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Chinese Politics in the Xi Jingping Era: Reassessing Collective Leadership
CHAPTER 1 Governance Collective Leadership Revisited Th ings don’t have to be or look identical in order to be balanced or equal. ڄ Maya Lin — his book examines how the structure and dynamics of the leadership of Tthe Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have evolved in response to the chal- lenges the party has confronted since the late 1990s. Th is study pays special attention to the issue of leadership se lection and composition, which is a per- petual concern in Chinese politics. Using both quantitative and qualitative analyses, this volume assesses the changing nature of elite recruitment, the generational attributes of the leadership, the checks and balances between competing po liti cal co ali tions or factions, the behavioral patterns and insti- tutional constraints of heavyweight politicians in the collective leadership, and the interplay between elite politics and broad changes in Chinese society. Th is study also links new trends in elite politics to emerging currents within the Chinese intellectual discourse on the tension between strongman politics and collective leadership and its implications for po liti cal reforms. A systematic analy sis of these developments— and some seeming contradictions— will help shed valuable light on how the world’s most populous country will be governed in the remaining years of the Xi Jinping era and beyond. Th is study argues that the survival of the CCP regime in the wake of major po liti cal crises such as the Bo Xilai episode and rampant offi cial cor- ruption is not due to “authoritarian resilience”— the capacity of the Chinese communist system to resist po liti cal and institutional changes—as some foreign China analysts have theorized. -
Combatting Corruption in the “Era of Xi Jinping”: a Law and Economics Perspective
Hastings International and Comparative Law Review Volume 43 Number 2 Summer 2020 Article 3 Summer 2020 Combatting Corruption in the “Era of Xi Jinping”: A Law and Economics Perspective Miron Mushkat Roda Mushkat Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/ hastings_international_comparative_law_review Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Miron Mushkat and Roda Mushkat, Combatting Corruption in the “Era of Xi Jinping”: A Law and Economics Perspective, 43 HASTINGS INT'L & COMP. L. Rev. 137 (2020). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_international_comparative_law_review/vol43/ iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings International and Comparative Law Review by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 2 - Mushkat_HICLR_V43-2 (Do Not Delette) 5/1/2020 4:08 PM Combatting Corruption in the “Era of Xi Jinping”: A Law and Economics Perspective MIRON MUSHKAT AND RODA MUSHKAT Abstract Pervasive graft, widely observed throughout Chinese history but deprived of proper outlets and suppressed in the years following the Communist Revolution, resurfaced on massive scale when partial marketization of the economy was embraced in 1978 and beyond. The authorities had endeavored to alleviate the problem, but in an uneven and less than determined fashion. The battle against corruption has greatly intensified after Xi Jinping ascended to power in 2012. The multiyear antigraft campaign that has unfolded has been carried out in an ironfisted and relentless fashion. -
The Wen Jiabao Administration and Macroeconomic Recontrol
Hunkering Down: The Wen Jiabao Administration and Macroeconomic Recontrol Barry Naughton Introduction On April 26, 2004, the Politburo of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) convened and agreed to strengthen macroeconomic contractionary policies dramatically. A blizzard of meetings and activities ensued, which included the imposition of significant administrative controls over investment and land use. Within four days, the State Development and Reform Commission (SDRC)—the former State Planning Commission—issued an urgent directive ordering the suspension and reinspection of thousands of investment projects. These steps represent a dramatic reorientation of Chinese macroeconomic policy. They have a significant political impact, bringing new leaders into the core of the economic decision-making process and shifting overall economic policy in a slightly more conservative direction. Of course, these measures also have a very important economic impact. If they do not represent a step backward, they at least indicate that existing approaches to economic policy, those in place through the first year of the Wen administration, have failed to achieve their objectives. In this piece I first describe the most important policy measures instituted; then I trace these measures’ political implications and conclude by discussing their economic implications. Background During its first year in power from March 2003 to March 2004, the Wen Jiabao administration had a relatively smooth experience in economic policymaking. Economic growth was strong and accelerating, powered by rapid export growth and the brisk development of new domestic markets. It is true that the severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) crisis thoroughly disrupted the economy and government in spring 2003, and worries about economic overheating have been present from the first day of the new administration. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
China Data Supplement June 2008 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC ......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 39 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 46 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR................................................................................................................ 48 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR....................................................................................................................... 55 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 60 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 June 2008 The Main National Leadership of the PRC -
Institutions of Democratic Governance
1 INSTITUTIONS OF DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE The Chinese Communist Party Asserts Greater Control Over State and Society In China’s one-party, authoritarian political system,1 the Chinese Communist Party maintains what one rights organization calls a ‘‘monopoly on political power.’’ 2 The Party plays a leading role in state and society,3 restricting Chinese citizens’ ability to exercise civil and political rights.4 Observers noted that the central role of the Party in governing the state appears to have strengthened since Xi Jinping became the Party General Secretary and President in November 2012 and March 2013, respectively,5 further ‘‘blur- ring’’ the lines between Party and government.6 In March 2017, Wang Qishan, a member of the Standing Committee of the Com- munist Party Central Committee Political Bureau (Politburo) and the Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, said that ‘‘under the Party’s leadership, there is only a division of labor between the Party and the government; there is no separa- tion between the Party and the government.’’ 7 During the Commission’s 2017 reporting year, under Xi’s leader- ship, the Party demanded absolute loyalty from its members,8 di- recting and influencing politics and society at all levels, including in the military,9 economy,10 Internet,11 civil society,12 and family life.13 Furthermore, the Party continued to exert power over the ju- diciary,14 undermining the independence of courts and the rule of law in China, despite legal reform efforts.15 In September 2016, the State Council -
The Regulatory Regime of Food Safety in China, Studies in the Political Economy of Public Policy, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-50442-1 260 BIBLIOGRAPHY
BIBLIOGRAPHY Abels, Gabriele, and Alexander Kobusch. “Regulation of Food Safety in the EU: Changing Patterns of Multi-Level Governance.” In Conference of the ECPR Standing Group on Regulatory Governance. University College Dublin., 2010. ACFSMC. “Charter of All China Federation of Supply and Marketing Cooperatives (ACFSMC).” Xinhua Net, http://news.xinhuanet.com/ziliao/ 2004-12/27/content_2385266.htm. ADB, SFDA, and WHO. The Food Safety Control System of the People’s Republic of China. Beijing: ADB, 2007. Agricultural Products Quality and Safety Center. “Major Responsibilities of Agricultural Products Quality and Safety Center.” Agricultural Products Quality and Safety Center, http://www.aqsc.agri.gov.cn/zhxx/zzjg/ 201012/t20101228_73068.htm. Agricultural Products Quality and Safety Supervision Department of MOA. “Major Responsibilities of Agricultural Products Quality and Safety Supervision Department of MOA.” Agricultural Products Quality and Safety Supervision Department of MOA, http://www.moa.gov.cn/sjzz/jianguanju/ jieshao/zhineng/201006/t20100606_1532739.htm. Anagnost, Ann. “From “Class” to Social Strata”: Grasping the Social Totality in Reform-Era China.” Third World Quarterly 29 (2008): 497–519. Anderlini, Jamil. “Chinese Police Cracked the Case of Adulterated Lamb.” Ftchinese, http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001050268. Anonymous. “China Is Working on the Methods to Detect Gutter Oil.” Beijing Times, 19 September 2011. ———. “The Ministry of Public Security Cracked Down a Major Case of Gutter Oil.” The Beijing News, 14 September 2011. © The Author(s) 2017 259 G. Zhou, The Regulatory Regime of Food Safety in China, Studies in the Political Economy of Public Policy, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-50442-1 260 BIBLIOGRAPHY Ansell, Christopher, and David Vogel. -
Can China Learn from Hong Kong?
COMBATING CORRUPTION AS A POLITICAL STRATEGY TO REBUILD TRUST AND LEGITIMACY: CAN CHINA LEARN FROM HONG KONG? Anthony B. L. Cheung ABSTRACT Despite an intensified anticorruption campaign, China's economic growth and social transition continue to breed loopholes and opportunities for big corruption, leading to a money-oriented mentality and the collapse of ethical standards, and exposing the communist regime to greater risk of losing moral credibility and political trust. In Hong Kong, the setting up of the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) in 1974 marked the advent of a new comprehensive strategy to eradicate corruption and to rebuild trust in government. ICAC was not just an anti-corruption enforcement agency per se, but an institution spearheading and representing integrity and governance transformation. This article considers how mainland China can learn from Hong Kong's experience and use the fight against corruption as a major political strategy to win the hearts and minds of the population and reform governance in the absence of more fundamental constitutional reforms, in a situation similar to Hong Kong's colonial administration of the 1970s-80s deploying administrative means to minimize a political crisis. INTRODUCTION The year 2006 sounded a great alarm to corrupt officials in China. Former Communist Party Politiburo member and party chief of Shanghai, Chen Liangyu, was removed from office and investigated in connection with a RMB3 billion (approx. US$395 million) social security fund corruption scam. Other top officials charged with corruption included Qiu Xiaohua, former chief of the National Bureau of Statistics, and Zheng Xiaoyu, former Vice Director of the State Administration of Food and Drug; the latter was even given a death sentence. -
“SPECIAL MEASURES” Detention and Torture in Chinese Communist Party’S Shuanggui System WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS “SPECIAL MEASURES” Detention and Torture in Chinese Communist Party’s Shuanggui System WATCH “Special Measures” Detention and Torture in the Chinese Communist Party’s Shuanggui System Copyright © 2016 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-34280 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.Human Rights Watch.org DECEMBER 2016 ISBN: 978-1-623134280 “Special Measures” Detention and Torture in the Chinese Communist Party’s Shuanggui System Map .................................................................................................................................... i Glossary of Terms .............................................................................................................. ii Summary .......................................................................................................................... -
SPF China Observer China Observer Project Web Collection (March to August 2018)
Research Report SPF China Observer China Observer Project Web Collection (March to August 2018) https://www.spf.org/spf-china-observer/en/ Research Report SPF China Observer “China Observer” Project Web Collection (March to August 2018) About this Publication There have been visible signs of improvements in Japan-China relations since the second half of 2017. Looking at the press coverage of the visit to China of Mr. Toshihiro Nikai of the Liberal Democratic Party in December 2017, it could be seen that China was seeking to improve relations with Japan. Since the start of 2018, this movement to improve Japan-China relations has become even more substantial. That same year, a Japan, China and Korea Summit was held in Tokyo on May 9, for the first time in two and a half years, and Prime Minister Abe signaled his intention to have a summit meeting with President Xi Jinping on the occasion of the “Eastern Economic Forum” held in Vladivostok, Russia in September. He further noted that he was planning a visit in October. There is no question about the momentum towards the improvement of relations between Japan and China as we marked the 40th anniversary of the Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Japan and China in 2018. Probably behind this move to seek improved relations with Japan is China’s desire to balance strong pressure from the United States over the trade imbalance and other economic issues. Furthermore, the concentration of power within China to President Xi Jinping and the increased caution surrounding this has impacted its policy towards the United States and has also influenced the effectiveness of the pressure that is being applied by the United States. -
Ministry of Commerce (MOFCOM) 商务部
Ministry of Commerce (MOFCOM) 商务部 Address: 2 Dong Chang’an Jie, Beijing 100731 | Phone: 86-10-5165-1200 | Website: www.mofcom.gov.cn MOFCOM is similar to the US Department of Commerce in that it regulates domestic and foreign trade, works to attract foreign investment, and helps Chinese companies abroad. It also incorporates trade policy and administrative functions, particularly regarding World Trade Organization (WTO) implementation. MOFCOM manages competition policy, supervises anti- counterfeiting efforts and coordinates regional protectionism within China. MOFCOM was originally created in 2003 by combining the former Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation with components of the former State Economic and Trade and State Development Planning Commissions. Minister Gao Hucheng 高虎城 Vice Ministers and Other Senior Officials Zhong Shan 钟山 Wang Hemin 王和民 Gao Yan 高燕 (Vice Minister and China International Trade (Head of Discipline Inspection) (Vice Minister) Representative) Responsible for the Office of the Central Commission for Responsible for the General Office; the Comprehensive, Responsible for the Antimonopoly, Trade Remedy & Discipline Inspection of the Communist Party of China at Retired Cadres’ Affairs, Asian Affairs, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Investigation, and Quota and License Administrative MOFCOM, and the Office of the Ministry of Supervision at and Macao, and Foreign Affairs departments; the bureaus; the Foreign Trade, Eurasian Affairs, and MOFCOM MOFCOM Committee of the Communist Party of China; European Affairs departments; the China Foreign Trade the Bureau of Discipline Supervision and Investigation; Center; and the China-Europe Association for Technical the MOFCOM Special Commissioner's Offices; and the and Economic Cooperation. International Business Daily and Foreign Trade Federation. -
OSW COMMENTARY NUMBER 265 1 Challenges to the Central Government Sure on the Local Level Structures
Centre for Eastern Studies NUMBER 265 | 18.04.2018 www.osw.waw.pl High on the party, low on the state A quantum leap in the process of China’s reconstruction Jakub Jakóbowski, Michał Bogusz At its annual session in March 2018, the National People’s Congress (NPC) approved a series of changes to the structure and organisation of the Central People’s Government (also known as the State Council of the People’s Republic of China, further in the text referred to as the central government) and an amendment to China’s constitution. It also announced nomina- tions to several important state offices. This represents a crowning achievement and formal confirmation of the process of changes to the Chinese system of power that has been ongoing since 2012. The purpose of these changes is to secure continued governance by the Commu- nist Party of China (CPC), to maintain domestic stability and to break the impasse in economic and social reforms. The general thrust of these changes involves a shift in decision-making power and a transfer of control in terms of how the state apparatus works to organs of the CPC, at the cost of central government institutions and local governments. This is being done by concentrating power in the hands of the party’s General Secretary, Xi Jinping, who in recent years has used the CPC structures to boost discipline within the party and state insti- tutions, to increase coordination in domestic and foreign policy and to revive the process of economic and social reforms. The changes to the structure of the administrative apparatus follow the centralist ambitions of Xi Jinping. -
The Public Sector Ombudsman in Greater China: Four “Chinese” Models of Administrative Supervision
THE PUBLIC SECTOR OMBUDSMAN IN GREATER CHINA: FOUR “CHINESE” MODELS OF ADMINISTRATIVE SUPERVISION STEPHEN THOMSON* ABSTRACT Among the challenges facing Greater China, the ombudsman is rarely, if ever, considered one of them. Yet this relatively innocuous institution can, under the right conditions, contribute much that is beneficial to standards in public administration. This is the first Ar- ticle to contrast the models of public sector ombudsman in Mainland China, Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan, drawing comparisons on such features as institutional function, constitutional and legal sta- tus, relationship with the executive branch, process, substantive powers, effectiveness and transparency. Even in a region as politi- cally, constitutionally and economically associated as Greater China, four diverse models of ombudsman coexist. They display sharp differences from systemic function to institutional culture, and as the region is now on a path of convergence, these are differ- ences which may soon have to be reconciled. That reconciliation would, as this Article shows, require a major reconceptualization and reconfiguration of administrative supervision in at least three of the jurisdictions under review. * Associate Professor, City University of Hong Kong; Legal Adviser to the Ombudsman of Hong Kong (this Article is not written in the latter capacity). I would like to thank Jyh-An Lee and Yu Qi for helpful comments on a draft of this Article, and Xu Qian for research assistance. I am also grateful to colleagues at the Constitutional and Administrative Law Centre at Peking University and the Asian Law Centre and Centre for Comparative Constitutional Law at the University of Melbourne for constructive feedback on this research.