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Reviewing and Evaluating the Direct Elections to the Legislative Council and the Transformation of Political Parties in Hong Kong, 1991-2016
Journal of US-China Public Administration, August 2016, Vol. 13, No. 8, 499-517 doi: 10.17265/1548-6591/2016.08.001 D DAVID PUBLISHING Reviewing and Evaluating the Direct Elections to the Legislative Council and the Transformation of Political Parties in Hong Kong, 1991-2016 Chung Fun Steven Hung The Education University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong After direct elections were instituted in Hong Kong, politicization inevitably followed democratization. This paper intends to evaluate how political parties’ politics happened in Hong Kong’s recent history. The research was conducted through historical comparative analysis, with the context of Hong Kong during the sovereignty transition and the interim period of democratization being crucial. For the implementation of “one country, two systems”, political democratization was hindered and distinct political scenarios of Hong Kong’s transformation were made. The democratic forces had no alternative but to seek more radicalized politics, which caused a decisive fragmentation of the local political parties where the establishment camp was inevitable and the democratic blocs were split into many more small groups individually. It is harmful. It is not conducive to unity and for the common interests of the publics. This paper explores and evaluates the political history of Hong Kong and the ways in which the limited democratization hinders the progress of Hong Kong’s transformation. Keywords: election politics, historical comparative, ruling, democratization The democratizing element of the Hong Kong political system was bounded within the Legislative Council under the principle of the separation of powers of the three governing branches, Executive, Legislative, and Judicial. Popular elections for the Hong Kong legislature were introduced and implemented for 25 years (1991-2016) and there were eight terms of general elections for the Legislative Council. -
Minutes Have Been Seen by the Administration)
立法會 Legislative Council LC Paper No. CB(2)2011/02-03 (These minutes have been seen by the Administration) Ref : CB2/PL/HS Panel on Health Services Minutes of meeting held on Monday, 14 April 2003 at 8:30 am in the Chamber of the Legislative Council Building Members : Dr Hon LO Wing-lok (Chairman) present Hon Michael MAK Kwok-fung (Deputy Chairman) Hon Cyd HO Sau-lan Hon Albert HO Chun-yan Hon Mrs Sophie LEUNG LAU Yau-fun, SBS, JP Dr Hon YEUNG Sum Hon Andrew CHENG Kar-foo Dr Hon LAW Chi-kwong, JP Dr Hon TANG Siu-tong, JP Hon LI Fung-ying, JP Members : Hon CHAN Kwok-keung absent Hon CHAN Yuen-han, JP Members : Dr Hon David CHU Yu-lin, JP attending Hon Martin LEE Chu-ming, SC, JP Hon Fred LI Wah-ming, JP Dr Hon LUI Ming-wah, JP Hon SIN Chung-kai Hon LAU Kong-wah Hon Emily LAU Wai-hing, JP Hon Henry WU King-cheong, BBS, JP - 2 - Public Officers : Mr Thomas YIU, JP attending Deputy Secretary for Health, Welfare and Food Mr Nicholas CHAN Assistant Secretary for Health, Welfare and Food Dr P Y LAM, JP Deputy Director of Health Dr W M KO, JP Director (Professional Services & Public Affairs) Hospital Authority Dr Thomas TSANG Consultant Clerk in : Ms Doris CHAN attendance Chief Assistant Secretary (2) 4 Staff in : Ms Joanne MAK attendance Senior Assistant Secretary (2) 2 I. Confirmation of minutes (LC Paper No. CB(2)1735/02-03) The minutes of the regular meeting on 10 March 2003 were confirmed. -
I Am Sorry. Would Members Please Deal with One Piece of Business. It Is Now Eight O’Clock and Under Standing Order 8(2) This Council Should Now Adjourn
4920 HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ― 29 June 1994 8.00 pm PRESIDENT: I am sorry. Would Members please deal with one piece of business. It is now eight o’clock and under Standing Order 8(2) this Council should now adjourn. ATTORNEY GENERAL: Mr President, with your consent, I move that Standing Order 8(2) should be suspended so as to allow the Council’s business this evening to be concluded. Question proposed, put and agreed to. Council went into Committee. CHAIRMAN: Council is now in Committee and is suspended until 15 minutes to nine o’clock. 8.56 pm CHAIRMAN: Committee will now resume. MR MARTIN LEE (in Cantonese): Mr Chairman, thank you for adjourning the debate on my motion so that Members could have a supper break. I hope I can secure a greater chance of success if they listen to my speech after dining. Mr Chairman, on behalf of the United Democrats of Hong Kong (UDHK), I move the amendments to clause 22 except item 12 of schedule 2. The amendments have already been set out under my name in the paper circulated to Members. Mr Chairman, before I make my speech, I would like to raise a point concerning Mr Jimmy McGREGOR because he was quite upset when he heard my previous speech. He hoped that I could clarify one point. In fact, I did not mean that all the people in the commercial sector had not supported democracy. If all the voters in the commercial sector had not supported democracy, Mr Jimmy McGREGOR would not have been returned in the 1988 and 1991 elections. -
Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (Ii): the Battle Over "The People" and the Business Community in the Transition to Chinese Rule
HONG KONG'S ENDGAME AND THE RULE OF LAW (II): THE BATTLE OVER "THE PEOPLE" AND THE BUSINESS COMMUNITY IN THE TRANSITION TO CHINESE RULE JACQUES DELISLE* & KEVIN P. LANE- 1. INTRODUCTION Transitional Hong Kong's endgame formally came to a close with the territory's reversion to Chinese rule on July 1, 1997. How- ever, a legal and institutional order and a "rule of law" for Chi- nese-ruled Hong Kong remain works in progress. They will surely bear the mark of the conflicts that dominated the final years pre- ceding Hong Kong's legal transition from British colony to Chinese Special Administrative Region ("S.A.R."). Those endgame conflicts reflected a struggle among adherents to rival conceptions of a rule of law and a set of laws and institutions that would be adequate and acceptable for Hong Kong. They unfolded in large part through battles over the attitudes and allegiance of "the Hong Kong people" and Hong Kong's business community. Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule ("Endgame I") focused on the first aspect of this story. It examined the political struggle among members of two coherent, but not monolithic, camps, each bound together by a distinct vision of law and sover- t Special Series Reprint: Originally printed in 18 U. Pa. J. Int'l Econ. L. 811 (1997). Assistant Professor, University of Pennsylvania Law School. This Article is the second part of a two-part series. The first part appeared as Hong Kong's End- game and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule, 18 U. -
OFFICIAL RECORD of PROCEEDINGS Thursday, 21
LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ─ 21 December 2000 2261 OFFICIAL RECORD OF PROCEEDINGS Thursday, 21 December 2000 The Council met at Nine o'clock MEMBERS PRESENT: THE PRESIDENT THE HONOURABLE MRS RITA FAN HSU LAI-TAI, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE KENNETH TING WOO-SHOU, J.P. THE HONOURABLE JAMES TIEN PEI-CHUN, J.P. THE HONOURABLE DAVID CHU YU-LIN THE HONOURABLE CYD HO SAU-LAN THE HONOURABLE ALBERT HO CHUN-YAN IR DR THE HONOURABLE RAYMOND HO CHUNG-TAI, J.P. THE HONOURABLE LEE CHEUK-YAN THE HONOURABLE MARTIN LEE CHU-MING, S.C., J.P. THE HONOURABLE ERIC LI KA-CHEUNG, J.P. DR THE HONOURABLE DAVID LI KWOK-PO, J.P. THE HONOURABLE FRED LI WAH-MING, J.P. DR THE HONOURABLE LUI MING-WAH, J.P. 2262 LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ─ 21 December 2000 THE HONOURABLE NG LEUNG-SING PROF THE HONOURABLE NG CHING-FAI THE HONOURABLE MARGARET NG THE HONOURABLE MRS SELINA CHOW LIANG SHUK-YEE, J.P. THE HONOURABLE JAMES TO KUN-SUN THE HONOURABLE CHEUNG MAN-KWONG THE HONOURABLE HUI CHEUNG-CHING THE HONOURABLE CHAN KWOK-KEUNG THE HONOURABLE CHAN YUEN-HAN THE HONOURABLE BERNARD CHAN THE HONOURABLE CHAN KAM-LAM THE HONOURABLE MRS SOPHIE LEUNG LAU YAU-FUN, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE LEUNG YIU-CHUNG THE HONOURABLE SIN CHUNG-KAI THE HONOURABLE ANDREW WONG WANG-FAT, J.P. DR THE HONOURABLE PHILIP WONG YU-HONG THE HONOURABLE WONG YUNG-KAN THE HONOURABLE JASPER TSANG YOK-SING, J.P. THE HONOURABLE HOWARD YOUNG, J.P. DR THE HONOURABLE YEUNG SUM LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ─ 21 December 2000 2263 THE HONOURABLE YEUNG YIU-CHUNG THE HONOURABLE LAU KONG-WAH THE HONOURABLE LAU WONG-FAT, G.B.S., J.P. -
立法會 Legislative Council
立法會 Legislative Council LC Paper No. CB(2)280/00-01 (These minutes have been seen by the Administration) Ref : CB2/BC/13/00 Legislative Council Bills Committee on Chief Executive Election Bill Minutes of the tenth meeting held on Thursday, 31 May 2001 at 8:30 am in the Chamber of the Legislative Council Building Members : Hon IP Kwok-him, JP (Chairman) Present Hon James TIEN Pei-chun, JP Hon David CHU Yu-lin Hon Martin LEE Chu-ming, SC, JP Hon NG Leung-sing Prof Hon NG Ching-fai Hon Margaret NG Hon CHEUNG Man-kwong Hon HUI Cheung-ching Dr Hon Philip WONG Yu-hong Hon Jasper TSANG Yok-sing, JP Hon Howard YOUNG, JP Dr Hon YEUNG Sum Hon Ambrose LAU Hon-chuen, JP Hon Emily LAU Wai-hing, JP Hon CHOY So-yuk Hon SZETO Wah Hon Timothy FOK Tsun-ting, SBS, JP Hon TAM Yiu-chung, GBS, JP Hon LEUNG Fu-wah, MH, JP Hon LAU Ping-cheung Hon Audrey EU Yuet-mee, SC, JP Members: Hon Andrew WONG Wang-fat, JP (Deputy Chairman) Absent Hon Cyd HO Sau-lan Ir Dr Hon Raymond HO Chung-tai, JP Hon Eric LI Ka-cheung, JP - 2 - Hon CHAN Yuen-han Hon Michael MAK Kwok-fung Hon Abraham SHEK Lai-him, JP Hon Tommy CHEUNG Yu-yan, JP Dr Hon LO Wing-lok Public Officers : Mr Michael M Y SUEN, GBS, JP Attending Secretary for Constitutional Affairs Mr Robin IP Deputy Secretary for Constitutional Affairs Ms Doris HO Principal Assistant Secretary for Constitutional Affairs Mr Bassanio SO Principal Assistant Secretary for Constitutional Affairs Mr James O'NEIL Deputy Solicitor General (Constitutional) Mr Gilbert MO Deputy Law Draftsman (Bilingual Drafting & Administration) Ms Phyllis KO Senior Assistant Law Draftsman Clerk in : Mrs Percy MA Attendance Chief Assistant Secretary (2)3 Staff in : Mr Stephen LAM Attendance Assistant Legal Adviser 4 Mr Paul WOO Senior Assistant Secretary (2)3 - 3 - Action Column I. -
The Brookings Institution Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER FOR NORTHEAST ASIAN POLICY STUDIES The 2004 Legislative Council Elections and Implications for U.S. Policy toward Hong Kong Wednesday, September 15, 2004 Introduction: RICHARD BUSH Director, Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies The Brookings Institution Presenter: SONNY LO SHIU-HING Associate Professor of Political Science University of Waterloo Discussant: ELLEN BORK Deputy Director Project for the New American Century [TRANSCRIPT PREPARED FROM A TAPE RECORDING.] THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER FOR NORTHEAST ASIAN POLICY STUDIES 1775 MASSACHUSETTS AVENUE, NW WASHINGTON, D.C. 20036 202-797-6307 P R O C E E D I N G S MR. BUSH: [In progress] I've long thought that politically Hong Kong plays a very important role in the Chinese political system because it can be, I think, a test bed, or a place to experiment on different political forums on how to run large Chinese cities in an open, competitive, and accountable way. So how Hong Kong's political development proceeds is very important for some larger and very significant issues for the Chinese political system as a whole, and therefore the debate over democratization in Hong Kong is one that has significance that reaches much beyond the rights and political participation of the people there. The election that occurred last Sunday is a kind of punctuation mark in that larger debate over democratization, and we're very pleased to have two very qualified people to talk to us today. The first is Professor Sonny Lo Shiu-hing, who has just joined the faculty of the University of Waterloo in Canada. -
HONG KONG: the PERILS of SEMIDEMOCRACY William H
Overholt.new created saved from e-mail by JB on 7/2/01. (6682 words.) PRE created from NEW by SL on 7/ 18. TXT created from NEW w/ PJC edits on 8/1/01(5644 w/notes); JB edits to TXT entered 8/7, PJC (5683 wds. w/notes). PRE revised with TXT by SL on 8/7. MP changes to TXT by PJC on 8/9/01(5750 words w/ notes); Aas to TXT 8/16, PJC (6149 wds w/notes). PRE revised with TXT by SL on 8/24. PGS created from PRE by SL on 8/24. HONG KONG: THE PERILS OF SEMIDEMOCRACY William H. Overholt William H. Overholt is head of Asia strategy and economics for Nomura International, a Japan-based securities firm with offices in Hong Kong and around the world. He holds a doctorate in political science from Yale University and is the author of five books, including most recently The Rise of China: How Economic Reform Is Creating a New Superpower (1994). At the time of Hong Kong’s 1997 transition from British to Chinese rule, the world saw the city as a laissez-faire enclave that took care of itself, while an able but mostly hands-off civil service did minor maintenance. A successful transition would mean little more than a changing of the guard, with local functionaries replacing colonial functionaries. There was, in this widely held view, no need for any larger reform of the economy or polity. Beijing and London, together with the local business establishment, planned a government that they all hoped would combine representative deliberativeness with authoritarian decisiveness. -
Chapter 2: the Framework for Change
CHAPTER TWO THE FRAMEWORK FOR CHANGE The Sino-British Joint Declaration on the Question of Hong Kong 1984 2.1 In 1982, Britain initiated negotiations with the People's Republic of China on the status of Hong Kong. Despite the fact that the nineteenth century treaties1 were not recognised by China, Britain's adherence to them and to the legal framework they provided necessitated some settlement which would accommodate the shortening leases in the New Territories. Those leases were due to expire in 1997. What began as a limited exercise in seeking an administrative extension to the lease in the New Territories2 quickly developed into a consideration of the whole territory and the redressing of China's humiliations in the nineteenth century. 2.2 For Britain, the 'permanent territories' of Hong Kong island and the tip of the Kowloon Peninsula were not viable without the New Territories which contained the basic necessity of agriculture, the bulk of the industry, the power supply and the airport of Hong Kong. The negotiations lasted two years. The agreement was initialled by Britain and China on 26 September 1984, endorsed by the Legislative Council3 of Hong Kong on 18 October 1984, subsequently debated and approved by the British Parliament, and signed by Britain and China on 19 December 1984. It entered into force on 25 May 1985. On 12 June 1985 it was lodged with the United Nations as a treaty. 2.3 In China, 1982-84 was a period of reformist opening, relatively expansive in its embracing of the West. Deng Xiaoping himself took a special interest in the negotiations over Hong Kong and defined the principle of 'one country, two systems' as a way of allaying British and Hong Kong concerns about the transfer and of preserving the economic prosperity of Hong Kong which he recognised as being so valuable to China's development. -
One Country, Two Systems" in Practice : an Analysis of Six Cases
Lingnan University Digital Commons @ Lingnan University Centre for Public Policy Studies : CPPS Working Centre for Public Policy Studies 公共政策研究中 Paper Series 心 8-2001 "One country, two systems" in practice : an analysis of six cases Yiu Chung WONG Lingnan University, Hong Kong, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.ln.edu.hk/cppswp Part of the Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration Commons Recommended Citation Wong, Y.-c. (2001). "One country, two systems" in practice: An analysis of six cases (CPPS Working Paper Series No.114). Retrieved from Lingnan University website: http://commons.ln.edu.hk/cppswp/98 This Paper Series is brought to you for free and open access by the Centre for Public Policy Studies 公共政策研究 中心 at Digital Commons @ Lingnan University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Centre for Public Policy Studies : CPPS Working Paper Series by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Lingnan University. Working Paper Series Centre for Public Policy Studies Institute of Humanities and Social Sciences N o .114 (8/01) CPPS ONE COUNTRY, TWO SYSTEMS" IN PRACTICE: AN ANALYSIS OF SIX CASES by Dr. Wong Yiu-chung H 62 _W68 n o .114 Lingnan University Hong Kong “One Coimtry, Two Systems” in Practice: An Analysis of Six Cases Dr. Wong Yiu-chung August 2001 © Wong Yiu-chung Dr. Wong Yiu-chung is Associate Professor in the Department of Politics and Sociology, Lingnan University, Hong Kong. Centre for Public Policy Studies Lingnan University Tuen Mun Hong Kong Tel: (852) 2616 7432 Fax: (852) 2591 0690 Email: [email protected] http://www.LN.edu.hk/cpps/ CAPS and CPPS Working Papers are circulated to invite discussion and critical comment. -
ASIA WATCH OVERVIEW Human Rights Developments While China
ASIA WATCH OVERVIEW Human Rights Developments While China, Burma and Kashmir exemplified the continuing human rights problems in Asia, the major development in the region was not so much the nature of the abuses but the debate over how to address them. Two factors had a major impact on this debate: the increased visibility of Asian nongovernmental organizations or NGOs and the growing economic power of East Asia. Asian NGOs were able to articulate a vision of human rights that differed radically from that of their own governments and thus called into question the ability of the latter to define what is "Asian." They were more successful than their governments in blurring the traditional sub-regional distinctions of South Asia, Southeast Asia and Northeast Asia. And they helped redefine priorities for the human rights movement in a way that rendered obsolete the old division of labor among human rights, development, women's rights and environmental organizations. These efforts culminated in the issuing of the "Bangkok NGO Declaration on Human Rights" of March 27. Over one hundred NGOs from across Asia and the Pacific gathered in Bangkok on March 23 to coordinate their position for the World Conference on Human Rights, just as Asian governments convened a few days later, also in Bangkok, for the regional preparatory meeting of the World Conference on Human Rights. It was clear from a series of statements they made during 1992 that China, Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia, at the very least, were determined to promote an "Asian concept of human rights" which downplayed political and civil rights, highlighted the importance of economic development, stressed the need to take cultural, historical and religious factors into account when assessing human rights, and rejected aid conditionality and other forms of "interference in domestic affairs." It was this concept that the Asian NGOs set out to rebut in Bangkok. -
The Line Hardens Tougher Stance on Civil Rights Threatens Freedom Of
Freedom of Expression in Hong Kong: 2002 Annual Report 1 The Line Hardens Tougher Stance on Civil Rights Threatens Freedom of Expression in Hong Kong 2002 ANNUAL REPORT JOINT REPORT OF THE HONG KONG JOURNALISTS ASSOCIATION AND ARTICLE 19 JUNE 2002 2 The Hong Kong Journalists Association and ARTICLE 19 Contents Introduction Mak Yin-ting, Chairperson, Hong Kong Journalists Association Andrew Puddephatt, Executive Director, ARTICLE 19................................................ 2 Conclusions and recommendations ....................................................................................................................................... 3 Section 1 A MORE ASSERTIVE SECOND TERM..................................................................... 5 The threat of anti-terror laws ......................................................................................... 6 Another China controversy at major daily..................................................................... 7 Detention of journalists working on the mainland ........................................................ 9 China activist barred from Hong Kong.......................................................................... 9 Government gets tough on protesters .......................................................................... 10 Heavy-handedness in Macau ....................................................................................... 12 Falun Gong faces marginalisation ..............................................................................