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Spatial Order, Cosmology, and Patterns of Deposition at Stonehenge

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Spatial Order, Cosmology, and Patterns of Deposition at Stonehenge Cambridge Archaeological Journal 11:1 (2001), 69–90 Shifting Perceptions: Spatial Order, Cosmology, and Patterns of Deposition at Stonehenge Joshua Pollard & Clive Ruggles The changing cosmological symbolism incorporated in Phases 1 and 2 at Stonehenge is reviewed in the light of new evidence from patterns of deposition prior to the construction of the bluestone and sarsen stone settings. The early structure of the monument and attendant depositional practices embodied a scheme of radial division, including a sym- bolic quartering primarily demarcated by solstitial rising and setting points. Through sustained ritual practice, however, the motions of the moon came increasingly to be referenced through deposition, particularly of cremations. This evidence seems to contra- dict earlier claims of a sudden shift in and around Wessex during the mid-third millen- nium BC from a predominantly lunar to a predominantly solar cosmology. It suggests instead that interest in solar and lunar events did not necessarily preclude each other and that over the centuries there was a process of subtle change involving the continual reworking of symbolic schemes emphasizing a sense of ‘timelessness’ and the unchanging order of the universe. I went to live on the [Mescalero Apache] reserva- mologies (as well as from the widespread popularity tion to do dissertation fieldwork with children’s of astrology in the modern Western world) that, out- free play . however [my consultant] insisted I side the context of Western science, perceived inter- could not understand play without understanding connections between objects and events in the sky dance, which I could not understand without un- and other aspects of the natural and social world derstanding the girls’ puberty ceremonial, which I could not understand without understanding the commonly form part of people’s understanding of religion, which I could not understand without the overall order of things. They also help to deter- understanding the place of the world and its peo- mine individual or group action based upon that ple in the celestial universe. (Farrer 1991, 5) understanding (Ruggles & Saunders 1993; Ruggles in press). Such changes [as the shift in the Stonehenge axis] There are various ways in which actions under- may seem trivial, but they had a wider signifi- taken in harmony with the cosmos, as perceived and cance, for by making this adjustment, the layout of understood by groups of people in prehistoric times, the monument was altered from a lunar alignment may have led to discernible spatial patterning in the to the more famous alignment on the sun. The material record. Such patterning has the potential to social changes so evident in the funerary record may have had their counterpart in changes of cos- provide insights into ideas of categorization of space mology. (Bradley 1991, 216) and place, as well as wider cognitive structures and cosmologies. The siting of ceremonial monuments, The tendency to consign things celestial and terres- as well as places of dwelling for the living and the trial to distinct categories of understanding is a re- dead, may not only have been closely constrained flection of the principles of Linnaean classification within landscapes structured according to cosmo- that underlie the Western scientific tradition. It is logical principles and charged with meaning, but evident from a range of modern indigenous cos- may also have influenced and helped to shape 69 Joshua Pollard & Clive Ruggles cosmological beliefs in later times (e.g. Bender 1992; — or at least the halfway point in space or time Barrett 1994; Tilley 1994; Richards 1996a; Bradley between the solstices — is likely to have been a 1998a; Edmonds 1999; Tilley 1999). meaningful astronomical event for prehistoric peo- The extent to which the design and orientation ple, and that the directions in which it occurred are of buildings, tombs and monuments is likely to have likely to have been endowed with special meaning incorporated cosmological symbolism, and the prob- by prehistoric communities. In fact, the very idea of able complexity of the associations expressed, is at- mid-points is itself redolent of Western-style con- tested by a variety of modern examples (e.g. Waterson ceptions of space and time as abstractions: amongst 1990, ch. 8; Parker Pearson & Richards 1994; Ruan prehistoric people such conceptions are likely to have 1996; Ruggles 1999a, ch. 9). These also indicate, how- been highly context-rich and context-dependent. Peo- ever, that many cosmological metaphors and the com- ple more probably tried to make sense of the pas- binations of symbols used to express them, will have sage of time by classifying and categorizing events been intensely contextual. This raises the methodo- in relation to their personal or shared experience logical problem of the extent to which convincing than by viewing time as an abstract entity. The sol- arguments that particular associations were indeed stitial positions, marking the physical boundaries meaningful can be developed in specific contexts, or between the parts of the horizon where the sun can how far one must rely on repeated patterns in order rise or set, or do neither, might well have been of to provide some sort of statistical verification (cf. widespread significance, as is the case in a variety of Ruggles 1999a, 159–62). Either way, the challenge is historical and indigenous contexts. Half-way points, to find an acceptable way of using Western science on the other hand, are likely to be meaningless out- to conduct our analysis of an inherently non-West- side the Western scientific tradition (Ruggles 1997a,b). ern concept system. In looking for repeated patterns, A similar argument extends to mid-quarter days one may hope that the tendency for public ritual (Ruggles 1999a, 88, 142). expression to change on a slow timescale (e.g. Bradley One of the most obvious ways in which 1991, 217–18) will increase the likelihood of a suffi- cosmological symbolism can manifest itself is in ori- cient accumulation of common elements in the ma- entation. Patterns of orientation are evident amongst terial record over particular time periods in particular tombs, orthostatic monuments and houses from the localities. We shall return to this point shortly. Early Neolithic onwards (Ruggles 1999a, ch. 8). Cor- A number of factors make celestial referents relations with prominent points in the landscape especially important as potentially recognizable com- such as hill summits, or with the rising and setting mon elements of cosmological expression (Ruggles positions of the sun or moon, are particularly evi- & Saunders 1993, 9–14). Chief amongst these is the dent amongst local groups of Bronze Age tombs and immutability of the sky and the main celestial cycles, orthostatic monuments, for example in northeastern making the celestial realm an exclusively metaphori- Scotland and the southwest of Ireland (Ruggles 1999a, cal resource — an unchanging data base of potential chs. 5 & 6). Celestial associations are likely to have symbols. While the use that is made of this resource been an integral part of any cosmology. It therefore is highly culture-dependent, some celestial objects makes sense to give due attention to (although clearly and events, such as the Pleiades, or the rising and not to concentrate exclusively upon) astronomical setting solstitial sun, are known to have assumed symbolism as a possible influence upon the orienta- significance in a wide variety of contexts, both an- tion, as well as the location and other design aspects, cient and modern. Important too in this regard is our of prehistoric constructions. Astronomical aspects of ability to reconstruct to a high degree of reliability cosmological symbolism have tended to be under- the appearance of past skies. studied by archaeologists. This may be an overcau- Yet, where astronomical factors have received tious reaction to the wholly insupportable claims of serious consideration by archaeologists the results high-precision astronomical alignments and blatantly tend to be characterized by an uncritical use of the ethnocentric interpretations that characterized the evidence and there is often a lack of clarity, or fun- work of non-archaeologists in this area up to the damental errors on a technical level, that strongly early 1980s, before archaeoastronomy began to affect or even completely invalidate the conclusions emerge as a self-critical subdiscipline (cf. Aveni reached (for examples see Ruggles 1999a, 144, 249– 1989a). 50). They are also prone to assumptions that need ‘Alignment studies’ devoid of cultural context deconstructing. One of the most blatant of these is have now become unfashionable even in archaeo- the assumption that sunrise or sunset on the equinox astronomy. Provided, however, they are understood 70 Spatial Order at Stonehenge as indicators of symbolic potential rather than iden- ments (the Clava cairns) which as a whole seem to tifications of putative sightlines used (repeatedly) demonstrate a clear pattern of lunar alignment (Burl by actual observers, astronomical alignments can 1981). Here, the statistical argument, which suggests form an important element of discourse about the a lunar significance, is completely at odds with the cosmological meaning of architectural elements. In contextual argument, which suggests a solar one. order to avoid prior assumptions about possibly sig- The most viable explanation may be that the tombs nificant astronomical ‘targets’, it is imperative
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