The Congo Crisis, 1960

CRISIS BACKGROUND GUIDE

Vancouver Model United Nations The Twentieth Annual Session | January 29–31, 2021

Dear Delegates, William Tsai Secretary-General My name is Annushka Agarwal, and I am delighted to be directing the Historical Crisis Committee at this year’s iteration of VMUN, alongside your chair, Alec Yang, and crisis staff, Logan Higgins. For some context on me, I am currently in Grade 11 at West Point Grey Academy, and my interests include reading Russian literature, finding good math Vivian Gu puns, and contemplating the possibility of socialist utopia. Director-General This year, the HCC will be tackling the Congo Crisis of 1960, a period of post- Derek Wu independence conflict in the modern-day Democratic Republic of the Congo. Prior to Chief of Staff 1960, the Congo was subject to the brutal repression of Belgian colonial rule, and consequently, continues to suffer from numerous sociocultural and economic divisions. Tyler Rosenzweig Independence was undoubtedly a necessity for the Congolese nation, but it also requires Director of Logistics politicians to navigate the uncharted territory of state building and decolonization in a way that is hindered by rampant instability and a lack of legitimacy around government institutions. While the Congo’s history is perhaps not the most well-known, it is in essence composed of the same story as every other postcolonial state: victimization, Joyce Chen emancipation, and hopefully, political reincarnation. USG General Assemblies Given that this is an advanced committee with a relatively complex topic, delegates will Ethan Jasny benefit from ensuring they have a reasonable knowledge of the political landscape of this USG Specialized Agencies time period, both from reading this backgrounder and ideally from consulting external sources as well. If there are any questions, queries, or quagmires, I am more than happy to Vivian Liang help, and can be emailed at [email protected]. Alec, Logan, and I are genuinely looking USG Conference forward to meeting you all and seeing you delve into the fascinating and multidimensional politics of 1960s Congo. Jonah Ezekiel USG Finance Sincerely,

Laura Choi Annushka Agarwal USG Communications HCC Director

Armaan Jaffer USG Delegate Affairs

Mia Tsao USG Delegate Affairs

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The Congo Crisis, 1960 ...... 3

Overview ...... 3

Timeline ...... 4

Historical Analysis ...... 5

Early European Contact and Colonization (1482-1885) ...... 5 Congo Free State (1885-1908) ...... 6

Belgian Rule (1908-1960) ...... 8

Growth of the Independence Movement (1950s) ...... 10

Current Situation ...... 11

Politics ...... 11

Economy ...... 15

Foreign Participation...... 16

Initiating Crisis ...... 17

Portfolio Overviews ...... 18 Joseph Kasavubu ...... 18

Patrice Lumumba ...... 19

Antoine Gizenga ...... 19

Joseph-Désiré Mobutu ...... 19

Justin Marie Bomboko ...... 20

Maurice Mpolo ...... 20

Pierre Mulele ...... 20

Albert Kalonji ...... 20

Moïse Tshombe ...... 21

Jason Sendwe ...... 21

Cyrille Adoula ...... 21

Daniel Kanza ...... 21

General Victor Lundula ...... 22

Joseph Malula ...... 22

Paul Gillet ...... 22

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 1 Andrei Gromyko ...... 23

Clare H. Timberlake ...... 23

Jean van den Bosch ...... 24

Carl von Horn ...... 24

Thomas Kanza ...... 24 Discussion Questions ...... 24

Additional Resources ...... 25

Books ...... 25

Online Resources ...... 25

Bibliography ...... 26

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 2 The Congo Crisis, 1960

Overview

“I ask all of you, my friends, who tirelessly fought in our ranks, to mark this June 30, 1960, as an illustrious date that will be ever engraved in your hearts, a date whose meaning you will proudly explain to your children, so that they in turn might relate to their grandchildren and great-grandchildren the glorious history of our struggle for freedom.”1 On the day of the Congo’s independence, these were the words of the nation's first Prime Minister, Patrice Lumumba, as he addressed the Congolese masses in what would become an immortal moment of national pride. Lumumba speaks of the discrimination, blood, and brutal repression of Belgian colonial rule, but he also speaks of his hope for a peaceful post-colonial society, and his vision for “A country resting not on guns and bayonets, but on concord and goodwill.”2

Yet, a mere five days after this beautiful speech, Lumumba’s fantasies are a far cry from the grim reality in which Congolese citizens reside. The fragile post-independence government is on the brink of collapse: The military has become increasingly mutinous and several separatist provinces have already given up on the possibility of a unified national identity. Within government, Lumumba’s socialist coalition already faces tense opposition from a radical communist branch, a federalist faction influenced by Western commercial interests, and secessionist parties who feel excluded from the political process and Congolese national identity. Furthermore, independence coincides with the Cold War, and the West is closely inspecting the Congo’s compliance with the norms of free market capitalism; each of the Congo’s choices has the potential to set off a domino effect with domestic and global consequences. The Congo Crisis is indeed fraught with geopolitical complexity. However, at its core, it is a parable of the obstacles that post-colonial states must navigate in their journey to stable and legitimate governance.

In that sense, while each delegate in this committee has a unique set of ambitions to which they aspire, they are also all fighting for their conception of a better future for a nation which has endured centuries of exploitation. In the words of Lumumba, “The Republic of the Congo has been proclaimed and our beloved country's future is now in the hands of its own people.”3 It is up to delegates to determine whether the new regime will fall victim to its entrenched division and hostility, or whether it will be able to rise above the country’s violent past and establish the Congo, for the first time, as a nation of independence and liberty.

1 Patrice Lumumba, “Speech at the Ceremony of the Proclamation of the Congo's Independence,” trans. Thomas Schmidt, Marxists Internet Archive, accessed August 7, 2020, https://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/lumumba/1960/06/independence.htm. 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid.

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 3 Timeline

1482 — Portuguese explorer Diogo Cão is the first European to set foot in the modern day Democratic Republic of the Congo.4 During this period, the main form of centralized power was the Kingdom of the Kongo, with whom the Portuguese would form significant economic and political ties.

1876 — The king of Belgium, Leopold II—later nicknamed “The Butcher of the Congo” for his brutal atrocities in the region—forms the front organization known as the International Association of the Congo or the International Congo Society. The organization was chaired privately by Leopold II and existed to gain control of the Congo Basin for economic purposes.5

1884-1885 — European leaders gather at the Conference of Berlin, which was aimed at dividing up territory in Africa.6 The International Congo Society is given private ownership over the Congo Basin, meaning the territory was under the sole purview of Leopold II. This area would henceforth be referred to as the Congo Free State.

1891 — Forces under the leadership of Leopold II annex the resource-rich region of Katanga, adding a significant amount of territory to the Congo Free State.

1908 — Four years after a report is published outlining the massive humanitarian costs of Leopold II’s rule in the Congo, public pressure from Belgian citizens culminates in the Belgian government taking over the Congo Free State, which is renamed to the Belgian Congo. This meant that the Congo was no longer under the control of Leopold II as an individual, but rather the Belgian state as a whole.

1956 — A manifesto urging the necessity of immediate Congolese independence is published by the Alliance of Bakongo (ABAKO), an organization advocating for Congolese emancipation from Belgium and ethnic nationalism for the Bakongo peoples.

January 4, 1959 — Massive anti-imperialist riots break out in Léopoldville; the civil disobedience was in response to heavy restrictions on ABAKO’s ability to protest.

January 13, 1959 — In response to the Léopoldville riots, Belgian King Baudouin addresses the Congolese people; the King promises rapid plans for Congolese independence, free elections, and anti-discrimination initiatives, but also claims that the Congolese owe certain obligations to the Belgians in exchange for eighty years of supposedly benevolent help.7

4 “Democratic Republic of Congo Profile - Timeline,” BBC News, January 10, 2019, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa- 13286306. 5 The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, “Association Internationale Du Congo,” Encyclopædia Britannica, March 22, 2007, https://www.britannica.com/topic/Association-Internationale-du-Congo. 6 Elizabeth Heath, “Berlin Conference of 1884–1885,” Oxford Reference, 2010, https://www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/acref/9780195337709.001.0001/acref-9780195337709-e-0467. 7 “Address given by Baudouin I, King of the Belgians, on the Self-Determination of the Belgian Congo (Brussels, 13 January 1959),” CVCE, University of Luxembourg, October 22, 2012, https://www.cvce.eu/en/obj/address_given_by_baudouin_i_king_of_the_belgians_on_the_self_determination_of_the_belgian_ congo_brussels_13_january_1959-en-74fb503f-40ad-432f-95d1-3f81e4fb914d.html.

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 4 January 1960 — The Belgo-Congolese Round Table Conference is held in Brussels, Belgium. Participating in discussions are numerous Belgian leaders, as well as representatives from most major Congolese political groups, including ABAKO.

May 1960 — The Congo holds its first set of democratic elections under the supervision of Belgian colonial authorities. Moderate nationalist Patrice Lumumba is elected Prime Minister, while the more radical Joseph Kasavubu—an ABAKO leader—becomes president.

June 30, 1960 — The Belgian Congo formally gains independence and is renamed to the Republic of the Congo.

July 5, 1960 (Crisis Initiation) — In what becomes known as the Mutiny of the Force Publique, soldiers in Léopoldville and other cities revolt against the new Congolese government, pushing the Congo into a state of crisis.

Historical Analysis

The modern day Democratic Republic of the Congo has a vibrant pre-colonial history, with several distinct ethnonational groups emerging and developing over time. There is a breadth of literature exploring the numerous kingdoms—including the Bakongo, the Luba, and the Lunda—that governed the area prior to European contact. The Congo was also part of a sophisticated system of Central African trade routes, and contributed significantly to the wealth of the continent through exporting natural resources. That being said, this section will focus primarily on the events that occurred during and after colonization in order to provide information that is most relevant to the 1960 crisis.

Early European Contact and Colonization (1482-1885)

The Belgian colonization of the Congo was predated by repeated attempts at exploration by numerous European powers, beginning in the 15th century with Portuguese explorer Diogo Cão's expedition into the Congo Basin. At this point in history, the main form of centralized power was the Kingdom of the Kongo (representing the Bakongo ethnic identity),8 who formed friendly relations with the Portuguese delegation. Throughout the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries, explorers from Scotland and England, as well as a fair amount of Christian missionaries, attempted to traverse the region, but were generally unsuccessful due to geographic barriers; travelling on land ran the risk of hostile encounters with local groups, while travelling by river exposed the explorers to dangerous currents, waterfalls, and crocodiles.9 This stalemate was broken by Belgium’s King Leopold II, a leader who is best remembered for his brutally imperialistic outlook on Central Africa. Before the 1860s, Leopold attempted unsuccessfully to acquire a diverse array of territories, including the Philippines, Borneo, and various Pacific islands.10 These attempts were likely motivated by Belgium’s relatively small colonial presence in comparison to

8 Mark Cartwright, “Kingdom of Kongo,” Ancient History Encyclopedia, UNESCO Archives, May 2, 2019, https://www.ancient.eu/Kingdom_of_Kongo/. 9 HowStuffWorks.com Contributors, “How the Congo River Works,” HowStuffWorks, June 3, 2008, https://adventure.howstuffworks.com/congo-river.htm. 10 Robert Raymond Ansiaux, “Early Belgian Colonial Efforts: the Long and Fateful Shadow of Leopold I,” UTA Libraries, August 23, 2007, https://rc.library.uta.edu/uta-ir/handle/10106/382.

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 5 other European powers, mainly Britain, France, and Portugal. Frustrated by these failures, Leopold's interest in the Congo Basin grew dramatically, and he hired explorer Henry Stanley to establish a Belgian presence in the region.

Unfortunately, the colonial interactions that would follow were far more ruthless than the ones that Portugal had pursued a few centuries prior. The Belgian parliament was reluctant to colonize the basin due to the economic risk involved, so Leopold made it his mission to privately take ownership of the territory.11 In order to justify this territorial claim, he concealed his ambitions under a facade of humanitarian intentions. During the Brussels Geographic Conference, which he hosted in 1876, Leopold formed the International African Association, an organization whose stated purpose was to bring civilization and humanitarian aid to the African continent, but which effectively functioned as a front for his future ambitions to economically exploit the Congo. In 1879, Leopold founded the International Association of the Congo, which served a similar but more Congo- specific purpose. Leopold’s second tactic was the careful manipulation of other European leaders’ political and economic incentives in order to garner acceptance of his ambitions. For instance, Leopold promised France ownership of the Northern Congo in return for political support of his intervention.12 Similarly, Britain and Germany were both offered preferential economic treatment if they agreed to Leopold’s plans.

Leopold’s ambitions were achieved at the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885, at which European leaders gathered to negotiate the ownership of African territory. After thorough discussion, Leopold was recognized as the ruler of over two million square kilometres of Congolese territory, while France and Portugal received much smaller portions. Leopold’s area was titled the “Congo Free State.” The important distinction is that while the French portion was under the control of France’s National Assembly, and Portugal’s portion under the control of the Portuguese legislature, Leopold’s slice of the Congo was exclusively under his personal jurisdiction. Essentially, it was crown property—that is, property belonging to the monarch—and while there was a semblance of accountability through international oversight, this proved to be ineffectual due to the disproportionate power which Leopold exercised over the region.

Congo Free State (1885-1908)

Given the context established for Leopold’s perverse intentions in the Congo, it is potentially unsurprising that his ownership over the area yielded poor humanitarian outcomes. However, the scale and severity of the abuses he perpetrated continue to be shocking, and have left long-lasting scars on the Congo’s national consciousness.

While there was some infrastructure development initiated by Leopold, it was primarily targeted at improving the efficiency of exports as opposed to improving the quality of life for Congolese civilians. For instance, massive amounts of money were invested into building the Matadi-Kinshasa Railway, which only served to export resources out of the country. In the process of construction, many labourers lost their lives due to long hours and unsafe working conditions.13 At the same time, there was little to no development of educational or public health infrastructure, which could have assisted the socioeconomic empowerment of native communities. Rather,

11 Neal Ascherson, The King Incorporated: Leopold the Second and the Congo (London: Granta, 1963), pp. 136. 12 Thomas Pakenham, The Scramble for Africa (London: Abacus, 2015), pp. 246. 13 “The Belgian Congo,” Boundless World History, Lumen Learning, https://courses.lumenlearning.com/boundless- worldhistory/chapter/the-belgian-congo/.

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 6 because Leopold was primarily motivated by self-interest, the Congo Free State became a site of natural resource extraction and exploitation. The Congo was home to many valuable commodities, including rubber, ivory, and palm oil,14 and the Congo Free State’s main purpose quickly became to export as much of these resources as possible. Leopold’s system of governance could best be described as a corporatocracy; his leadership was informed almost exclusively by the interests of his corporate investors in Belgium, and there were few accountability mechanisms limiting his exploitation. Moreover, this pattern of natural resource exports set the foundation for the economic problems that the Congo faced throughout most of the 20th century. Foreign powers entered the country under the guise of helping development, but instead caused: (a) considerable capital flight, meaning wealth left the country as opposed to being reinvested into domestic industry, and (b) rentierism, wherein a large portion of the national income relied on foreign payments on natural resources, thus entrenching political and economic dependency. Combined, these two features prevented Congolese citizens from ever reaping the benefits of economic production.

One of the most salient examples of Leopoldian brutality was the creation of rubber quotas, whereby villages were assigned thresholds for the amount of rubber that they had to produce through forced labour.15 If the villagers failed to meet these quotas, Leopold stipulated that they would be shot, and forced his soldiers to bring the victims’ severed hands back as proof. These punishments were administered by the Force Publique, Leopold’s private army in the region, which engaged in a variety of other horrific forms of mutilation and took many women and children hostage.16 Moreover, a combination of negligent and actively malicious policy on the part of Belgian officials led to widespread famine; as men were forced to spend their time producing rubber exports, they were unable to participate in agricultural production, and food became extremely limited.17 As well, the numerous Congolese children who were orphaned by famine and violence were forcibly sent to Leopold’s “child colonies,” in which they were indoctrinated with Western values. Almost half of the students would die from disease.18 Due to a lack of records, it is difficult to quantify how many Congolese citizens lost their lives to brutal Belgian imperialism during this time period, but most historians estimate the number to be approximately 10 million people.19

14 The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, “Congo Free State,” Encyclopædia Britannica, September 27, 2011, https://www.britannica.com/place/Congo-Free-State. 15 Tim Stanley, “Belgium's Heart of Darkness,” History Today, October 2012, https://www.historytoday.com/archive/contrarian/belgiums-heart-darkness. 16 Vern Cleary, “Atrocities in the Congo,” Modern World History, accessed August 7, 2020, http://webs.bcp.org/sites/vcleary/ModernWorldHistoryTextbook/Imperialism/section_6/congo.html. 17 Robert Harms, “The World Abir Made: The Margina-Lopori Basin, 1885-1903,” African Economic History, no. 12 (1983): pp. 125-139, https://doi.org/10.2307/3601320. 18 Adam Hochschild, King Leopold's Ghost: A Study of Greed, Terror, and Heroism in Colonial Africa (London: Papermac, 2000), 135. 19 Ibid., pp. 225–33.

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 7

Figure 1: Rubber workers from the Bongwonga village.20

The last point worth noting is the rapid religious proselytization that occurred during Leopold’s reign. Within Belgium, the Catholic Church was an important interest group, meaning Leopold used rhetoric centering around “moral regeneration” for the African people, characterizing them as uncivilized people in need of religious redemption.21 This enabled him to attain political support from the Church, which was mostly successful; when Leopold attempted to acquire funding from Belgian parliament to build his railroad, for example, the Catholic Church was largely supportive.22 Due to this mutual political exchange, Leopold continued to enable and support evangelization efforts in the region. Since the Catholic Church as an institution benefitted from the Congo Free State, they became apologists for the exploitation in the territory. For instance, while there were higher officials within the Catholic Church, such as Bishop Prosper Phillippe Auguouard, who acknowledged the abuses, they still characterized the problems to be scattered incidents rather than structural realities. As such, their approaches to fixing these problems tended to be conservative; some individuals within the Catholic Church proposed reinforcing Leopold’s Commission on the Protection of Native Rights, which was generally ineffective as an accountability mechanism.23 In later years, the many instances of forced religious conversion, often through the child colonies described earlier, would set the foundation for the anti-imperialist movement.

Belgian Rule (1908-1960)

After about two decades of Leopold’s tyranny, it had become evident that humanitarian abuses were occurring on a scale that could no longer be ignored. In particular, a few main groups were responsible for bringing

20 Alice Seeley Harris, “Brutal Exposure: the Congo,” National Museums Liverpool, January 24, 2015, https://www.liverpoolmuseums.org.uk/whatson/international-slavery-museum/exhibition/brutal-exposure-congo#section-- the-exhibition. 21 Catherine Ann Cline, "The Church and the Movement for Congo Reform." Church History 32, no. 1 (1963): 46-56, Accessed August 7, 2020, www.jstor.org/stable/3162540. 22 Ibid. 23 Ibid.

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 8 Congolese human rights violations into the European consciousness. Firstly, many Christian missionaries spoke publicly regarding the atrocities taking place in the rubber industry. While the Catholic Church as an institution refused to take substantial action on the issue, many Protestant missionaries spoke out against Leopold’s rule. This was either because of genuine altruistic interests, or because Protestant communities benefitted from criticizing the Catholic coalition of Leopold and his missionaries in that it aided their attempts at regional proselytization. There were also some individual Catholic missionaries who participated in the movement for reform, despite the larger vested interests of the religious organization.

Secondly, public awareness was achieved through the creation of the Congo Reform Association (CRA). The organization was founded in 1904, when British shipping clerk Edward Morel noticed the abnormal amounts of arms that were being exported to Central Africa, and subsequently realized that Leopold was concealing his true actions in the region.24 Morel and the other humanitarians within the CRA, mostly consisting of missionaries and journalists, formed an unusual coalition with commercial interest groups, which had economic incentives to oppose Leopold’s monopoly on Congolese natural resources. 25 The growth of the CRA coincided with increasing media coverage of the Congo situation. In 1899, Joseph Conrad published his famous novel, Heart of Darkness, which detailed the horrors of the Congo Free State and galvanized political outrage towards Leopold’s regime.26 These factors culminated in public and political pressure upon the Belgian government to take action on the situation. Therefore, in 1908, the Belgian parliament voted to annex the Congo.27 To be clear, whereas before the area was the crown property of Leopold II as a sovereign, the Congo was now a traditional colony of Belgium.

In light of this regime change, there was a reasonable improvement in human rights standards, in that the worst types of mutilation no longer occurred—at least not on a systematic level. However, there were still large commercial interests that led to exploitation. For instance, forced labour continued under Belgian rule; in 1935, the colonial administration set a policy requiring each Congolese citizen to provide 60 days of forced labour, and in 1942, this requirement was increased to 120 days.28 Private corporations that had not been permitted in the country under Leopold’s monopolistic regime now entered and set up plantations and mines.29 Extraction of natural resources accelerated during the First World War and repeated itself with more viciousness in the Second World War. It is estimated that the sale of Congolese gold alone contributed USD 28.5 million to the Allied war

24 “C.R.A. History,” Congo Reform Association, accessed August 7, 2020, http://www.congoreformassociation.org/cra-history. 25 Edmund Dene Morel, Affairs of West Africa (London: Cass, 1968), 345. 26 John Attridge, “How Conrad's Imperial Horror Story Heart of Darkness Resonates with Our Globalised Times,” The Conversation, May 22, 2018, https://theconversation.com/how-conrads-imperial-horror-story-heart-of-darkness-resonates- with-our-globalised-times-94723. 27 The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, “Belgian Congo,” Encyclopædia Britannica, May 22, 2020, https://www.britannica.com/place/Belgian-Congo. 28 “Congo History & Timeline,” Congo Reform Association, accessed August 7, 2020, http://www.congoreformassociation.org/congo-timeline. 29 The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, “Belgian Congo,” Encyclopædia Britannica, May 22, 2020, https://www.britannica.com/place/Belgian-Congo.

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 9 funds.30 Moreover, the extraction of Congolese uranium became strategically important for the Allies during the Manhattan Project (the American scheme to develop nuclear technology).31

Later on, it became clear that the system of Belgian direct rule was a probable cause behind Congo’s challenges with postcolonial governance. Belgium’s paternalistic attitude towards managing the Congolese economy was a parable for dependency theory and rentierism, but there were some important economic reforms that took place. In order to enable efficient exports, some infrastructure development did occur; for example, the Belgian authorities prioritized the construction of railways through the 1920s, with almost 2500 kilometres of railways being built over the span of 12 years.32 Admittedly, the infrastructure was built through indentured labour, and the ability of lower class Congolese citizens to access the fruits of economic production was very limited due to poverty and discrimination. However, some labour unions did form during this period, giving workers marginal amounts of political sway.

Figure 2: President Joseph Kasavubu waves to Congolese citizens during independence celebrations (July 1, 1960).33

Growth of the Independence Movement (1950s)

Socially, Congo was experiencing major shifts during the latter half of Belgian rule. Urbanization fuelled the development of a Westernized middle class, who represented the growing skilled labour force and were eager for political emancipation.34 The members of this class were known as évolués, and formed several political groups,

30 Stephen B. Wickman, Belgium, A Country Study (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1986), 45. 31 Ibid. 32 Roger Anstey, King Leopold's Legacy: The Congo Under Belgian Rule, 1908-1960 (London: Oxford University Press, 1966), 103-104. 33 "Celebrations to mark Congolese independence (Leopoldville, 1 July 1960)," CVCE.eu by University of Luxembourg, https://www.cvce.eu/en/obj/celebrations_to_mark_congolese_independence_leopoldville_1_july_1960-en-28130ac0-c644- 415c-b68c-a9534f42022a.html 34 Bernd Michael Wiese and Ntsomo Payanzo, “Belgian Paternalism and the Politics of Decolonization,” Encyclopædia Britannica, February 28, 2020, https://www.britannica.com/place/Democratic-Republic-of-the-Congo/Belgian-paternalism- and-the-politics-of-decolonization.

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 10 most of which were based on ethnic lines.35 The formation of political organizations was just one indicator of the growing desire for independence in the public consciousness. In 1959, large riots—led mostly by Bakongo protestors—broke out in Léopoldville, and were violently suppressed by the Force Publique. Notably, the participants were mostly from the lower strata of Congolese society, in contrast to prior movements led by the évolués (who were viewed as elites relative to the large lower class).36 Records are unclear, but up to 500 citizens may have been killed or injured in the protests, 37 making the Léopoldville Riots a turning point in the independence movement.

The Belgian authorities could no longer ignore the significant grievances that Congolese citizens had with colonial leadership, and conceded to the Congo’s ambitions for autonomy fairly rapidly thereafter. In January of 1960, representatives from the Congo and Belgium gathered in Brussels for the Round Table Conference in order to discuss the plan for independence. The Congo’s first national elections were held on May 22, 1960, resulting in the election of nationalist politician Patrice Lumumba as Prime Minister and Bakongo leader Joseph Kasavubu as President. On June 30, 1960, the Belgian Congo gained independence, and was renamed the “Republic of the Congo.” Unfortunately, this period of national success would prove to be temporary, and independence was far from the end of the Congo’s problems.

Current Situation

Politics

Congo’s post-independence government is fairly centralized, with most power held in Léopoldville (see map). This structure has provoked the resentment of various ethnic and regional identity groups across the country and the creation of violent and nonviolent campaigns for autonomy. The current form of government is a semi- presidential system, meaning that executive power is held in tandem by the Prime Minister, Patrice Lumumba, and the President, Joseph Kasavubu. Below is a table of electoral results from the post-independence 1960 election, after which this section will describe four major political parties and their associated blocs.

Electoral Results from the 1960 Congolese National Election38

Party Seats % Seats

Mouvement National Congolais - 33 24.09% Lumumba (MNC-L)

35 Bill Freund, The Making of Contemporary Africa: The Development of African Society Since 1800 (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2016), 199. 36 Georges Nzongola-Ntalaja, The Congo from Leopold to Kabila: a People's History (London: Zed, 2002), pp. 86. 37 Leo Zeilig, Lumumba: Africa's Lost Leader (London: Haus, 2015), 70. 38 “DRC: 1960 National Assembly Results,” African Democracy Encyclopaedia Project (EISA, April 2007), https://www.eisa.org.za/wep/drc1960results.htm.

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 11 National Party for Progress (PNP) 22 16.06%

Parti Solidaire Africain (PSA) 13 9.49%

Alliance des Bakongo (ABAKO) 12 8.76%

Centre de Regroupement Africain 10 7.30% (CEREA)

Confederation des Associations 8 5.84% Tribales du Katanga (CONAKAT)

Mouvement National Congolais - 8 5.84% Kalonji (MNC-K)

Association Générale des Baluba 6 4.38% du Katanga (BALUBAKAT)

Others 25 18.25%

Total 137 100%

Mouvement National Congolais - Lumumba (MNC-L)

The first major party to discuss is the Mouvement National Congolais - Lumumba (MNC-L), led by Patrice Lumumba. It was originally formed during the 1950s as a more informal political organization arguing for Congolese independence, but transitioned into a formal political party during independence talks. The party is based upon a broad platform of Congolese nationalism and does not cater to a specific ethnic group, in contrast to other parties which will be examined later in this section. In terms of policy, the MNC-L is economically progressive in its support for nationalization of major industries and redistribution of wealth; however, some citizens see it as too gradualist and argue for more immediate reforms. This alludes to the larger split within the party between the working class members, who lean in a more economically radical direction, and the political elites in leadership positions, who are often more moderate in that they prefer to avoid policies such as significant wealth redistribution given that many benefit from the socially stratified wealth hierarchy.39 Meanwhile, the MNC-L also includes a significant communist bloc, who argue for stronger ties with the Soviet Union and Maoist China. Lumumba himself has communist tendencies, which are frowned upon by the West. Communist

39 Zeilig, Lumumba: Africa's Lost Leader, 82-83.

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 12 sentiments are likely to grow as economic disempowerment becomes worse, and other non-state groups may form to express these viewpoints, potentially in a violent manner. Another dimension of the MNC-L platform is their support for political centralization, which makes them unpopular in secessionist regions such as South Kasaï and Katanga.

The MNC-L is currently the largest political party in terms of voter support, but still only represents around 24 percent of the electorate, as seen in the table. From a geographic standpoint, MNC-L support is concentrated in the northeastern city of Stanleyville and its surrounding areas, although there is also some support for the party in Central Congo. Given their limited share of the vote, the MNC-L formed a coalition with several other parties, including the National Party for Progress (PNP), and the Centre de Regroupement Africain (CEREA), both of whom share relatively similar stances on most issues. The coalition as a whole has a parliamentary majority for which Lumumba is the Prime Minister, and thus has the ability to effectively pass policies of their choice without major opposition.

Mouvement National Congolais - Kalonji (MNC-K)

The second major party is the Mouvement National Congolais - Kalonji (MNC-K), which as seen on the table received just over 5 percent of the vote. In the 1950s, the MNC was one large political organization devoted broadly to the fight for independence. However, in 1959, the more economically and politically radical members split off under the leadership of Albert Kalonji to form the MNC-K, and thus the original party described in the previous paragraph became known as the MNC-L. While the MNC-K has a small voter base in comparison to the MNC-L, it does have some concentrated geographic support in the region of South Kasaï (to the north of Katanga). The most significant difference between the MNC-K and other parties is their specific advocacy for the secession of South Kasaï—Kalonji in particular acts as an important figurehead for the separatist movement.

Alliance des Bakongo (ABAKO)

Thirdly, there is the Alliance des Bakongo (ABAKO), led by Joseph Kasavubu, the current president. Prior to 1960, ABAKO was an anti-colonial advocacy group similar to the MNC, but advocated for independence on a much shorter timeline, and with a special focus on the Bakongo ethnic identity. In particular, ABAKO stipulated that the Bakongo people should be the recipients of political power should independence occur, given that they controlled the main form of centralized power prior to colonization.40 Specifically, ABAKO’s form of ethnic nationalism is popular among the Bakongo people, but unappealing to other ethnic groups, who are not included in ABAKO’s conception of Congolese identity. Given this, much of the support for ABAKO exists in the Western portion of the country, as this area was where the Kingdom of the Kongo was located prior to colonization. For instance, 60 percent of Léopoldville’s indigenous population belongs to the Bakongo ethnic group,41 which was significant given its status as the capital city; consequently, many citizens of Léopoldville are strong ABAKO supporters. Currently, there is significant tension between ABAKO and the MNC-L: while in the years leading up to independence the two organizations could rally around the common goal of self-government, their

40 Zeilig, Lumumba: Africa's Lost Leader, 66. 41 Yolanda Covington-Ward, “Joseph Kasa-Vubu, ABAKO, and Performances of Kongo Nationalism in the Independence of Congo,” Journal of Black Studies 43, no. 1 (March 2011): 72-94, https://doi.org/10.1177/0021934711424491, 74.

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 13 differences have become more pronounced as they present diverging ideas for how the Congo ought to be governed.

Confédération des Associations Tribales du Katanga (CONAKAT)

The final relevant party to discuss is the Confédération des Associations Tribales du Katanga (CONAKAT), led by Moïse Tshombe. It was formed before independence as a civil society group consisting of representatives from the southern mining province of Katanga.42 Currently, the southern state of Katanga (see map) is home to a strong secessionist movement due to the ethnic differences of the native Lunda peoples, as well as the concentrated wealth in the region, which creates incentives for self-governance.43 In fact, it is estimated that Katanga is responsible for around 65 percent of all Congolese exports at this time.44 As such, CONAKAT argues for a strongly federalist state in order to give the region as much autonomy as possible and preserve wealth. This puts them in considerable opposition to the ruling MNC-L, whose platform revolves around a strong centralized state. While CONAKAT does not have substantial electoral support outside of Katanga, they benefit from strong relationships with a number of Western countries who have commercial interests in the region, including Belgium.

Figure 3: Map of the Congo, 1960.45

42 The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, “Moise Tshombe,” Encyclopædia Britannica, June 25, 2020, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Moise-Tshombe. 43 “Congo in Crisis: The Rise and Fall of Katangan Secession,” Association for Diplomatic Studies & Training, September 8, 2015, https://adst.org/2015/09/congo-in-crisis-the-rise-and-fall-of-katangan-secession. 44 Daniel J. Crowley, “Politics and Tribalism in the Katanga,” The Western Political Quarterly 16, no. 1 (1963): 68-78, https://doi.org/10.2307/445959. 45 "Congo 1960 – 2020 : le 20 février 1960, la fin de la table ronde – le pari congolais des Belges, pari perdu (RTBF)," Congo Forum, https://www.congoforum.be/fr/2020/02/congo-1960-2020-le-20-fevrier-1960-la-fin-de-la-table-ronde-le- pari- congolais-des-belges-pari-perdu-rtbf/

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 14 Economy

Throughout history, the Congolese economy has been reliant upon natural resources for a significant amount of national income. As of 1960, the Congo could be described as a rentier state—a state in which large portions of revenue consist of natural resource payments from foreign countries or corporations in an arrangement that often involves natural resources. In the case of the Congo, these resources primarily include copper and diamonds. One important corporation involved is the Belgian Union Minière du Haut Katanga (UMHK), which was at one point the largest copper mining company in existence, and currently has a monopoly on copper mining in the southern Katanga province.46 In addition, the UMHK involves themselves informally in Congolese politics through their backing of Moïse Tshombe and the Katanga secessionist movement,47 who are in support of capitalizing on mining opportunities and thus align with the UMHK’s profit incentives. The UMHK is generally aligned with Belgian interests, but around 16 percent of capital originates from Britain, who also has vested interests in the conflict given their desire to spread Western capitalism. Similarly, the Huileries du Congo Belge (HCB), a subdivision of a British manufacturing company, is responsible for palm oil exports used to make soap for British consumers. The HCB employs a significant number of Congolese people in the southwestern Kwilu region (see map), but pays them very minimal wages and has a history of using forced labour.

The problem with deriving significant amounts of income from natural resource rents is that it becomes difficult for this wealth to trickle down to the lower classes. Immediately prior to independence, gross domestic product (GDP) per capita was just over USD 1,000 adjusted for inflation, although the average income was likely much less among the lowest stratas of society.48 Independence resulted in a notable drop in GDP, primarily due to instability, which made investment less attractive and labour more expensive. 49 Furthermore, while some infrastructure (roads, railways, bridges, etc.) was constructed during Belgian rule, social services remain underdeveloped. Limited services do exist in urban areas—the Congo’s healthcare system is considered by some to be “the best in the whole tropical world”50—but these are not accessible to the large majority of the Congolese population, about 90 percent of whom live in the countryside.51 Moreover, ethnic favouritism within remaining government institutions makes social mobility challenging. Inequality is also entrenched by the suboptimal distribution of natural resources across the country, both from a geographic standpoint and because profit from resources are unequally distributed. Certain regions, notably the Katanga province, have substantially more copper and cobalt reserves than the rest of the nation; thus, wealthy communities in these regions are less fond

46 Bernd Michael Wiese and René Lemarchand, “Economy,” Encyclopædia Britannica, February 28, 2020, https://www.britannica.com/place/Democratic-Republic-of-the-Congo/Economy. 47 The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, “Moise Tshombe,” Encyclopædia Britannica, June 25, 2020, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Moise-Tshombe. 48 Channing Arndt, Andy McKay, and Finn Tarp, “Growth and Poverty in Sub-Saharan Africa,” Oxford Scholarship Online, May 2016, https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198744795.001.0001. 49 Ibid. 50 Mancur Olson, The Rise And Decline Of Nations: Economic Growth, Stagflation, and Social Rigidities (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982), 38. 51 Joe Trapido, “Africa's Leaky Giant,” New Left Review, accessed August 7, 2020, https://newleftreview.org/issues/II92/articles/joe-trapido-africa-s-leaky-giant.

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 15 of the radical redistribution policies proposed by the MNC-L coalition, and many have been pushed to support self-governance as a strategy to preserve wealth.

Lastly, while Belgium’s exit from the Congo was politically necessary, it has had the unintended result of major loss of human capital. As of 1960, the Congo is home to a total of 16 university graduates.52 This makes it difficult for institutions to function without individuals who possess the prerequisite political and technical knowledge.

Foreign Participation

The Congo Crisis is a topic of international fixation, and this period of political and economic development serves as a Cold War proxy conflict. The Congo gained a degree of international attention both during and after WWII due to a combination of Congolese uranium reserves and a growing interest in nuclear development from both the Western and Eastern blocs. As of 1960, a number of foreign actors have vested interests in the outcomes of conflict.

Belgium

While Belgium is no longer responsible for the functioning of the Congolese state, it still plays a large role in the country, especially considering this crisis takes place less than a week after independence. There is some inherent tension between the post-colonial Congolese government and the Belgians due to the transfer of power. Compared to some colonial regime changes, which were achieved through violent wars for independence, the 1960 independence agreement was fairly civil, but there are still some points of tension. The fundamental disagreement is this: Belgium views their decision to grant the Congo independence as a friendly sacrifice for which the Congolese ought to be grateful, while the Congo views independence as a right which they were owed. More pertinently, Belgium continues to have a variety of commercial investments in the region long after independence, specifically through their ownership of many mines in Southern Congo. This means that they are highly opposed to Lumumba and his socialist policies, such as the proposed nationalization of natural resource industries, which would harm Belgian investments. Instead, Belgium supports Moïse Tshombe and the movement for Katangan secession, which is in alignment with Belgium’s commercial interests. There are also around 100,000 Belgian nationals in the Congo which influences their stake in the region, and Belgium may wish to intervene in order to protect their expatriates.53

United States

The United States has somewhat similar interests in the region to Belgium, but with more of a focus on political opposition to the Congo’s communist movement. The Congo Crisis occurs in the middle of the Cold War, and the fear of communism has percolated through the American national consciousness during the 1950s with the rise of McCarthyism (unsubstantiated accusations of communist sympathies due to widespread political paranoia). As of 1960, the U.S. is under the leadership of President Dwight D. Eisenhower of the Republican Party, who has engaged in numerous anti-Communist ventures prior to the Congo Crisis. For instance, the Eisenhower Doctrine was a program in 1957 intended to combat the spread of global communism which

52 “Economy of the Democratic Republic of the Congo,” Wikipedia (Wikimedia Foundation, June 23, 2020), https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economy_of_the_Democratic_Republic_of_the_Congo. 53 James Dobbins, The UN's Role in Nation-Building: From the Congo to Iraq (Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 2005), 7.

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 16 allocated funding and military support to Middle Eastern countries that were under threat from the Soviet Union.54 Therefore, the U.S. is highly opposed to Lumumba given his socialist tendencies and supports his removal from power.55

Specifically, the U.S. will likely support the military insurrections that have formed in opposition to Lumumba’s leadership and potentially side with the military’s attempts to acquire political power. As a part of the Western coalition, the U.S. may also be sympathetic to the interests of Katangan secessionists if it preserves commercial interests in the region, although this may not be the case if it causes further fragmentation in the region insofar as conflict harms economic stability.56 Generally speaking, any form of American intervention would be most likely to occur as a response to Soviet intervention and the growth of communist ideologies. 1960 is also an election year for the United States, so the American foreign policy agenda could shift considerably over the course of the committee.

Soviet Coalition

The Soviet coalition mainly refers to the Soviet Union (U.S.S.R.), but also includes other state actors such as China and Cuba. For political reasons including their ambitions to form a global network of communist states, they will likely support some of the more radical segments of the political sphere. While Prime Minister Lumumba and the MNC-L were not necessarily communist, they do generally support nationalization or wealth redistribution policies that are harmful to Western capitalist interests—an appealing stance in the eyes of the Soviet coalition. Other radical factions may also have interests that are aligned with communist nations, and may receive funding and support from the Soviet coalition. Given that the Congo Crisis functions as a Cold War proxy conflict, delegates should expect this bloc to become involved in hostilities during the crisis.

Initiating Crisis

It has been under a week since independence, and the hopes of a stable national government have already been dashed. Independence was formally achieved on June 30, 1960 in a relatively peaceful ceremony, but even then, tension was apparent; for instance, after he was not invited to speak at the ceremony, Prime Minister Lumumba gave an unscheduled speech in which he condemned Belgian paternalism and colonialism. While the Congolese masses were appreciative of this, particularly after Belgian King Baudouin’s controversial remarks at the ceremony, Belgian officials responded poorly.57 For instance, King Baudouin left the room in defiance, and most international media sources have depicted the speech as unnecessarily aggressive towards Belgium and the West.

54 History.com Editors, “The Eisenhower Doctrine,” History.com (A&E Television Networks, May 30, 2012), https://www.history.com/topics/us-presidents/the-eisenhower-doctrine-video. 55 Ryan Hurst, “Congo Civil War (1960-1964),” Blackpast, July 15, 2009, https://www.blackpast.org/global-african- history/congo-civil-war-1960-1964/. 56 Piero Gleijeses, ""Flee! The White Giants Are Coming!": The United States, the Mercenaries, and the Congo, 1964–65", Diplomatic History 18, no. 2 (1994): 207-37, www.jstor.org/stable/24912382. 57 Patrice Lumumba, “Speech at the Ceremony of the Proclamation of the Congo's Independence,” trans. Thomas Schmidt, Marxists Internet Archive, accessed August 7, 2020, https://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/lumumba/1960/06/independence.htm.

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 17 After independence, affairs were calm for a few days as celebrations took place, but this détente was not long- lasting.

Independence brought a series of expectations for change in the colonial system of social classification. During colonization, white settlers were able to access far more opportunity than the black lower classes, largely due to intergenerational wealth as well as racial disparities in education and access to infrastructure. Congolese citizens largely assumed that autonomy from Belgium would coincide with the deconstruction of this socioeconomic stratification. However, in the aftermath of independence, it became apparent that these reforms were not going to occur within the near future, partially because the lack of education among the Congolese population meant that Belgian officials continued to serve in positions of power.58 This dynamic was a result of the general lack of educational infrastructure and the ensuing cycle of illiteracy, but was also to some extent created by the Belgians, who wanted to ensure that Belgian expatriates and other West-friendly officials retained political sway. Rampant inequality was a catalyst for civil unrest among citizens across the country given that the modern political establishment excluded them just as Belgian colonizers had for centuries.

The most problematic manifestation of inequality between the largely native lower class and the beneficiaries of Belgian rule was within the Force Publique, which was still under the leadership of Belgian Lieutenant-General Émile Janssens. In a speech to his troops on July 5, Janssens declared to the Camp Léopold II military base that “Independence brings changes to politicians and to civilians. But for you, nothing will be changed ... none of your new masters can change the structure of an army which, throughout its history, has been the most organized, the most victorious in Africa. The politicians have lied to you.”59 The soldiers of the Force Publique, most of whom were black and had envisioned a changing social structure within the military, were furious with the preservation of Belgian norms. Late in the day on July 5, men in Camp Léopold began to defy the military leadership and violently revolt, beginning the Force Publique Mutiny. This agitation quickly spread to military barracks across the nation, where soldiers were similarly disempowered by the lack of social reform. The mutiny created dissension within the military, but it also prevented the Lumumba administration from being able to manage the buildup of hostilities in other areas, particularly the Katanga and South Kasaï regions where secession seemed imminent.

Portfolio Overviews

Joseph Kasavubu

Joseph Kasavubu, leader of ABAKO, is the first president of the Congo and an opponent of Lumumba’s MNC- L party. He has been politically successful in the past; in the 1957 Léopoldville municipal elections, he was elected mayor of the Dendale district. 60 Kasavubu’s membership in the Bakongo ethnic group suffuses his political opinions, most of which revolve around the right of the Bakongo people to rule the country. At one point, he used this rhetoric to justify his attempts to push the Bangala, a large Congolese ethnic group, out of

58 Zeilig, Lumumba: Africa's Lost Leader, 201. 59 “Congo Crisis,” Wikipedia (Wikimedia Foundation, July 27, 2020), https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Congo_Crisis. 60 The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, “Joseph Kasavubu,” Encyclopædia Britannica, March 20, 2020, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Joseph-Kasavubu.

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 18 Léopoldville. 61 Thus, among the Bakongo people—particularly those in the West—Kasavubu is strongly supported, but many from other ethnic groups oppose him. He also may be able to acquire the support of Colonel Mobutu, since they both function as opposition to the parliamentary majority of Lumumba’s coalition.

Patrice Lumumba

Patrice Lumumba is the current Prime Minister of the Congo and the leader of the MNC-L, a party emphasizing pan-African values and anti-colonial resistance. He is the most prominent nationalist leader in this period and advocates for the inclusion of all ethnic groups in the Congolese nation,62 in contrast to Kasavubu and Tshombe, who both of whom advocate for the rights of specific ethnic groups. In that sense, the interests of Lumumba, Kasavubu, and Tshombe are very different and will likely cause significant conflict in this committee. Lumumba is likely to support socialist and nationalist policies with an emphasis on a centralized national government, putting him in mild opposition to the interests of Western powers. Therefore, he may consider reaching out to the communist bloc for political support or other forms of assistance. Finally, while Lumumba is fairly radical with regards to economic policies such as nationalization and redistribution, many view him as too conservative—particularly the agitated Congolese soldiers of the Force Publique. Thus, his government will likely face civil unrest domestically.

Antoine Gizenga

Deputy Prime Minister Antoine Gizenga is the leader of the Parti Solidaire Africain (PSA), which shares similar stances with the MNC-L but is slightly more left-leaning. After the 1960 elections, the PSA formed a coalition government with the MNC-L and Gizenga was appointed as the Deputy Prime Minister. In general, Gizenga's views align with the MNC-L, and he is a loyal supporter of Lumumba who will almost certainly side with the Prime Minister on all issues. He is also particularly opposed to Colonel Mobutu and the growing insurrections within the military against Lumumba.

Joseph-Désiré Mobutu

Joseph-Désiré Mobutu is a colonel in the Force Publique. He was born in the Northern Congo and served in the military for much of his life, while also engaging in politics and journalism. An early member of the MNC-L, Mobutu became the Secretary of State following the 1960 elections, although he is suspected of sympathizing with Belgium and the West, and potentially having been an informant to them in the past. Mobutu is probably the individual with the largest degree of control over the military due to his image as an agent of the Congolese people. In the days immediately before the crisis begins, Mobutu was appointed as a colonel in the Force Publique in response to the growing mutiny. Lumumba and the national government have trust in him, but Colonel Mobutu appears to be interested in his own acquisition of political power, potentially above the good of the

61 Ruth Slade, The Belgian Congo: Some Recent Changes (London: Issued under the auspices of the Institute of Race Relations by Oxford U.P, 1961), 26. 62 Dennis D. Cordell and Immanuel Wallerstein, “Patrice Lumumba,” Encyclopædia Britannica (Encyclopædia Britannica, inc., June 28, 2020), https://www.britannica.com/biography/Patrice-Lumumba.

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 19 nation. Colonel Mobutu is also well-poised to seize power, given that his role in the military makes him the mediator between Lumumba, Kasavubu, and to some degree, Tshombe.

Justin Marie Bomboko

Justin Marie Bomboko is the Minister of Foreign Affairs in Lumumba’s cabinet. The two are not completely politically aligned—Lumumba was initially hesitant to appoint Bomboko, who tends to be more sympathetic to the West and hesitant to support communist intervention—but Bomboko has received a university degree, making him very well-qualified by the standards of post-colonial Congo. Bomboko is supported by Belgium and generally supports closer ties with European powers: a controversial stance among other cabinet members.

Maurice Mpolo

Maurice Mpolo, a Congolese official from the Western Mai-Ndombe region, serves as the Minister of Youth and Sports in Lumumba’s cabinet, and briefly served as the Chief of Staff in the Force Publique.63 As a part of the cabinet, he is bound to Lumumba’s platform and the accompanying set of centralized socialist interests. While officially his role relates to youth affairs, Mpolo's actual responsibilities mostly include the production and distribution of pro-government propaganda, as well as promoting recruitment into the Congolese civil service and military. Mpolo’s main focus in this committee will be acquiring and maintaining political support for the MNC-L, which may prove difficult amid the ongoing conflict.

Pierre Mulele

Pierre Mulele is currently the Minister of Education and Culture in Lumumba’s cabinet, and is loyal to the leftist communist coalition. At the moment, he mainly serves to advance Lumumba’s interests, but as the conflict progresses, he is likely to become more radical in regards to Cold War politics and becoming closer to the Soviet bloc. Mulele is largely influenced by Maoism and similar ideologies, has received training from the Chinese military, and will undoubtedly be a strong supporter of communism in the committee. He is also an opponent of Colonel Mobutu, whom he views as a threat to Lumumba.

Albert Kalonji

Albert Kalonji is an important political leader from the secessionist region of South Kasaï. Originally a chief of the Luba ethnic community, he became involved with the MNC under Lumumba’s leadership. However, Kalonji split off from the MNC to form the more radical MNC-K, of which he currently serves as the president. 64 Kalonji’s primary motivation in this committee is securing rights and independence for the South Kasaï region, which is home to the Luba ethnic group and known for its natural resources, especially diamonds. Most within the South Kasaï region are likely supporters of the MNC-K, leading to the party winning eight seats in parliament in the 1960 election. 65 However, the South Kasaï secessionist movement is generally less powerful than its

63 Ludo De Witte, The Assassination of Lumumba (London: Verso, 2002), 93. 64 “Albert Kalonji,” Wikipedia (Wikimedia Foundation, August 7, 2020), https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Albert_Kalonji. 65 “DRC: 1960 National Assembly Results,” African Democracy Encyclopaedia Project (EISA, April 2007), https://www.eisa.org.za/wep/drc1960results.htm.

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 20 Katangan equivalent, partially because it is smaller, and partially because it does not enjoy the same amount of foreign support.

Moïse Tshombe

Moïse Tshombe is the president of the CONAKAT party and the main leader in the Katangan secessionist movement. After growing up in a wealthy family, Tshombe became an active political advocate for his ethnic group, the Lunda, who reside primarily within the Katanga region and tend to be quite wealthy. Tshombe strongly supports a federalist state, and presented this proposal at the Congo’s Round Table Conference; while it was rejected, the idea still enjoys popular support in several secessionist regions. Importantly, Tshombe has access to substantial foreign support from Belgium in particular, due to Belgium's economic interests in the Katanga region. He also has a large white mercenary force at his disposal, which is controversial given the Congo’s history of European brutality. Tshombe has the potential to use his foreign ties to achieve an end goal of Katangan independence, but may also be exploited by Western powers in the process.

Jason Sendwe

Jason Sendwe is the president of the Association Générale des Baluba du Katanga (BALUBAKAT), a fairly large party in the Katanga province. Functionally, BALUBAKAT serves as the main opposition to Moïse Tshombe’s CONAKAT; while CONAKAT primarily centers around the Lunda ethnic group, BALUBAKAT caters to the Luba tribe and immigrant ethnicities. 66 This means that Sendwe does not support federalism or Western commercial presence, as Tshombe does, but instead backs a strong central government. These beliefs put Sendwe fairly in line with Lumumba, albeit with more special consideration of the Luba ethnic group.

Cyrille Adoula

Cyrille Adoula is the senator from the northwestern city of Coquilhatville and until recently was a member of the MNC (prior to its bifurcation). Lumumba invited Adoula to serve on his cabinet after the 1960 election, but Adoula refused.67 In the decades preceding the crisis, Adoula was active in global labour union politics, having served as a committee member on the International Congress of Federated Trade Unions, and is a strong proponent of trade union rights. In comparison to Lumumba, he leans towards a moderate viewpoint on issues of economic reform, making him attractive to the West; the American CIA has shown some interest in replacing the Lumumba administration with a government led by Adoula.

Daniel Kanza

While in reality he did not receive the position until October 1960, Daniel Kanza will for the purposes of this committee act as the Premier Burgomaster—essentially a city executive—of Léopoldville, the Congo’s capital city. Until recently, he was the Vice President of ABAKO, working closely with Joseph Kasavubu in the period

66 Daniel J. Crowley, “Politics and Tribalism in the Katanga,” The Western Political Quarterly 16, no. 1 (1963): 68-78, https://doi.org/10.2307/445959. 67 “Man in the News; Congo Caretaker Cyrille Adoula,” The New York Times (The New York Times, July 1, 1964), https://www.nytimes.com/1964/07/01/archives/man-in-the-news-congo-caretaker-cyrille-adoula.html.

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 21 leading up to the Round Table Conference. However, Kanza's views differed from the party’s in a number of ways; notably, he supported a strong centralized government, while Kasavubu wanted a federalist system, and repeatedly challenged Kasavubu’s authority in the party.68 In February of 1960, Kanza was expelled from ABAKO due to his dissent, and decided to form ABAKO-Kanza, his own separate party, which mostly received support from Kanza’s home region. Kanza is not necessarily well-respected on the national stage, but has a reasonable amount of authority over Léopoldville, which plays an important role in conflict. He also acts in opposition to Kasavubu and most mainstream parties.

General Victor Lundula

Victor Lundula is a commander in the Force Publique and could be described as somewhat politically unaligned, a rare occurrence in 1960s Congo. Prior to independence, he was a sergeant, making him one of the highest- ranked native Congolese soldiers within the Belgian Force Publique.69 Presently, his military expertise is well- respected both by members of the Force Publique and the government. General Lundula supports a strong central government and tends to side broadly with Lumumba and Gizenga. His support of Lumumba/Gizenga puts him in tension with Colonel Mobutu, whose ambitions for power put him in opposition to Lumumba. Lundula also opposes Western intervention and capitalist interests in the region.

Joseph Malula

Joseph Malula is the Auxiliary Bishop of Léopoldville and, for the purposes of this committee, will represent the interests of the Roman Catholic Church in the Congo. He supports the expansion of Catholic beliefs among the Congolese populace, but his views do diverge slightly from European Catholics; Malula disapproves to some extent of the Catholic Church’s mainstream imperialist paraphernalia—that is, attempts to proselytize in the region. In some ways, the Church, and Malula by extension, are some of the only remotely benevolent actors in the period, with a vested interest in improving public education and wellbeing, even if that is tinged with ideological interests, both from a religious and political perspective. However, the rise in African nationalism has led to widespread questioning of the Church’s legitimacy given the institution's colonial history, so Malula will have to be aware of the increasing reputational issues of Catholicism.

Paul Gillet

Paul Gillet is a Belgian engineer and the President of the Union Minière du Haut Katanga (UMHK; Mining Union of the Upper Katanga), the Belgian mining monopoly located in the mineral-rich Katanga province. The UMHK has a large stake in this conflict due to their role in acquiring and distributing natural resources, and by extension, their control over wealth. Domestically, the UMHK's influence stems from their monopoly over copper, and a shocking one-third of the Congo’s national budget at this point in time consists of tax revenue

68 “Daniel Kanza,” Wikipedia (Wikimedia Foundation, August 6, 2020), https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Daniel_Kanza. 69 “Congolese Army Leader; Victor Lundula Defiance Leads to Battle Gizenga's Army Chief,” New York Times Archives, January 22, 1962, https://www.nytimes.com/1962/01/22/archives/congolese-army-leader-victor-lundula-defiance-leads-to- battle.html .

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 22 from the UMHK. 70 Meanwhile, the UMHK's international influence is compounded by their large share of uranium production; it is estimated that in 1960, the UMHK was responsible for the production of 60% of the world’s uranium, a large proportion of it from the Congo. 71 Gillet and the UMHK strongly support the movement for Katangan secession because it allows them to maintain their exclusive ownership of lucrative natural resources in the region. In the same vein, they oppose Lumumba and the MNC-L, and generally align with the Western coalition. However, because the UMHK is not subject to the same scrutiny as Western governments, they are more capable of funnelling capital into Moïse Tshombe’s CONAKAT and other Katangan separatist groups.

Andrei Gromyko

Andrei Gromyko is the Soviet Minister of Foreign Affairs and a distinctive figure in Soviet foreign policy at the time. As formal diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union and the Congo were not particularly strong at this point in time, Soviet interests in this committee will be represented by their Minister of Foreign Affairs rather than a traditional ambassador. In the context of the Congo, he has repeatedly denounced the West for their intervention in African decolonization, which is viewed by the Soviets as largely unjustified.72 Due to the Cold War context of this committee, the U.S.S.R. has vested interests in ensuring the growth of socialist ideologies in the region in order to push back against the expansion of Western capitalism and consolidate their power on the global stage. While the official stance of the U.S.S.R. is to disapprove of foreign intervention in the Congo, they are likely to enter the country as a response to the Western presence, and Gromyko has the ability to control significant Soviet military resources as he sees fit.

Clare H. Timberlake

Clare H. Timberlake is a U.S. diplomat serving as the American ambassador to the newly formed Republic of the Congo. He has a significant amount of diplomatic expertise, having been posted to several U.S. embassies across the globe.73 Timberlake will represent the interests of the United States in this committee, meaning he is likely to strongly oppose Lumumba’s rule and support Mobutu’s potential accession to power. He does not have total control over the U.S. military presence in the area, but is able to make recommendations to the Eisenhower administration on how to approach the military angle of the crisis. While Timberlake is interested in preserving peace, he is ultimately bound to the American political agenda and, implicitly, Western commercial interests in the area.

70 Daniel J. Crowley, “Politics and Tribalism in the Katanga,” The Western Political Quarterly 16, no. 1 (1963): 68-78, https://doi.org/10.2307/445959. 71 “Union Minière Du Haut Katanga,” Wikipedia (Wikimedia Foundation, June 17, 2020), https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Union_Mini%C3%A8re_du_Haut_Katanga. 72 “Andrei Gromyko: WNYC,” WNYC (New York Public Radio, October 12, 1962), https://www.wnyc.org/story/andrei- gromyko/. 73 “Clare H. Timberlake; Longtime U.S. Envoy,” The New York Times, February 26, 1982, https://www.nytimes.com/1982/02/25/obituaries/clare-h-timberlake-longtime-us-envoy.html.

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 23 Jean van den Bosch

Jean van den Bosch is the current Belgian Ambassador to the Congo, having arrived in Léopoldville a few days prior to the beginning of the crisis. He represents the interests of Belgium in the post-independence Congo, and politically aligns with the Western coalition. Specifically, this means supporting the Katangan secession movement and broadly opposing the rise of communist factions across the country. While he does not directly control Belgian troop movements, van den Bosch can make recommendations to the Belgian government on most actions, including military actions. Within the committee, van den Bosch’s relationships with Congolese political leaders are already quite tense.

Carl von Horn

Originally a commander in the Swedish military, Carl von Horn is the Supreme Commander of the United Nations Operation in the Congo (UNOC). He has extensive experience in military operations and previously served as the chief of the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization in Palestine. Currently, the United Nations does not have a significant presence in the Congo, but given the weakness of the central government, peacekeeping forces will likely be deployed in the near future. In particular, conflict in the Katanga region may require UN intervention, potentially on the request of the central government. As Supreme Commander, von Horn would be responsible for managing any peacekeeping troops, subject to the expectations of UN authorities.

Thomas Kanza

Thomas Kanza is the son of Congolese official Daniel Kanza and serves as the Congolese Minister-Delegate to the United Nations. Kanza is respected widely throughout the Congo due to his educational experience: He studied economics at a Belgian university before attending Harvard University for a year, and in the context of Congo’s low rates of educational attainment at this point of time, this is a highly impressive achievement. While his father was previously an ABAKO member, Kanza’s views align more closely with the MNC-L, and he is notably a loyal supporter of Lumumba. As a minister-delegate, Kanza is responsible for liaising with the UN in order to promote the Congolese agenda, and can request aid from the UN if conditions deteriorate.

Discussion Questions

1. How can the committee balance the current unrest and public pressure for rapid reform with the long- term need for stability in the country?

2. What are the ways the Congo’s colonial legacy continues to impact the complex dimensions of national and class consciousness, and how should a central government manage the active process of decolonization?

3. How does each individual in the committee envision the ideal form of governance and social organization for the Congo?

4. Would the Congo be better served with a strong centralized state or through a federalist system where power is distributed among regional and tribal governments?

Vancouver Model United Nations 2021 24 5. How can the Congolese state best accommodate the interests of secessionist groups, and what are the economic and cultural roots behind the behaviours of these movements?

6. What role should the international community play in the state building process?

7. How do Western commercial interests impact the distribution of wealth and political power, especially in regions rich in natural resources? Is political and economic aid from the West a viable tool for achieving political goals, or does it have the potential to compromise the overall public good?

8. How do the different institutions and individuals within the Congolese government interact with each other? In particular, what is the balance of power between executive and legislative institutions and the military, and how can delegates exploit these power differences for their own ends?

Additional Resources

Books

Heart of Darkness by Joseph Conrad

King Leopold's Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror, and Heroism in Colonial Africa by Adam Hochschild

Lumumba: Africa's Lost Leader by Leo Zeilig

Online Resources

An interview given by Patrice Lumumba to the Telegraph Agency of the Soviet Union: http://www.artsrn.ualberta.ca/amcdouga/Hist247/winter_2014/readings/lumumba_interview_1960.html.

The Congo Crisis (Britannica): https://www.britannica.com/place/Democratic-Republic-of-the-Congo/The- Congo-crisis.

The Congo, Decolonization, and the Cold War, 1960–1965 (United States Office of the Historian): https://history.state.gov/milestones/1961-1968/congo-decolonization.

In Pictures: From 1960 to 2020, DRC's Post-independence History (Al Jazeera): https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/inpictures/pictures-1960-2020-drc-post-independence-history- 200625152923911.html.

Patrice Lumumba’s speech at the Ceremony of the Proclamation of the Congo’s Independence (1960): https://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/lumumba/1960/06/independence.htm.

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