Corruption in Honduras in Comparative Perspective and Over Time
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Indigenous Maya Knowledge and the Possibility of Decolonizing Education in Guatemala
Indigenous Maya Knowledge and the Possibility of Decolonizing Education in Guatemala by Vivian Michelle Jiménez Estrada A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Sociology and Equity Studies in Education Ontario Institute for Studies in Education University of Toronto © Copyright by Vivian Michelle Jiménez Estrada 2012 Indigenous Maya Knowledge and the Possibility of Decolonizing Education in Guatemala Vivian Michelle Jiménez Estrada Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology and Equity Studies in Education University of Toronto 2012 Abstract Maya peoples in Guatemala continue to practice their Indigenous knowledge in spite of the violence experienced since the Spanish invasion in 1524. From 1991 until 1996, the state and civil society signed a series of Peace Accords that promised to better meet the needs of the Maya, Xinka, Garífuna and non-Indigenous groups living there. In this context, how does the current educational system meet the varied needs of these groups? My research investigates the philosophy and praxis of Maya Indigenous knowledge (MIK) in broadly defined educational contexts through the stories of 17 diverse Maya professional women and men involved in educational reform that currently live and work in Guatemala City. How do they reclaim and apply their ancestral knowledge daily? What possible applications of MIK can transform society? The findings reveal that MIK promotes social change and healing within and outside institutionalized educational spaces and argues that academia needs to make room for Indigenous theorizing mainly in areas of education, gender, knowledge production, and nation building. I analyze these areas from anticolonial and critical Indigenous standpoints from which gender and Indigenous identities weave through the text. -
Letter from the Government of Honduras on Actions Taken
Appendix 13 – Letter from the Government of Honduras on actions taken OFFICIAL LETTER No.1077-DGPE/DSM-10 Tegucigalpa, June 4, 2010 Excellency, It is my honor to present my compliments and to say that the purpose of this letter in follow- up to the two notes sent to the international community in April 2010 is to express our desire for genuine understanding of the situation in our country and that the international community be suitably and correctly informed of the efforts of the Government of Honduras to implement a real process of national unity and reconciliation. I should begin by drawing attention to the fact that our president, Mr. Porfirio Lobo Sosa, has set about the task of leading the country with the strength afforded him by the legitimacy of a transparent election extensively observed by the international community, in which the majority of the people of Honduras clearly, lawfully, and unmistakably expressed their will in the search for peace, stability, and restored unity. This electoral process, called by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal under the administration of former President Zelaya Rosales, was preceded by the primary elections in which all legally registered political parties chose their candidates to the National Congress, Municipalities, and the Presidency of the Republic, a process monitored by international observers—including those from the Organization of American States (OAS)—who noted the transparency and success thereof. I am at pains to draw your attention to the fact that Article 51 of the Constitution of Honduras defines the Supreme Electoral Tribunal as an autonomous and independent entity responsible for the convocation, organization, direction, and supervision of electoral processes. -
Guatemala Project
PEACE BRIGADES INTERNATIONAL – GUATEMALA PROJECT MIP - MONTHLY INFORMATION PACKAGE – GUATEMALA Number 98, November 2011 1. NOTES ON THE CURRENT SITUATION 2. ACTIVITIES OF PBI GUATEMALA: WITHIN GUATEMALA 2.1 MEETINGS WITH GUATEMALAN AUTHORITIES, DIPLOMATIC CORPS AND INTERNATIONAL ENTITIES 2.2 MEETINGS WITH CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANISATIONS 2.3 ACCOMPANIMENT 2.4 FOLLOW-UP 2.5 OBSERVATION 3. ACTIVITIES OF PBI GUATEMALA – OUTSIDE GUATEMALA 4. NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANISATIONS 1. NOTES ON THE CURRENT SITUATION IMPUNITY The Convergence for Human Rights condemns an attempt to give immunity to military personnel accused of genocide Guatemala, 24.11.2011 (CA, SV) .- The Convergence for Human Rights denounced the attempt to pass a bill that favors military personnel accused of crimes against humanity, so that they cannot be judged by the Guatemalan courts. The independent MP Christian Bousinott presented under pretext of national urgency, the 37-11 Initiative, which according to Iduvina Hernandez, director of the Association for the Study and Promotion of Democratic Security (SEDEM) had already been passed by Congress in its second reading in 2008. However, when comparing the initiative now submitted, which was shelved for three years, Hector Nuila, Nineth Montenegro and Aníbal García-members of Congress, realized the phrase "with the exception of crimes considered against humanity " had been removed. They were forced to withdraw from the Chamber, to break quorum and prevent final approval of the document. Julio Solórzano Foppa, the son of one of the victims of internal armed conflict, said: "This was a deceitful and illegal act. They intended for us to believe that these falsified documents were the ones approved in 2008." Oswaldo Samayoa, human rights activist, said an investigation has begun to criminally prosecute those who collaborated in the falsification and manipulation of the draft. -
Honduras: Background and U.S
Honduras: Background and U.S. Relations Peter J. Meyer Specialist in Latin American Affairs Updated July 22, 2019 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov RL34027 Honduras: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Honduras, a Central American nation of 9.1 million people, has had close ties with the United States for many years. The country served as a base for U.S. operations designed to counter Soviet influence in Central America during the 1980s, and it continues to host a U.S. military presence and cooperate on antidrug efforts today. Trade and investment linkages are also long- standing and have grown stronger since the implementation of the Dominican Republic-Central America-United States Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR) in 2006. In recent years, instability in Honduras—including a 2009 coup and significant outflows of migrants and asylum-seekers since 2014—has led U.S. policymakers to focus greater attention on conditions in the country and their implications for the United States. Domestic Situation President Juan Orlando Hernández of the conservative National Party was inaugurated to a second four-year term in January 2018. He lacks legitimacy among many Hondurans, however, due to allegations that his 2017 reelection was unconstitutional and marred by fraud. Hernández’s public standing has been further undermined by a series of corruption scandals that have implicated members of his family, administration, and party, and generated speculation about whether the president has participated in criminal activities. Honduras has made uneven progress in addressing the country’s considerable challenges since Hernández first took office in 2014. Public prosecutors have begun to combat corruption with the support of the Organization of American States-backed Mission to Support the Fight Against Corruption and Impunity in Honduras, but the mission’s mandate is scheduled to expire in January 2020 and Honduran political leaders have expressed little interest in extending it. -
LA CULTURA POLÍTICA DE LA DEMOCRACIA: Guatemala, 2008 © Vanderbilt University 2008
Guatemala Versión # 18Qrev IRB Approval: #071086 LA CULTURA POLÍTICA DE LA DEMOCRACIA: Guatemala, 2008 © Vanderbilt University 2008. Derechos reservados. All rights reserved. País: 1. México 2. Guatemala 3. El Salvador 4. Honduras 5. Nicaragua 6. Costa Rica 7. Panamá 8. Colombia 9. Ecuador 10. Bolivia 11. Perú 12. Paraguay 13. Chile 14. Uruguay 15. Brasil. 16. Venezuela PAIS 17. Argentina 21. República Dominicana 22. Haití 23. Jamaica 24.Guyana 25. Trinidad 40. Estados Unidos 2 41. Canadá IDNUM. Número de cuestionario [asignado en la oficina]__________________ IDNUM ESTRATOPRI: (201). Zona metropolitana (202). Suroccidente (203) Noroccidente (204) Suroriente (205) Nororiente ESTRATOPRI 2 UPM (Unidad primaria de Muestro).______________________ UPM Departamento :_________________________________________ PROV 2 Municipio___________________________________________________________ MUNICIPIO 2 Lugar poblado _________________________________________ GUADISTRITO SEGMENTO CENSAL_______________________________________________ GUASEGMENTO Sector___________________________________________________________ GUASEC CLUSTER. (Unidad Final de Muestreo) (Punto muestral) CLUSTER [Máximo de 8 entrevistas urbanas, 12 rurales] UR (1) Urbano (2) Rural [Usar definición censal del país] UR Tamaño del lugar: (1) Capital nacional (área metropolitana) (2) Ciudad grande TAMANO (3) Ciudad mediana (4) Ciudad pequeña (5) Área rural Idioma del cuestionario: (1) Español (2) Mam (3) K´iche´ (4) Kaqchikel IDIOMAQ (5) Q´eqchi´ (6) Achí (7) Ixil Hora de inicio: _____:_____ -
Long-Term Development in Post-Disaster Intentional Communities in Honduras
From Tragedy to Opportunity: Long-term Development in Post-Disaster Intentional Communities in Honduras A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Ryan Chelese Alaniz IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Ronald Aminzade June 2012 © Ryan Alaniz 2012 Acknowledgements Like all manuscripts of this length it took the patience, love, and encouragement of dozens of people and organizations. I would like to thank my parents for their support, numerous friends who provided feedback in informal conversations, my amazing editor and partner Jenny, my survey team, and the residents of Nueva Esperanza, La Joya, San Miguel Arcangel, Villa El Porvenir, La Roca, and especially Ciudad España and Divina for their openness in sharing their lives and experiences. Finally, I would like to thank Doug Hartmann, Pat McNamara, David Pellow, and Ross MacMillan for their generosity of time and wisdom. Most importantly I would like to express my gratitude to my advisor, Ron, who is an inspiration personally and professionally. I would also like to thank the following organizations and fellowship sponsors for their financial support: the University of Minnesota and the Department of Sociology, the Social Science Research Council, Fulbright, the Bilinski Foundation, the Public Entity Risk Institute, and the Diversity of Views and Experiences (DOVE) Fellowship. i Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to all those who have been displaced by a disaster and have struggled/continue to struggle to rebuild their lives. It is also dedicated to my son, Santiago. May you grow up with a desire to serve the most vulnerable. -
Evangelicals and Political Power in Latin America JOSÉ LUIS PÉREZ GUADALUPE
Evangelicals and Political Power in Latin America in Latin America Power and Political Evangelicals JOSÉ LUIS PÉREZ GUADALUPE We are a political foundation that is active One of the most noticeable changes in Latin America in 18 forums for civic education and regional offices throughout Germany. during recent decades has been the rise of the Evangeli- Around 100 offices abroad oversee cal churches from a minority to a powerful factor. This projects in more than 120 countries. Our José Luis Pérez Guadalupe is a professor applies not only to their cultural and social role but increa- headquarters are split between Sankt and researcher at the Universidad del Pacífico Augustin near Bonn and Berlin. singly also to their involvement in politics. While this Postgraduate School, an advisor to the Konrad Adenauer and his principles Peruvian Episcopal Conference (Conferencia development has been evident to observers for quite a define our guidelines, our duty and our Episcopal Peruana) and Vice-President of the while, it especially caught the world´s attention in 2018 mission. The foundation adopted the Institute of Social-Christian Studies of Peru when an Evangelical pastor, Fabricio Alvarado, won the name of the first German Federal Chan- (Instituto de Estudios Social Cristianos - IESC). cellor in 1964 after it emerged from the He has also been in public office as the Minis- first round of the presidential elections in Costa Rica and Society for Christian Democratic Educa- ter of Interior (2015-2016) and President of the — even more so — when Jair Bolsonaro became Presi- tion, which was founded in 1955. National Penitentiary Institute of Peru (Institu- dent of Brazil relying heavily on his close ties to the coun- to Nacional Penitenciario del Perú) We are committed to peace, freedom and (2011-2014). -
BIENESTAR Y DESARROLLO Construyendo El Bienestar Para Todos DOCUMENTO PÚBLICO Gracias Por Su Lectura
Ministerio de la Mujer y Poblaciones Vulnerables Cuadernos sobre Nº 9 Poblaciones Vulnerables 2013 BIENESTAR Y DESARROLLO construyendo el bienestar para todos DOCUMENTO PÚBLICO Gracias por su lectura. Ana Jara Velásquez, Ministra de la Mujer y Poblaciones Vulnerables – MIMP. Julio Andrés Rojas Julca, Viceministro de Poblaciones Vulnerables 2 Alfredo Alfaro, Director General de Población y Desarrollo. BIENESTAR Y DESARROLLO BIENESTAR “Toda persona tiene derecho a la vida, a su identidad, a su integridad moral, psíquica y física, y a su libre desarrollo y bienestar, así como a elegir su lugar de residencia, a transitarpor el territorio nacional y salir de él, salvo limitaciones por razones de sanidad o por mandato judicial o por aplicación de la ley de extranjería”. Constitución Política del Perú Ministerio de la Mujer y Poblaciones Vulnerables CONTENIDOS I. PRESENTACIÓN II. MARCO JURIDICO 3 III. CAMBIOS DEMOGRAFICOS EN LA POBLACION PERUANA BIENESTAR Y DESARROLLO BIENESTAR IV. Demográficos en la Población Peruana V. Migración Interna e Internacional VI. Envejecimiento de la población VII. La Política de Población para el Período 2010-2014 VIII. Programa de Acción de la Conferencia Internacional en Población y Desarrollo y su seguimiento después de 2014 IX. La población en el Perú X. Peruanos en el exterior XI. Los jóvenes en el Perú XII. Poblaciones vulnerables Ministerio de la Mujer y Poblaciones Vulnerables Presentación En el año 2021, año del Bicentenario de En el año 2013 los hombres llegan a 4 nuestra Independencia Nacional, el Perú millones 191 mil 713 y representan el 50,6% alcanzará los 33 millones 149 mil habitantes. de la población joven. -
Plh Partido Liberal De Honduras
Partis Politiques PLH PARTIDO LIBERAL DE HONDURAS Données clés Date de création : 5 février 1891. Positionnement idéologique actuel : Libéral, de centre-droit à centre-gauche. Le manque de cohésion idéologique et la forte fragmentation interne rendent le positionnement flou. Affiliations internationales : Membre de l’Internationale libérale et de la COPPPAL (Conférence Permanente des Partis Politiques d’Amérique Latine et des Caraïbes). Implantations territoriales : Mobilisation des zones urbaines principalement. Le parti compte 31 bastions, situés dans l’ouest du pays et a l’avantage dans environ 61 autres municipalités plus au centre, à tendance abstentionniste. Principaux dirigeants : Roberto Michelleti Bain (Président du parti), Ernesto Elvin Santos Lozano (Vice- président), Bill O’Neill Santos Brito (Secrétaire Général), Eduardo Antonio Bueso (Secrétaire des Finances). Mode de désignation des dirigeants : Le Président du Conseil National Exécutif, son Vice-président et les secrétaires sont choisis lors des élections primaires par un vote direct, secret et selon le principe de proportionnalité. Mode de désignation des candidats : Les candidats à la Présidence et la Vice-présidence sont choisis lors d’élections internes ouvertes. Périodes au gouvernement : 1957-1963, 1982-1986, 1986-1990, 1994-1998, 1998-2002, 2006-2010. ________________________________________________________ Résultats électoraux (29 novembre 2009) Elections présidentielles Elections législatives Candidats Nombre de Parti politique Votes % Parti politique présidentiels -
NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES ELECTORAL RECIPROCITY in PROGRAMMATIC REDISTRIBUTION: EXPERIMENTAL EVIDENCE Sebastian Galiani Nadya Ha
NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES ELECTORAL RECIPROCITY IN PROGRAMMATIC REDISTRIBUTION: EXPERIMENTAL EVIDENCE Sebastian Galiani Nadya Hajj Pablo Ibarraran Nandita Krishnaswamy Patrick J. McEwan Working Paper 22588 http://www.nber.org/papers/w22588 NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH 1050 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 September 2016 Samantha Finn and Caroline Gallagher provided excellent research assistance in the collection of voting data. Fiorella Benedetti, Dan Fetter, Phil Levine, Kyung Park, and Akila Weerapana provided helpful advice and comments, without assuming responsibility for errors or interpretations. The views expressed herein do not represent the views of the IDB, its Board of Directors, the countries they represent, or the National Bureau of Economic Research. NBER working papers are circulated for discussion and comment purposes. They have not been peer-reviewed or been subject to the review by the NBER Board of Directors that accompanies official NBER publications. © 2016 by Sebastian Galiani, Nadya Hajj, Pablo Ibarraran, Nandita Krishnaswamy, and Patrick J. McEwan. All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit, including © notice, is given to the source. Electoral reciprocity in programmatic redistribution: Experimental Evidence Sebastian Galiani, Nadya Hajj, Pablo Ibarraran, Nandita Krishnaswamy, and Patrick J. McEwan NBER Working Paper No. 22588 September 2016 JEL No. H3,I38 ABSTRACT We analyzed two conditional cash transfers experiments that preceded Honduran presidential elections in 2001 and 2013. In the first, smaller transfers had no effects on voter turnout or incumbent vote share. In the second, larger transfers increased turnout and incumbent share in similar magnitudes, consistent with the mobilization of the incumbent party base rather than vote switching. -
The Case Against Roberto Micheletti Baín
Parents of Assassinated Activist sue Honduran Coup Leader: The Case against Roberto Micheletti Baín HONDURAS AND THE COUP aftermath have not been called to account for their actions. On June 28, 2009, the Honduran military kidnapped and forcibly exiled President Zelaya in a coup d’etat. The MURILLO V. MICHELETTI BAÍN coup against President Zelaya was universally condemned by the United Nations, the European On June 23, 2011, Union, the Organization of American States, the Inter- the Center for American Commission on Human Rights, and Constitutional numerous governments around the world, including Rights (CCR) filed that of the United States. a complaint in the Houston Division COUP OPPOSITION & THE KILLING OF ISIS of the Southern MURILLO District of Texas, on behalf of On July 5, 2009, President Zelaya attempted to return David Murillo and to Honduras and restore the democratically-elected Silvia Mencías, the government. Zelaya intended to return by airplane and parents of Isis land at Toncontin International Airport in the capital Obed Murillo. Silvia Mencías, the mother of Isis Obed of Tegucigalpa, although the self-declared interim Murillo, holds a photograph of her son. The defendant is government under de facto President Roberto Roberto Micheletti Baín, former president of the Micheletti Bain said it would not allow him to return. Honduran National Congress who assumed the role of Nineteen-year-old Isis Obed Murillo and his family head of the de facto government immediately joined thousands of other coup opponents at the following the coup d’etat ousting President Zelaya, and airport for a non-violent, peaceful gathering to acted as such until January 27, 2010. -
EU EOM Honduras Final Report General Elections 2017
HONDURAS FINAL REPORT General Elections 2017 EUROPEAN UNION ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION www.moeue-honduras.eu This report has been produced by the European Union Election Observation Mission (EU EOM) to Honduras 2017 and contains the conclusions of its observation of the general elections. The contents of this report do not necessarily reflect the official position of the European Union. European Union Election Observation Mission, Honduras 2017 Final Report on the General Elections TABLE OF CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ....................................................................................................................................................3 II. THE EU EOM AND THE 2017 GENERAL ELECTIONS ..........................................................................................................8 III. POLITICAL CONTEXT........................................................................................................................................................9 IV. ELECTION SYSTEM ..........................................................................................................................................................9 V. ELECTION CAMPAIGN ...................................................................................................................................................10 VI. LEGAL FRAMEWORK .....................................................................................................................................................13 VII. CIVIL REGISTRY AND VOTER REGISTER