1923. (Image courtesy Asa Randall, used with permission.)

southeastern later Archaic societies, and while large numbers of of population density and resource intensifi cation that helped archaeological sites occur in many parts of the region, mounds trigger the cultural fl orescence that followed (e.g. , Brown 1985 ; of shell and earth are more restricted in occurrence. The distri- Brown & Vierra 1983 ). Increasing evidence, however, indicates bution of these societies may be due to social factors, refl ecting upland areas were neither impoverished nor abandoned, com- an Archaic political geography whose nature and causes we are pelling consideration of a newer perspective advocating human just beginning to grasp. Major relocations of human popula- use of both zones (McElrath & Emerson 2009 ). tion also appear to have been shaped by environmental factors, The of a number of species of indigenous such as fl uctuations in sea level or changes in vegetation com- plants occurred in eastern North America during the later munities. The creation, use and abandonment of southeast- Archaic, after c. 5000 cal BP, and appears to have taken place ern coastal shell- ring sites, for example, appears closely tied in the interior midsouth and lower Midwest (Gremillion to fl uctuations in sea level, with comparatively minor shifts of 1996 , 2002 ; Simon 2009; Smith 1992 , 2006 ). Locally domes- even a metre or two producing widespread changes (Sanger ticated plants comprising what has been called the Eastern 2010 ). Likewise, the spread of pine forests in the southeast- Agricultural Complex included chenopodium (Chenopodium ber- ern Atlantic and Gulf Coastal plains during the Mid- Holocene landieri ), sunfl ower (Helianthus annus ), sumpweed (Iva annua), appears to have led to a reduction of use of much of this area, little ( pusillum), maygrass ( Phalaris caroliniana), at least compared with preceding and following periods knotweed (Polygonum erectum ) and cucurbits or gourd. Use of (Anderson 1996 ). Similar abandonments and relocations of these species in subsistence was not apparently very impor- populations are documented or inferred throughout prehistory tant until after c. 3200 cal BP, during the . in eastern North America, although all should be carefully eval- The spread of ceramic container technology and agricultural uated. Mid-Holocene warming was once thought to have led food production across the region occurred about the same to a desiccation and abandonment of upland portions of the time, after c. 3200 cal BP. While ceramic containers appeared interior of the midcontinent and a restriction of human popu- in the lower southeast about 5000 cal BP , primarily in coastal lations to major river valleys, for example, creating conditions settings, they remained limited in occurrence and use for well

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FIGURE 2.15.6. Stallings Island, Georgia, site plan, showing hypothetical circular village layout. (Image courtesy Kenneth E. Sassaman, used with permission.)

over a millennium, not becoming widespread until the ensu- to produce as pottery, making them probably of only limited ing Woodland Period (Sassaman 1993 , 2010a ). Late Archaic utility for most peoples. The spread of ceramics may have ceramic-using cultures of the lower southeast include Orange been actively inhibited by those participating in interregional in Florida, Stalling Island in Georgia and South Carolina, exchange, however, since this alternative technology might Thom’s Creek in South Carolina, Wheeler in northern Alabama have threatened the demand for soapstone vessels. Soapstone and Tennessee and Tchefuncte in Louisiana. These wares are vessels are found in large numbers at Poverty Point (Gibson variously tempered with plant fi bres, sand (Thom’s Creek) or, 1996 , 2000 ), and while it is somewhat counterintuitive, the col- in the case of Tchefuncte, untempered. Ceramics may have lapse of Archaic exchange networks may have actually facili- facilitated the preparation and of small seeds, which tated the spread of ceramics (Kidder & Sassaman 2009 : 683–4; themselves may have replaced subsistence resources used pre- Sassaman 1993 , 2005 ). viously, such as shellfi sh (Goodyear 1988 ; Rice 1999 ). While A number of Archaic cultures occur in the northern part soapstone- container technology was also in use during the of the continent, named after distinctive artifacts or the loca- Late Archaic Period, these vessels were nowhere near as easy tions in which they are found. The Maritime Archaic Culture

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of northeastern North America occurred from roughly 7500 Lakes , some objects appear to have conferred status, something to 3500 cal BP along the Atlantic seaboard of Maine and accruing to most objects of this material with increasing dis- Newfoundland (Bourque 1995 ). A small stone-covered mound tances from the source areas. The Laurentian Archaic consists at L’Anse Amour dating to c. 7500 cal BP containing a child for the most part of interior-adapted hunting-fi shing-gathering buried face down with a number of grave-goods, including peoples found in the vicinity of New York, Vermont and south- a toggling , represents the oldest such structure in ern Ontario from c. 5500 to 3500 cal BP . Some intergradation North America. At the Port au Choix Site in Labrador, dating in technology with the Maritime Archaic peoples in coastal to between 6000 to 3500 cal BP , more than sixty burials, some areas is evident, and the relationships between these peoples with red ochre sprinkled over the body, were found interred are unclear. The Laurentian Tradition encompasses three sub- with hunting and woodworking tools of ground-stone, regional cultures, Brewerton, Vosburg and Vergennes, and bone and ivory (Tuck 1976 ). A nearby village, the Gould Site, includes both chipped and ground- stone tools, including the extended over several acres and had well-preserved hearth and side- notched Otter Creek–like points, banner stones and fi sh- wood-posts- in- ground structures, and appears to be where the ing weights or net sinkers (Tuck 1977 , 1984 , 1991 ; Cox 1991 ). people who were interred in the cemetery lived. The Maritime The Susquehanna Tradition of the upper mid- Atlantic and Archaic people, sometimes called the “Red Paint” Culture northeast dates from c. 5000 to 3200 cal BP and is character- after their distinctive use of ochre in burials, exploited marine ised by large, broad- bladed and typically squared stemmed mammals and fi sh, and are perhaps best known for their projectile points, the use of steatite late in the period after c. ground and polished stone , used to make gouges, 3800 cal BP, burials and a highly diversifi ed subsis- , axes and points, of slate and other local materials. tence economy (Bourque 1995 ; Spiess 1992 ). The similarity Excavations at the Cow Point Site in New Brunswick and at the of the material culture to that among the Stallings Culture of Turner Farm Site in Maine led to the recognition of a cultural Georgia and South Carolina has led to the suggestion that its fl orescence within this tradition of maritime hunters known appearance in the Northeast refl ects a movement of peoples as the Moorehead phase, dating from c. 4500 to 3800 cal BP , from the lower southeast or Middle Atlantic region. While this and thought to be derived from earlier peoples in New “broadpoint” horizon was once thought to have been associ- and New York (Bourque 1995 ; Sanger 1973 ). The Maritime ated with the exploitation of anadromous fi sh, the evidence Archaic disappeared at the end of the Archaic Period, after c. for this is not compelling (Sassaman 2010a ). A variety of local 3000 cal BP , replaced by people of the Susquehanna Tradition to subregional-scale cultures occur in the eastern Woodland moving north at the south end of their range, and probably during the later Archaic, each with somewhat distinctive sub- developing into the Dorset Culture at the northern extent of sistence, storage and burial practices and greater or lesser its range in the eastern Arctic (Bourque 1995 ; Maxwell 1985 ). evidence for participation in long-distance exchange, monu- The Shield Archaic is a roughly contemporaneous terrestrial mentality and warfare. caribou- and moose- hunting and fi shing culture dating from The end of the Archaic Period is somewhat arbitrarily placed after c. 8000 cal BP found in the Sub-Arctic boreal forests on at 3200 cal BP or 3000 14 C BP , although many of the once- the Canadian shield south of Hudson’s Bay and north of Lake traditional characteristics of the succeeding Woodland Period Superior (Wright 1972 ). Cultural continuity with the Algonkin in the east and out onto the Plains, such as mound building peoples encountered in the region by European explorers and use, the emergence of sedentary village life and the adop- is inferred, with larger warm-weather camps and dispersed tion of ceramics and agriculture, are now known to have begun populations during the winter. Most assemblages are charac- well back into the Archaic Period. In eastern North America terised by fl aked stone points, and scraping tools, with the interval from c. 3200 to 2900 cal BP was characterised by only limited evidence for contact with peoples in regions to the a dramatic decline in long-distance exchange, and the aban- south, west and east, in the Lake Forest and Maritime Archaic donment of many centres like Poverty Point and the ring- and cultures. U-shaped shell midden complexes of the Atlantic and Gulf The Lake Forest Archaic of the has two major coasts. Some of these abandonments may have occurred well components, the Old Copper Culture and the Laurentian before this time, particularly of coastal ring middens (Sanger Tradition, of the western and eastern Great Lakes, respectively. 2010 ). The end of the Archaic may have been tied, in part, to The Old Copper Culture dates from c. 6000 to 3000 cal BP , and changes in global and regional climate regimes. In recent its name comes from the working of native copper from a num- years, for example, the abandonment of the Poverty Point Site ber of locations in the Lake Superior Basin, including on Isle has been linked to changes in the course and fl ooding patterns Royale and on the Keweenaw Peninsula of northern Michigan. of the Lower (Kidder 2006 , 2010 ; Kidder Copper artifacts were created by cold working or annealing, & Sassaman 2009 : 681–2). At the same time, the collapse of and included awls, axes, adzes, fi shhooks, , knives extensive interregional exchange and the abandonment of including women’s knives or ulus, perforators and tanged and major centres like Poverty Point probably disrupted trading socketed projectile points. The greatest concentration of cop- relationships and routes that would have probably taken cen- per artifacts is found near the source areas in northern and east- turies to reconstitute, and in the east this did not occur for ern Wisconsin, at burial sites like Oseola , Oconto and Reigh almost a millennium, in Woodland Adena/Hopewell times (Ritzenhaler 1957 ; Griffi n 1961 ; Mason 1981 ). Although com- (Anderson 2010 ; Kidder 2010 ). A pronounced social and eco- monly employed for utilitarian purposes in the western Great nomic collapse at the end of the Archaic is observed in many

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parts of eastern North America (Anderson 2001 : 164–5; Fiedel Anderson , D. G., Miller , D. S., Yerka , S. J., Gillam , J. C., Johanson , 2001 ; McElrath & Emerson 2009 : 848–50), although a similar E. N., Anderson , D. T., Goodyear , A. C. & Smallwood , A. M. pattern of dramatic change is not observed in the western part 2010 . PIDBA (Paleoindian Database of the Americas) 2010: of the continent. current status and fi ndings . Archaeology of Eastern North America 38 : 1 – 28 . Anderson , D. G., Russo , M. & Sassaman , K. E. 2007b . Cultural References dynamics in southeastern North America, pp. 457–89 in (D. G. Anderson , K. A. Maasch & D. H. Sandweiss , eds.) Climate Adovasio , J. M. & Carr , K. 2009 . Shades of gray: the Paleoindian– Change and Cultural Dynamics: A Global Perspective on Mid-Holocene Early Archaic “transition” in the Northeast, pp. 503–25 in Transitions. Academic Press: Amsterdam . (M. Camps & P. R. Chauhan , eds.) Sourcebook of Paleolithic Anderson , D. 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