Front National and the 2017 Electoral Cycle: Mixed Fortunes 2

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Front National and the 2017 Electoral Cycle: Mixed Fortunes 2 ePaper November 2017 Antoine de Cabanes The Front National and the 2017 Electoral Cycle: Mixed Fortunes 2 Antoine de Cabanes The Front National and the 2017 Electoral Cycle: Mixed Fortunes TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary 3 The Front National and the 2017 Electoral Cycle: Mixed Fortunes 3 The incapacity of the Front National to achieve its electoral goals gives an overall impression of failure 4 Meanwhile, the election returns shows unprecedented successes which have to be acknowledged 5 The mitigated perspectives of the Front National 6 Evaluating the radical left strategies against the far right, with a particular look to Mélenchon and the France Insoumise 9 The need for an in depth scientific analysis of the electoral dynamics in order to give inputs to the strategic debate 11 Antoine de Cabanes works with Espaces Marx and studies Political Science and International Relations at Sorbonne Univer- sity. His work mainly focuses on monetary and economic issues at European level, on the French and European far right as well as on the issues raised by strategic debates in light of electoral sociology. IMPRINT 2017 transform! european network for alternative thinking and political dialogue Square de Meeûs 25 1000 Brussels, Belgium transform! europe is partially financed through a subsidy from the European Parliament. This work by transform! is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. Permissions beyond the scope of this license may be available at office (at) transform-network.net. Layout: sanja.at e.U. Cover photo: “Maine Le Pen, from the Front National, a national-conservative political party in France in meeting for the presidential election of 2017 at the Zenith of Paris” by Frederic Legrand – COMEO / Shutterstock.com – Editorial credit. The Front National and the 2017 Electoral Cycle: Mixed Fortunes 3 The Front National and the 2017 Electoral Cycle: Mixed Fortunes Antoine de Cabanes Less than six months after accessing the second round the presidency of his new association so that the debate of the presidential election and gathering more than 10 would take place inside the FN and not publicly and thus million votes in the second round, the Front National (FN) preserve the integrity and unity of the FN. Philippot’s re- is in deep crisis. Some weeks ago, on the 21st of Septem- fusal caused his departure, which was greeted with much ber, Florian Philippot announced his resignation from the cheer by the identitarian-neoliberal wing of the FN. vice-presidency of the FN as well as his decision to quit the In the days following his departure, Philippot decided to party1. Philippot was vice-president in charge of the com- transform “Les Patriotes” into a political party and collect- munication and the strategy of the FN and consequently ed the rallying of elected representative (around 50 elect- was considered as the architect of the “dédiabolisation” ed members from city councils and regional councils but strategy2 and the electoral successes of the FN since Ma- also a few MEPs) and dozens of activists and members. This rine Le Pen became chairwoman of the FN in 20113. He was schism is firstly the consequence of the defeat in the elec- her closest advisor, directed her presidential campaign in toral cycle, as the ideological division of the FN between 2012, and played a key role in the exclusion of Jean-Marie two wings pre-existed for years. The Front National had Le Pen from the party he founded. Philippot contributed high expectations for the 2017 elections including among to the diversification of the thematics addressed by the FN other things the formation of a parliamentary group, the and elaborated the anti-EU and Eurozone framework. In election of dozens of members of parliament, the acces- summary, he was central in the transformation of the FN sion to the second round and narrowing the gap in the sec- into a right-wing populist party instead of a marginalized, ond round compared to the 2002 election when Jean-Ma- demonized far right party associated with the Vichy Re- rie Le Pen was defeated by Jaques Chirac who gathered gime and the nostalgia of the colonial empire. more than 82% of the votes. The ongoing crisis emerged After the defeat of the FN in the second round of the pres- from the failure to reach these objectives and therefore idential election against Emmanuel Macron, Philippot de- revitalised the ideological debate which turned into a dis- cided to create an association, called “Les Patriotes” (the pute over the responsibilities and causes of this failure, patriots) in order to defend his anti EU social-chauvinist thus leading to a witch hunt inside the party4. The current political line. This tendency was blamed by several promi- situation requires analysing thoroughly the electoral cycle nent figures of the party of being responsible for the defeat for understanding the origins of the FN crisis but also for of the FN in the presidential and parliamentary elections. assessing the unprecedented successes of the FN and the These accusations and critics started in May 2017, during efficiency of radical left strategies to counter the influence the campaign for the parliamentary elections and polluted of the populist far right. the FN campaign, but turned into an internal crisis when the electoral cycle ended, in June. During the summer, di- visions and disagreements within the FN about the causes of the defeat were publicly exposed by polemics on social media or arguments developed in opinion columns and aggressive remarks on TV sets. And the political comeback after the summer break intensified the crisis which forced Marine Le Pen to intervene. Le Pen asked Philippot to quit 1 https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/sep/21/marine-le-pen-aide-florian-philippot-to-quit-france-front-national 2 Dédiabolisation will be translated as normalization. 3 https://www.nytimes.com/2015/03/21/world/europe/a-french-politician-who-has-helped-refine-the-national-front-party.html 4 https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2017/09/21/frances-national-front-lost-big-in-the-last-two-elections- now-the-far-right-party-is-in-chaos/?utm_term=.35fd3c294139 4 THE INCAPACITY OF THE FRONT NATIONAL TO ACHIEVE ITS ELECTORAL GOALS GIVES AN OVERALL IMPRESSION OF FAILURE In order to apprehend the current situation in France re- na by the European Parliament corruption affairs (several garding the far right and the extent of its electoral defeat, FN legislative assistants are accused of fictional work5,6). it is important to revisit the whole last year. A year ago, the In addition, Marine Le Pen was in competition with Fillon FN was in a very strong position: the political and media for catching the conservative right-wing voters and with agenda was extremely favourable for the FN as the two Mélenchon for attracting the abstainers and the anti-sys- main issues polarizing the public debate were terrorism (as tem working classes voters, while Macron contested her a consequence of the July 2016 Nice terrorist attack) and anti-system image by claiming to embody a political wind the place of Islam in France (with the burkini controversy of change. Within this framework, Marine Le Pen’s cam- which was another headscarf-like polemic). The period paign strategy was a disadvantage and explains her grad- from 2012 until 2016 was characterized by the rise of the ual decline in polls. FN. They increased their electorate and stabilized it around In the first round of the election, Marine Le Pen arrived sec- 5 to 6 million voters. The local elections which took place in ond, after Macron, gathering 7.6 million votes and 21.3%. 2014 and 2015 were the occasion for them to build a strong This was a relative failure as the opinion polls a year ago and unprecedented local implantation combining elected predicted Le Pen to arrive first. The 21.3% were considered representatives in city councils and a dense network of ac- as disappointing because of the discrepancy with the ex- tivists. In addition, they increased their membership and pectations but also because of the shortness of the gap took the lead of the 2014 European election. Finally, since with Marine Le Pen’s adversary (Fillon ended at 20.1% and 2013 all the opinion polls concerning the 2017 presidential Mélenchon at 19.58%). During the time between the two election predicted the accession of Marine Le Pen in the rounds, Macron succeeded to catch all the attention, made second round of the election and many of them put her in a triumphal campaign and the traditional debate turned first position. out to be a defeat for Le Pen, all the commentators (and However, the electoral campaign for the 2017 presidential even the sympathisers and several activists of the Front election turned out to be much more difficult for the FN National) stated that Macron won the debate and decon- than they anticipated. Les Républicains’ primary elections, structed Le Pen’s arguments and proposals. Macron’s victo- the conservative party, monopolized the media attention ry in the second round was overwhelming with more than and the political agenda during the last months of 2016, 66% of the votes; Marine Le Pen lost the second round by as well as the rise of Macron’s candidacy. The beginning of far as she wasn’t able to narrow the gap with Macron. At 2017 was filled by the Parti Socialiste primaries, the cor- no time Le Pen was in position to threaten Macron and ruption affairs of François Fillon and also the Macron dy- appear as a potential winner of the second round, which namic in polls.
Recommended publications
  • Réponse D'alexandre Tzara À Frédéric Lordon
    RÉPONSE D’ALEXANDRE TZARA À FRÉDÉRIC LORDON 1 / 6 Réponse d’Alexandre Tzara blique fondé sur l’alternance entre deux partis recentrés, l’un en majorité, l’autre en opposition. à Frédéric Lordon Un FN très fort (comme c’est le cas aujourd’hui) met à mal ce confortable jeu de chaises tournantes. Monsieur, La gauche comme la droite s’en trouvent menacés. Je prends régulièrement plaisir à vous lire. Vous me En un certain sens la stratégie adoptée par Mitter- semblez être un des rares et stimulants économistes rand est allée bien au delà de ses espérances. Dans de notre époque et vos articles sont précis, ciselés et un deuxième temps je vous ferai remarquer qu’être convaincants, notamment en matière économique. l’épouvantail d’un échiquier politique n’induit pas Cependant un tel article me déçoit beaucoup de une complicité entre l’épouvantail et les forces ins- votre part. Non seulement je ne suis pas en accord tallées. Du moins pas forcément. Durant plusieurs avec vos conclusions sans nuances mais votre ana- décennies en Italie, entre les années 50 et les années lyse est biaisée et souffre même de faiblesses 80-90, le Parti Communiste fut, pour le reste de la méthodologiques. classe politique, l’épouvantail. Face au péril (réel Je vais m’atteler à reprendre point par point votre ou fantasmé) du communisme, la DC et ses alliés argumentation afin d’en révéler les approximations ont adopté une stratégie de verrouillage des institu- et les omissions. Approximations et omissions qui, tions, ceci avec les socialistes, dans la lignée de la bien sûr, vont dans le sens de votre démonstration.
    [Show full text]
  • Electoral Performance and Policy Choices in the Front National
    Electoral Performance and Policy Choices in the Front National James Shields* School of Languages and Social Sciences, Aston University, Birmingham B4 7ET, UK *Correspondence: [email protected] This article proposes a two-level analysis of the Front National (FN) in the 2017 French presidential and parliamentary elections. The first level focuses on the electoral performances of Marine Le Pen and the FN and analyses both elections in terms of gains and losses at the polls. The second level considers FN policy and argues that the party went into these elections with a programme targeting both left-leaning and right-leaning voters, attempting a policy synthesis that partly fitted and partly subverted Kirchheimer’s paradigm of the ‘catch-all’ party. Both levels of analysis link to a number of strategic considerations prompting debate within the party over the direction to take in order to improve its future electoral prospects. 1. Far-right populism, the Front National and the electoral context of 2017 The literature on radical right-wing populism has tended to treat the French Front National (FN) as a test case in the making (Camus and Lebourg 2017; Mudde 2017; Akkerman, de Lange and Rooduijn 2016; Benveniste 2016; Judis 2016; Beauzamy 2013; Reynié 2011). As Europe’s premier far-right populist party, the FN has plotted a gradual upward course in both elections and opinion polls since its initial breakthrough in the mid-1980s. While other far-right parties have either perished or been drawn into collusion with mainstream parties (de Lange 2012), the FN has sustained its solitary advance, making a virtue of its outsider status (Perrineau 2014).
    [Show full text]
  • Marine Le Pen and the 'New' FN: a Change of Style Or of Substance?
    Parliamentary Affairs (2013) 66, 179–196 doi:10.1093/pa/gss076 Marine Le Pen and the ‘New’ FN: A Change of Style or of Substance? James Shields* School of Languages and Social Sciences, Aston University, Birmingham B4 7ET, UK Downloaded from *Correspondence: [email protected] The electoral challenge of the far right is an enduringly problematic feature of con- temporary French politics. In the first rounds of the 2012 presidential and parlia- mentary elections, the Front National (FN) under new leader Marine Le Pen http://pa.oxfordjournals.org/ attracted a combined total of ten million votes, bringing its ultra-nationalist pol- icies to the centre of national political debate. This article examines the FN’s impact on these elections and its implications for French politics. Drawing on of- ficial FN programmes, detailed election results and a range of opinion polling data, it assesses the strength of support for Le Pen and her party and seeks to explain their electoral appeal. In particular, it subjects to analysis the claim that the new leader has ‘de-demonised’ the FN, transforming it from perennial outsider by guest on December 15, 2012 to normal participant in mainstream French politics; and it reflects on the strategic dilemma posed for the centre-right by this newly invigorated far-right challenge. 1. Introduction The first round of the presidential election on 22 April 2012 set a new high point for the far right in France. With 17.9% of the vote, Marine Le Pen finished behind the Socialist candidate Franc¸ois Hollande (28.6%) and the outgoing centre-right president Nicolas Sarkozy (27.2%).
    [Show full text]
  • University of Oklahoma Graduate College Legacies of Empire: Greater France from Colonialism to Terrorism a Thesis Submitted To
    UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHOMA GRADUATE COLLEGE LEGACIES OF EMPIRE: GREATER FRANCE FROM COLONIALISM TO TERRORISM A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS IN INTERNATIONAL STUDIES By MONICA GOODWIN Norman, Oklahoma 2016 LEGACIES OF EMPIRE: GREATER FRANCE FROM COLONIALISM TO TERRORISM A THESIS APPROVED FOR THE COLLEGE OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES BY __________________________ Dr. Jessica Pearson-Patel, Chair __________________________ Dr. Emily Rook-Koepsel __________________________ Dr. Michael Winston © Copyright by MONICA GOODWIN 2016 All Rights Reserved. Table of Contents Abstract………………………………………………… v Introduction……………………………………………. 1 Chapter 1……………………………………………….. 8 Chapter 2……………………………………………….. 37 Chapter 3……………………………………………….. 57 Conclusion……………………………………………... 72 Bibliography……………………………………………. 73 iv Abstract Legacies of empire: Greater France from colonialism to terrorism Author: Monica Goodwin (University of Oklahoma 2016) In this thesis, I argue that the legacies of empire and colonization are influencing the development of French identity and are challenging notions of contemporary French society. I argue that these colonial legacies reached a watershed moment in 1989 with the headscarf affair and further provoked violent and socially divisive events such as the 2005 riots and the 2015 terrorist attacks. Furthermore, I argue that the effects of France’s colonial past have created a psychological empire that is negatively affecting many of France’s youths of immigrant
    [Show full text]
  • Grandeur Du Petit Peuple
    !1 Grandeur du petit peuple heurs et malheurs des Gilets jaunes À la mémoire de mon père Gaston qui était ouvrier agricole À ma mère Hélène qui fut femme de ménage À mon frère Alain qui est mécanicien dans une carrière À sa femme Nathalie qui est cantinière À mon neveu Ludovic qui, après une formation de bûcheron, est apprenti plombier À ma nièce Virginie qui est aide-soignante Michel Onfray piraté par le Parti Des Gens pour vous inviter sur le Parti Des Gens, vous trouverez des liens à la fin de ce court texte : https://static.mediapart.fr/files/2020/10/24/le-parti-des-gens.pdf !2 Le retour du refoulé maastrichtien L’Histoire se répète. Mais il serait vain et ridicule de souscrire à la scie musicale marxiste selon laquelle ce qui apparaît la première fois sous forme de tragédie revient toujours sous forme de comédie. Fausse pensée de vrai mouton, paresse intellectuelle et facilité rhétorique. Quiconque dispose d’encore un peu de mémoire et de culture sait que ce qui a lieu a déjà eu lieu et aura encore lieu selon les mêmes principes. Bien connaître Tacite et Tite-Live, Suétone ou Polybe suffit à la peine de qui veut comprendre nos vingt derniers siècles – à plus forte raison nos dernières vingt-cinq années, sinon nos derniers vingt-cinq mois… Tacite permet, par exemple, de saisir la grandeur romaine du général de Gaulle et Suétone la petitesse d’un Macron, Jupiter en toc. Les Gracques racontent la morphologie de tous les mouvements populaires : comment ils naissent, croissent, vivent, meurent et disparaissent, digérés par les puissants et les propriétaires.
    [Show full text]
  • PDF the Rise of the Front National
    Europe Program 2017 | No.01 THE RISE OF THE FRONT NATIONAL Taking Stock of Ten Years of French Mainstream Politics MARTIN QUENCEZ AND MARTIN MICHELOT FOREWORD BY TIMO LOCHOCKI THE RISE OF THE FRONT NATIONAL Taking Stock of Ten Years of French Mainstream Politics 2017 | No.01 MARTIN QUENCEZ AND MARTIN MICHELOT FOREWORD BY TIMO LOCHOCKI SUMMARY: The growing influence of the Front National (FN) in French politics and the explanations for its success are playing a pivotal role in the upcoming 2017 French elections. Favorable economic and political contexts and a successful rebranding of the party are often emphasized to explain the current situation. However, the role of mainstream parties, and especially that of the two previous failed presidencies, has been largely underestimated. This paper argues that although Marine Le Pen’s internal strategy to transform the party’s image and to design a coherent anti-liberal project has increased its influence in the French political landscape, its seemingly unstoppable rise is best understood by the ability of the FN to take advantage of four key conditions. First, its anti-establishment discourse has thrived due to the general lack of clear political alternatives; second, anti- liberal promises made by mainstream parties have not been delivered; third, the FN has managed to appear as a victim of the media system; finally, the depreciation of the presidential function during the last ten years has weakened the traditional bipartisanism and helped the FN emerge as a credible alternative. Even if the FN is does not come to power in this election, it is likely to become the main menace in the French political system during the next presidency.
    [Show full text]
  • La Note Détaillée
    Note détaillée La place de Jean-Marie Le Pen au sein du Front National Dans quelle mesure les Français et les sympathisants FN associent-ils toujours le Front National à Jean-Marie Le Pen ? Sondage Harris Interactive pour 20 Minutes Enquête réalisée en ligne les 08 et 09 avril 2015. Echantillon de 1 256 personnes représentatif de la population française âgée de 18 ans et plus. Méthode des quotas et redressement appliqués aux variables suivantes : sexe, âge, catégorie socioprofessionnelle et région de l’interviewé(e). *-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-* Alors que le bureau exécutif du Front National se réunira prochainement pour décider des suites à donner aux propos récemment tenus par Jean-Marie Le Pen, notamment dans le cadre d’une interview au journal Rivarol, Harris Interactive a interrogé les Français, à la demande de 20 Minutes, sur la place de Jean-Marie Le Pen au sein de la formation politique frontiste. Suite aux déclarations de dirigeants du Front National recueillies par la presse ces derniers jours, plusieurs questions se posent : Jean-Marie Le Pen incarne-t-il bien le parti frontiste aujourd’hui aux yeux des Français, et plus précisément auprès des personnes proches du Front National ? L’écarter des instances dirigeantes serait-il, selon eux, plutôt profitable ou dommageable pour le Front National, aujourd’hui dirigé par sa fille, Marine Le Pen ? Les sympathisants frontistes montrent-ils une forme d’attachement ou pas à l’ancien dirigeant, qui a exercé pendant plus de 38 ans les fonctions de Président du parti ? Dans quelle mesure ces jugements ont-ils évolué par rapport à la dernière mesure réalisée par Harris Interactive, en octobre 2014 ? Quels sont les principaux enseignements de cette enquête ? .
    [Show full text]
  • Winner Loses All: the 2015 French Regional Elections
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Aston Publications Explorer Winner Loses All: The 2015 French Regional Elections James Shields School of Languages and Social Sciences Aston University Birmingham UK Address for correspondence: School of Languages and Social Sciences Aston University Birmingham B4 7ET UK [email protected] 00 44 (0) 7913 092034 The author reports no declarations of interest. 1 ABSTRACT The French regional elections of 2015 presented two contrasting images of France: in the first round, a political landscape divided into three major blocs with the far-right Front National (FN) the dominant force; in the second round, a landscape as bipolarized between centre-right and centre-left as at any time under the Fifth Republic and with the FN a distant third. This article explores these two representations of political France and analyses the elections in relation to the wider French political context. It discusses the electoral dynamics that enabled the traditional parties to preserve their duopoly of regional power despite the increasingly intrusive challenge to their hegemony mounted by an ever more electorally potent FN. KEY WORDS France; French elections; regions; regional elections; Front National (FN); political parties 2 Winner Loses All: The 2015 French Regional Elections James Shields School of Languages and Social Sciences, Aston University, Birmingham, UK Introduction On 6 and 13 December 2015, French voters went to the polls to elect regional councils across metropolitan France and in four of five overseas territories. There are 18 French regions in all: mainland France counts 12, metropolitan France 13 (mainland regions plus Corsica), and the overseas territories of Guadeloupe, Guyane, Martinique, Mayotte and La Réunion make up the remaining 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Liste Des Membres
    Membres Louis ALIOT Non-inscrits France Front national Michèle ALLIOT-MARIE Groupe du Parti Populaire Européen (Démocrates-Chrétiens) France Union pour un Mouvement Populaire Eric ANDRIEU Groupe de l'Alliance Progressiste des Socialistes et Démocrates au Parlement européen France Parti socialiste Marie-Christine ARNAUTU Non-inscrits France Front national Jean ARTHUIS Groupe Alliance des démocrates et des libéraux pour l'Europe France Union des Démocrates et Indépendants Guillaume BALAS Groupe de l'Alliance Progressiste des Socialistes et Démocrates au Parlement européen France Parti socialiste Nicolas BAY Non-inscrits France Front national Pervenche BERÈS Groupe de l'Alliance Progressiste des Socialistes et Démocrates au Parlement européen France Parti socialiste Joëlle BERGERON Groupe Europe libertés démocratie France Sans étiquette Dominique BILDE Non-inscrits France Front national Marie-Christine BOUTONNET Non-inscrits France Front national José BOVÉ Les Verts/Alliance libre européenne France Europe Écologie Steeve BRIOIS Non-inscrits France Front national Alain CADEC Groupe du Parti Populaire Européen (Démocrates-Chrétiens) France Union pour un Mouvement Populaire 01/07/2014 1 Jean-Marie CAVADA Groupe Alliance des démocrates et des libéraux pour l'Europe France Union des Démocrates et Indépendants/Mouvement Démocrate Aymeric CHAUPRADE Non-inscrits France Front national Arnaud DANJEAN Groupe du Parti Populaire Européen (Démocrates-Chrétiens) France Union pour un Mouvement Populaire Michel DANTIN Groupe du Parti Populaire Européen (Démocrates-Chrétiens)
    [Show full text]
  • Politique & JUSTICE
    L’édIto de frAnçoIs MItterrAnd JUSTICE SOUMISE Ces magistrats, quelle différence avec des tueurs à Bien entendu les magistrats sont honnêtes et indépen- gage ? Capables d’envoyer à la guillotine trois hommes dants, mais enfin il suffirait d’un – celui-là on le trouve déjà condamnés pour des mêmes faits à des peines toujours – pour que leur honnêteté et leur indépendance légères, en vertu d’une loi rétroactive que n’avaient lue soient à la fois suspectées et impuissantes. Certes, le juge, ni les juges, ni les défenseurs ni, à plus forte raison, les comme tout citoyen, est libre de ses opinions comme de accusés et qui, tout sursis et tout recours abolis, ordon- ses amitiés. Nier le rôle personnel de chaque magistrat numéro 13 naient l’exécution des coupables, sans délai. Ces magis- risquerait de les transformer en machine, ce qu’ils n’ont trats que nous a montrés aux « Dossiers de l’écran » le film pas envie d’être et ce qui ne serait pas heureux pour une un couple presque parfait de Costa-Gavras, Section spéciale, sont-ils encore parmi bonne et saine justice. L’indépendance de la magistra- nous ? Il n’existe, cela va de soi, aucune relation entre ture subit, on le sait, de nombreux coups de canif, mais le misérable tribunal d’exception de 1941 et les institu- n’en demeure pas moins une garantie réelle de notre pOlITIqUE tions judiciaires d’aujourd’hui. Aucune relation ? Si, la démocratie. Que valent les libertés individuelles quand raison d’État. Il suffit de parcourir les décisions de justice l’indépendance de la justice est en péril, quand aucun où la raison d’État camoufle, comme il se doit, les plus Conseil supérieur de la magistrature digne de ce nom & JUSTICE vils intérêts de la classe dirigeante, pour comprendre ne les protège, quand des tribunaux politiques substi- qu’entre l’indépendance et la servitude du juge, il n’est tuent au droit commun un exécrable droit d’exception ? roland dumas pas de juste milieu.
    [Show full text]
  • Le FN : À L’Orée Du Pouvoir Ou Simple Force Antisystème ?
    DOSSIER Démocratie ! Le FN : à l’orée du pouvoir ou simple force antisystème ? Pour essayer de comprendre ce qu’est le Front national et son succès électoral, il est nécessaire de dresser un bref état des lieux du processus de « dédiabolisation » du parti entrepris depuis 2011 par Marine Le Pen, puis d’établir la sociologie des électeurs frontistes.* Jean-Yves CAMUS, chercheur associé à l’institut de relations internationales et stratégique (iris), Paris arine Le Pen, prenant * Cet article a été rédigé fin vocation de simple témoignage : fait place à l’immigration zéro ; la succession de son octobre 2016. par définition, faire le choix de la « préférence nationale » devient père, a tout de suite constituer un parti politique « priorité nationale » (2). compris la néces- légal, qui se présente à tous les Le résultat de ce qu’on a appe- M sité absolue pour son parti de niveaux d’élections, à toutes les lé « dédiabolisation » est miti- rompre les amarres idéologiques échéances et sur une durée de gé : alors qu’en 2002, 68 % des avec l’extrême droite historique quarante ans (1972-2011), prouve Français et 73 % des Françaises à laquelle, depuis sa création en une volonté de conquérir le pou- jugeaient que le FN est « dange- 1972, le FN appartenait indiscu- voir ou, du moins, d’y participer. reux pour la démocratie » (3), 56 % tablement. Il n’est pas ici question des citoyens sont encore de cet de polémique, mais d’histoire. Le Efficacité de l’entreprise avis en 2016 (4). Plus de la moitié FN est à sa création un conglo- de normalisation des Français (54 %) continuent de mérat rassemblant de multiples Ayant franchi le seuil d’accès au considérer le FN comme « seu- groupuscules allant de la droite Parlement européen en 1984 lement un parti qui a vocation à nationaliste antigaulliste aux (1) Sur l’itinéraire de Pierre Bous- (10 %), puis recueilli 14,38 % et rassembler les votes d’opposi- néonazis et ce, jusqu’au début quet, premier trésorier du FN, 15 % aux présidentielles de 1988 tion », contre 36 % qui pensent de Jean Castrillo, d’Henri Simon des années 1980.
    [Show full text]
  • Michel Eltchaninoff DANS LA TÊTE DE MARINE LE PEN
    Michel Eltchaninoff DANS LA TÊTE DE MARINE LE PEN essai SOLIN ACTES SUD BAT-Dans la tête de Marine Le Pen.indd 5 13/12/2016 17:01 BAT-Dans la tête de Marine Le Pen.indd 6 13/12/2016 17:01 INTRODUCTION 3 septembre 2016. Un village de carte postale accueille la rentrée politique de Marine Le Pen. Un peu avant midi, quelques centaines de personnes, joyeuses et ferventes, attendent leur héroïne, en plein soleil, sur la place de Brachay, commune d’une soixantaine d’habitants située en Haute-Marne. Ici il n’y a pas d’immigrés, mais on vote massivement pour le Front national. La mise en scène est parfaite. La tribune est installée au pied de la vieille mairie surmontée d’un clocheton. On lit encore, sur les ailes, les inscriptions nostalgiques “école des filles” et “école des garçons”. En arrière-plan, une colline verdoyante, une église et un immense panneau : “Marine sauve la France”. Sur les côtés, des tentes sont installées. Elles abritent des tables et des chaises en plastique. La bière et les sand- wichs merguez sont prêts pour la fête populaire qui doit suivre le discours. Marine Le Pen fait son entrée en scène, aux cris de “On va gagner” puis “Marine ! Marine !” Les drapeaux français s’agitent. Un chien aboie bruyamment. La présidente du Front national, en robe sombre, lit sans précipitation son premier grand discours de candidate à la présidentielle. Elle BAT-Dans la tête de Marine Le Pen.indd 7 13/12/2016 17:01 8 DANS LA TÊTE DE MARINE LE PEN salue Brachay qui symbolise à ses yeux la “France oubliée et pourtant généreuse et travailleuse”, cette “France de l’âme et du cœur” qui “souffre en silence”.
    [Show full text]