DOCSLIB.ORG

Editor's Note

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Editor's Note Editors Note IT was with a modicum of hope and guarded optimism Scrooge-like fashion, offered the sop of timely that representatives of the least developed countries implementation of the WTO decision. (LDCs) along with their counterparts from the Clearly, it was a crushing disappointment as it was developed and developing countries, international evident that the rich countries were not prepared to move agencies and civil society convened in Istanbul on 9-13 beyond the status quo. Some UN officials tried to put a May for the Fourth United Nations Conference on the positive spin on the outcome, but civil society groups LDCs (LDC-IV). under the umbrella of the LDC Civil Society Forum were In attending this decennial event, these dismissive of the Istanbul Programme of Action for representatives from 48 of the poorest countries in the failing to live up to the mandate agreed ahead of the world had legitimate expectations that the rich countries conference. Worse still, the rich countries had tried to would take some decisive steps in the implementation of present South-South cooperation as being substantial the Brussels Programme of Action for the LDCs for enough to absolve them of additional commitments to 2001-2010. The aim of the latter programme, which was support the LDCs. adopted by LDC-III, is to make substantial progress In addition to the failure to commit additional toward halving the proportion of people living in extreme finances for the LDCs, significant civil society poverty and suffering from hunger by 2015 and promote criticism is levelled against the rich countries over their the sustainable development of the LDCs. The Istanbul ideological bias in their approach to enhancing productive conference was convened with the aim of assessing the capacity in the LDCs. While the civil society groups fully results of the Brussels Programme and adopting new endorse the need to boost productive capacity, they measures and strategies for the sustainable development charge that the Istanbul Programme of Action relies of the LDCs into 2020. heavily on economic liberalisation repackaged in new Apart from their Brussels commitments, there was ways. Specifically, market-led approaches have been also a moral imperative for the rich countries to respond replaced by private sector-led approaches. While generously to the plight of the over 800 million people accepting that the private sector can play a useful role, living in the LDCs. For it is the financial and trade policies they contend, on the basis of previous experiences of of these rich countries that in recent years have pushed these countries, that the goal of sustainable development millions of these people even deeper into poverty. Taking with equity cannot be realised by relying on the private a longer-term view, the economic policies of the sector and the market alone. Calling for a clear rejection developed countries and the export-led development of the Washington Consensus, they advocate instead model they promoted among the LDCs surely contributed participative national development strategies that focus in a significant way to the fact that the number of LDCs on each countrys vision and core strengths. has almost doubled from 25 to 48 in the last four decades. However, while stressing the need for such people- To spur the developed countries to make the centred approaches to development as the real alternative, necessary commitments to realise the Brussels goal, UN the civil society groups are also mindful of the need for Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon at the opening of the an effective follow-up strategy to LDC-IV to ensure Istanbul conference made an impassioned plea for a results and delivery on the commitments by the developed comprehensive and ambitious Programme of Action for countries. In short, disappointing as the Istanbul sustained economic growth in the LDCs. In the event, Programme of Action is, it is essential to hold the rich the new Programme of Action that emerged from the countries to account on the pledges they have made, weak conclusion of the conference on 13 May was anything as these are. but comprehensive and ambitious. Our cover story for this issue focuses on the UN The LDC leaders came to Istanbul expecting a LDC-IV conference. While providing a broad analysis significant increase in official development aid. To their of its disappointing outcome, we specially highlight the disappointment, the Istanbul Programme of Action criticism by the non-governmental organisations (NGOs) merely stated that those countries already providing more of the Istanbul Programme of Action. Taking up civil than 0.20% of their gross national product (GNP) as aid societys concern about the repackaging of economic to LDCs will continue to do so; those which have met liberalisation in the Programme of Action, we also carry the 0.15% target will undertake to reach 0.20%; and others a report on a high-level thematic debate at the conference which have committed themselves to the 0.15% target where the related policy of trade liberalisation came under will either achieve the target by 2015 or try their best to fire. Finally, as part of the discussion of alternatives, we do so. publish an African view on the need to revisit the concept But more than aid, it was the outcome on trade of the developmental state. that was to prove the most bitter pill to swallow. There had been expectation that the Istanbul conference would result in an advance over a 2005 World Trade Organisation (WTO) decision obliging rich countries to give duty-free status for at least 97% of LDC exports. The hope was The Editors that this duty-free status could be extended to all LDC Visit the Third World Network Internet website at: products, i.e., 100%. Instead, the developed countries, in www.twnside.org.sg THIRD WORLD RESURGENCE No 249 Third World RESURGENCE www.twnside.org.sg No 249 May 11 ISSN 0128-357X UN Photo/Evan Schneider The Fourth UN Conference on the Least Developed Countries (pic), which was held in Istanbul on 9-13 May, produced disappointingly little in the way of commitments to support the worlds poorest nations. 8 ECOLOGY Istanbul Declaration, no new WOMEN aid pledged Sanya Smith 2 Its time to listen to nature 13 Trade liberalisation criticised 37 Stateless refugee mothers fall Pablo Solón in LDC Conference panel through the cracks in Bangla- 3 Controversial dams approved Sanya Smith desh Misha Hussain in Patagonia, Chile 18 South-South axis strengthens 39 South Africa: Womens issues Sanjay Suri missing from election manifes- CLIMATE CHANGE 19 Our voices have not been tos Zukiswa Zimela heard... 4 Neck deep in the Big Muddy 23 The rural roots of poverty and VIEWPOINT Glenn Scherer hunger in LDCs Johannes Reichert ECONOMICS 25 The African state must be 40 Marriage of novelty with back in the saddle Cornelius nostalgia Jeremy Seabrook 5 Egypt should not take a new Adedze IMF loan Rick Rowden MEDIA WORLD AFFAIRS COVER 42 Media complicit in rise of 27 No exit: Yemens existential xenophobia in Europe Rich countries fail the crisis Sheila Carapico Zoltán Dujisin worlds poorest 32 The Nakba protests: A taste of the future Jonathan Cook POETRY 8 Helping the worlds poorest 34 Narco violence in Mexico: countries Martin Khor Eight theses and many ques- 44 Gitanjali 55 Rabindranath 10 LDC Conference adopts tions Paco Ignacio Taibo II Tagore THIRD WORLD RESURGENCE is pub- THIRD WORLD RESURGENCE is pub- Publisher and Chief Editor: S.M. lished by the Third World Network, an in- lished monthly by Third World Network, 131 Mohamed Idris; Managing Editor: Chee ternational network of groups and individu- Jalan Macalister, 10400 Penang, Malaysia. Yoke Ling; Editors: T Rajamoorthy, als involved in efforts to bring about a Tel: 60-4-2266728 Fax: 60-4-2264505. Evelyne Hong, Lean Ka-Min; Contribut- greater articulation of the needs and rights Email: [email protected] ing Editors: Roberto Bissio (Uruguay), of peoples in the Third World; a fair distri- Printed by Jutaprint, No. 2, Solok Sungai Charles Abugre (Ghana); Staff: Linda Ooi bution of world resources; and forms of de- Pinang 3, 11600 Penang, Malaysia. (Design), Lim Jee Yuan (Art Consultant), velopment which are ecologically sustain- Cover Design: Lim Jee Yuan Lim Beng Tuan (Marketing), Yap Bing Nyi able and fulfil human needs. Copyright © Third World Network (Editorial) THIRD WORLD RESURGENCE No 249 1 E C O L O G Y Its time to listen to nature Why should we only respect the laws of human beings and not those of nature, asks Bolivias UN representative Pablo Solón? VICTOR Hugo, the author of Les vironmental goods. Misérables, once wrote: How sad Humanity finds itself at a to think that nature speaks and crossroads: Why should we only mankind doesnt listen. respect the laws of human beings We are here today to attempt and not those of nature? Why do to have a dialogue not just among we call the person who kills his states, but also with nature. Al- neighbour a criminal, but not he though we often forget it, human who extinguishes a species or con- beings are a force in nature. In re- taminates a river? Why do we ality, we are all a product of the judge the life of human beings with same Big Bang that created the uni- parameters different from those verse, although some only see that guide the life of the system as wood for the fire when they walk a whole if all of us, absolutely all through the forest. of us, rely on the life of the Earth These three questions are the System? point of departure for our discus- Is there no contradiction in sion today: recognising only the rights of the First, what is nature? Is it a human part of this system while all thing, a source of resources, a sys- the rest of the system is reduced to tem, a home, a community of liv- a source of resources and raw ma- ing and interdependent beings? terials in other words, a business Second, are there rules in na- opportunity? ture? Are there natural laws that Nature cannot be submitted to the will of the To speak of equilibrium is to govern its integrity, interrelation- laboratory.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • How Can We Explain the Arab Spring? by Satoshi Ikeuchi Author Satoshi Ikeuchi
    SPECIAL ANALYSIS How Can We Explain theArab Spring? By Satoshi Ikeuchi Author Satoshi Ikeuchi The Intellectual Challenge of the Arab Spring opposition parties and civil society movements due to severe restrictions imposed on them; the skillful tactics of the rulers, The Arab Spring shook the social consciousness, values and alternating between oppression and co-optation; the firm grip that political regimes of the Arab countries and vastly altered their hopes those regimes had over the massive and multifaceted military and for the future. At the same time, the existing framework for security forces; the economic rent pouring in to the oil-producing understanding the Arab world received a serious jolt. Experts on countries that made it possible to govern without regard to public Arab politics are now going through a period of fundamental soul- opinion; the existence of the United States and other outside searching. As a scholar of Arab politics, the author’s aim is to supporters of these regimes; the ability of the regimes to exploit provide a new conceptual framework that will help explain the existing regional and sectarian conflicts to claim and justify the present and anticipate the future, albeit broadly. need for a police state, effectively stultifying dissent — the list Does the term Arab Spring make sense in the first place? What goes on. caused the chain of rapid changes in society? What were the The views of political scientists in the Arab world had been a little immediate outcomes in those countries? How did the individual Arab more nuanced. They made a more detailed analysis of the regimes respond to widespread social protest? And what were the undemocratic governance of the Arab regimes, subjected them to reasons for the different responses? What were the factors that led political and ethical criticism and value judgments, and argued for to different outcomes in individual countries? Where did the critical the indispensability and inevitability of change.
    [Show full text]
  • Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces: Between Openness and Resistance
    SSR PAPER 2 Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces: Between Openness and Resistance Derek Lutterbeck DCAF DCAF a centre for security, development and the rule of law SSR PAPER 2 Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces Between Openness and Resistance Derek Lutterbeck DCAF The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) is an international foundation whose mission is to assist the international community in pursuing good governance and reform of the security sector. The Centre develops and promotes norms and standards, conducts tailored policy research, identifies good practices and recommendations to promote democratic security sector governance, and provides in‐country advisory support and practical assistance programmes. SSR Papers is a flagship DCAF publication series intended to contribute innovative thinking on important themes and approaches relating to security sector reform (SSR) in the broader context of security sector governance (SSG). Papers provide original and provocative analysis on topics that are directly linked to the challenges of a governance‐driven security sector reform agenda. SSR Papers are intended for researchers, policy‐makers and practitioners involved in this field. ISBN 978‐92‐9222‐180‐5 © 2011 The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces EDITORS Alan Bryden & Heiner Hänggi PRODUCTION Yury Korobovsky COPY EDITOR Cherry Ekins COVER IMAGE © Suhaib Salem/Reuters The views expressed are those of the author(s) alone and do not in any way reflect the views of the institutions referred to or
    [Show full text]
  • Iran's Foreign and Defense Policies
    Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies name redacted Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs December 21, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44017 Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies Summary Iran’s national security policy is the product of many, and sometimes competing, factors: the ideology of Iran’s Islamic revolution; Iranian leadership’s perception of threats to the regime and to the country; long-standing Iranian national interests; and the interaction of the Iranian regime’s various factions and constituencies. Some experts assert that the goal of Iran’s national security strategy is to overturn a power structure in the Middle East that Iran asserts favors the United States and its allies Israel, Saudi Arabia, and other Sunni Muslim Arab regimes. Iran characterizes its support for Shiite and other Islamist movements as support for the “oppressed” and asserts that Saudi Arabia, in particular, is instigating sectarian tensions and trying to exclude Iran from regional affairs. Others interpret Iran as primarily attempting to protect itself from U.S. or other efforts to invade or intimidate it or to change its regime. Its strategy might, alternatively or additionally, represent an attempt to enhance Iran’s international prestige or restore a sense of “greatness” reminiscent of the ancient Persian empires. From 2010 until 2016, Iran’s foreign policy also focused on attempting to mitigate the effects of international sanctions on Iran. Iran employs a number of different tools in pursuing its national security policy. Some Iranian policy tools are common to most countries: traditional diplomacy and the public promotion of Iran’s values and interests.
    [Show full text]
  • The Peril's of Yemen's Cunning State
    September 2012 NOREF Report The perils of Yemen’s cunning state Elham Manea Executive summary Under the influence of the Arab Spring, Yemen The country’s politics, before and after reunification last year embarked on a political transition after of north and south in 1990, have been dominated decades of autocratic rule under President Ali by elite factions manipulating shifting groups of Abdullah Saleh. The extreme fragility of the Yemeni clients based on tribal or sectarian loyalties. In state, however, stems from numerous sources of the process, deep grievances and disaffection instability and discontent, which the upheavals with the state have festered. While political in palace politics in the capital seem unable to transition and the accompanying Gulf Initiative resolve. With its strategic location, various zones are welcome, they are likely to generate further of internal armed conflict, an Islamist terrorist pressures towards secession and armed rebellion threat, ongoing humanitarian crises, scarcity of unless they address the deep structural sources key resources such as water, and the world’s of state weakness, namely the strategic political worst gender imbalance, the country remains a use of difference, as well as the manipulation of source of acute international concern. conflict and fragility before donors so as to favour the interests of the country’s leadership. However, the apparent fragility of the Yemeni state should not be understood merely as the product of a fragmented, tribal population living in poverty. Dr Elham Manea has dual nationality, Yemeni and Swiss. She is an associate professor at the Institute of Political Science, Zurich University, Switzerland, and specialises in the Middle East, with a focus on Yemen.
    [Show full text]
  • Militant Leadership Monitor Is by Andrew Mcgregor
    VOLUME 2 u ISSUE 5 u MAY 2011 IN THIS ISSUE: BRIEFS.........................................................................................................................................1 A PROFILE OF TARKHAN GAZIEV: THE THIRD MAN IN CHECHNYA’s REBEL TROIKA By Mairbek Vatchagaev..............................................................................................................3 ABU MUHAMMAD AL-taHAWI: THE LEADER OF JORDAn’s jIHADI PROTESTORS By Murad Batal al-Shishani.......................................................................................................5 SMM Leader Nasser al-Nuba GENERAL gabrieL taNG: SOUTH SUDAn’s PRODigaL SON OR KHartOUM’s ageNT OF CHAOS? Militant Leadership Monitor is By Andrew McGregor.................................................................................................................7 a publication of The Jamestown Foundation. It is designed to be read by policy-makers and other SOUTH YEMEN’S PACIFIST GENERAL: A PORTRAIT OF BRIGADIER NASSER AL-NUBA specialists yet also be accessible By Michael Horton...................................................................................................................11 to the general public. In order to purchase a subscription, visit http://www.jamestown.org/ programs/mlm0/ and click on YEMENI TRIBAL CHIEF READY FOR “WAR” AGAINST PRESIDENT log-in. SALEH The opinions expressed within On May 23, forces loyal to Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh mounted an are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect assault on
    [Show full text]
  • The Arab Spring: One Year After Transformation Dynamics, Prospects for Democratization and the Future of Arab-European Cooperation
    Amine Ghali, Ibrahim Hegazy, Salam Kawakibi, Eberhard Kienle, Elham Manea, Samir Saadawi, Tobias Schumacher, Jan Völkel The Arab Spring: One Year After Transformation Dynamics, Prospects for Democratization and the Future of Arab-European Cooperation Europe in Dialogue 2012 | 02 Address | Contact: Bertelsmann Stiftung Carl-Bertelsmann-Straße 256 P.O. Box 103 33311 Gütersloh GERMANY Phone +49 5241 81-0 Fax +49 5241 81-81999 The Arab Spring: One Year After Armando Garcia Schmidt Phone +49 5241 81-81543 E-Mail [email protected] 2012 | 02 Joachim Fritz-Vannahme Phone +49 5241 81-81421 E-Mail [email protected] Europe in Dialogue www.bertelsmann-stiftung.org Europe in Dialogue Transformation Index BTI 2012 Europeans can be proud as they look back on fifty years of peaceful integration. Nowa- Advocating reforms targeting the goal of a con- Discover the world of transformation “To improve governance, it is indispensable to learn from experience. With its qualitative analysis of transforma- days many people worldwide see the European Union as a model of how states and their tion processes in 128 developing and transition countries, the BTI provides a valuable resource for understanding stitutional democracy and socially responsible The interactive Transformation Atlas is an innovative tool that helps users explore better the successes and failures of political management. Its actor-centered approach identifies a diverse set the entirety of the BTI‘s extensive data set. An engaging presentation of information of strategies in how to get the job done. The BTI is an outstanding instrument for policy learning and should and intuitive navigation structure provide users easy access to the BTI‘s key fi ndings be consulted by policymakers worldwide who are struggling with the challenge of building sustainable and and allow them to identify patterns and correlations without compromising the thriving democracies.” citizens can work together in peace and freedom.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran's Foreign and Defense Policies
    Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies name redacted Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs October 21, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44017 Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies Summary Iran’s national security policy is the product of many, and sometimes competing, factors: the ideology of Iran’s Islamic revolution; Iranian leadership’s perception of threats to the regime and to the country; long-standing Iranian national interests; and the interaction of the Iranian regime’s various factions and constituencies. Some experts assert that the goal of Iran’s national security strategy is to overturn a power structure in the Middle East that Iran asserts favors the United States and its allies Israel, Saudi Arabia, and other Sunni Muslim Arab regimes. Iran characterizes its support for Shiite and other Islamist movements as support for the “oppressed” and asserts that Saudi Arabia, in particular, is instigating sectarian tensions and trying to exclude Iran from regional affairs. Others interpret Iran as primarily attempting to protect itself from U.S. or other efforts to invade or intimidate it or to change its regime. Its strategy might, alternatively or additionally, represent an attempt to enhance Iran’s international prestige or restore a sense of “greatness” reminiscent of the ancient Persian empires. From 2010 until 2016, Iran’s foreign policy also focused on attempting to mitigate the effects of international sanctions on Iran. Iran employs a number of different tools in pursuing its national security policy. Some Iranian policy tools are common to most countries: traditional diplomacy and the public promotion of Iran’s values and interests.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq: Politics and Governance
    Iraq: Politics and Governance Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Carla E. Humud Analyst in Middle Eastern and African Affairs March 9, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21968 Iraq: Politics and Governance Summary Iraq’s sectarian and ethnic divisions—muted toward the end of the 2003-2011 U.S. military intervention in Iraq—are fueling a major challenge to Iraq’s stability and to U.S. policy in Iraq and the broader Middle East region. The resentment of Iraq’s Sunni Arabs toward the Shiite- dominated central government facilitated the capture in 2014 of nearly one-third of Iraqi territory by the Sunni Islamist extremist group called the Islamic State (IS, also known as ISIL, ISIS, or the Arabic acronym Da'esh). Iraq’s Kurds are separately embroiled in political, territorial, and economic disputes with Baghdad, but those differences have been at least temporarily subordinated to the common struggle against the Islamic State. U.S. officials assert that the Iraqi government must work to gain the loyalty of more of Iraq’s Sunnis—and to resolve differences with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG)—if an eventual defeat of the Islamic State is to result in long-term stability. Prospects for greater inter- communal unity appeared to increase in 2014 with the replacement of former Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki with the current Prime Minister, Haydar al-Abbadi. Although both men are from the Shiite Islamist Da’wa Party, Abbadi has taken some steps to try to compromise with Sunnis and with the KRG. However, a significant point of contention with the KRG remains the KRG’s marketing of crude oil exports separately from Baghdad.
    [Show full text]
  • The Houthis and the Tribes of Northern Yemen by Adel Dashela
    MENU Policy Analysis / Fikra Forum Coercing Compliance: The Houthis and the Tribes of Northern Yemen by Adel Dashela Nov 6, 2020 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Adel Dashela Adel Dashela is a Yemeni writer and academic researcher with a PhD in English Literature. Brief Analysis Understanding the relationship between the Houthis and Yemen’s northern tribes helps clarify the limited nature of the relationship, while demonstrating the lasting harm Houthis have made to traditional tribal structures. emen’s northern tribes and the Houthi movement have shared a long and tumultuous political history. The Y Houthis recognize the political utility of the northern tribes’ support, and Houthi leadership has engaged in significant efforts to control the tribes and manipulate their traditional frameworks for political influence. As a result, a block of Yemen’s northern tribes currently fights under Houthi control. But the loyalty of the tribes is not a given, and Houthi methods of tribal control may ultimately backfire, leaving the Houthi movement friendless in a hostile environment. In any case, this interruption in the tribally defined social fabric of northern Yemen will certainly have profound and violent consequences, and stakeholders should be aware of these changing social dynamics. First, it is critical to understand the differences between the Houthi movement and the northern tribal groups. The Houthi movement is an armed religious movement whose ideology supports narrow rule by a particular class called the “Bani Hashim”—a group that calls itself Ahl al-Bayt, or “descendants of the Prophet’s family”. Many in the north believe the Houthi movement seeks to revive the imamate that the Yemeni revolutionaries overthrew in 1962, employing a sectarian religious mindset and often violence to achieve its goals.
    [Show full text]
  • Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces: Between Openness and Resistance
    SSR PAPER 2 Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces: Between Openness and Resistance Derek Lutterbeck DCAF DCAF a centre for security, development and the rule of law SSR PAPER 2 Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces Between Openness and Resistance Derek Lutterbeck DCAF Published by Ubiquity Press Ltd. 6 Osborn Street, Unit 2N London E1 6TD www.ubiquitypress.com Text © Derek Lutterbeck 2011 First published 2011 Transferred to Ubiquity Press 2018 Cover image © Suhaib Salem/Reuters Editors: Alan Bryden & Heiner Hänggi Production: Yury Korobovsky Copy editor: Cherry Ekins ISBN (PDF): 978-1-911529-29-3 ISSN (online): 2571-9297 DOI: https://doi.org/10.5334/bbm This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (unless stated otherwise within the content of the work). To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons. org/licenses/by/4.0/ or send a letter to Creative Commons, 444 Castro Street, Suite 900, Mountain View, California, 94041, USA. This license allows for copying any part of the work for personal and commercial use, providing author attribution is clearly stated. This book was originally published by the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF), an international foundation whose mission is to assist the international community in pursuing good governance and reform of the security sector. The title transferred to Ubiquity Press when the series moved to an open access platform. The full text of this book was peer reviewed according to the original publisher’s policy at the time. The original ISBN for this title was 978-92-9222-180-5.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Aesthetics of Global Protest : the Arab Spring and Beyond, P
    eCommons@AKU Individual Volumes ISMC Series 2014 The olitP ical Aesthetics of Global Protest : the Arab Spring and Beyond Pnina Werbner Editor Martin Webb Editor Kathryn Spellman-Poots Editor Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.aku.edu/uk_ismc_series_volumes Part of the African History Commons, Asian History Commons, Islamic World and Near East History Commons, and the Political History Commons Recommended Citation Werbner, P. , Webb, M. , Spellman-Poots, K. (Eds.). (2014). The Political Aesthetics of Global Protest : the Arab Spring and Beyond, p. 448. Available at: https://ecommons.aku.edu/uk_ismc_series_volumes/3 The Political Aesthetics of Global Protest The Arab Spring and Beyond Edited by Pnina Werbner, Martin Webb and Kathryn Spellman-Poots in association with THE AGA KHAN UNIVERSITY (International) in the United Kingdom Institute for the Study of Muslim Civilisations The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Aga Khan University, Institute for the Study of Muslim Civilisations. © editorial matter and organisation Pnina Werbner, Martin Webb and Kathryn Spellman-Poots, 2014 © the chapters, their several authors, 2014 First published in hardback in 2014 by Edinburgh University Press Ltd The Tun – Holyrood Road 12 (2f) Jackson’s Entry Edinburgh eh8 8pj www.euppublishing.com Typeset in Goudy Oldstyle by Koinonia, Manchester and printed and bound in Spain by Novoprint A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978 0 7486 9334 4 (hardback) ISBN 978 0 7486 9335 1 (paperback) ISBN 978 0 7486 9350 4 (webready PDF) ISBN 978 0 7486 9351 1 (epub) The right of the contributors to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 and the Copyright and Related Rights Regulations 2003 (SI No.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    Notes Introduction 1. About twenty-five percent of the budget is officially spent on the security apparatus but, as is discussed in Chapter 3, it is likely to be significantly more than this. 2. Thomas Carothers,“The End of the Transitions Paradigm,” Journal of Democracy 13 (January 1, 2002). 3. Samuel Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991), p. 137. 4. Carothers, “End of the Transitions Paradigm,” 9 and 13. See also Daniel Brumberg, “The Trap of Liberalized Autocracy,” Journal of Democracy, 13, no. 4 (2002): 56–68. 5. James Piscatori, Islam, Islamists, and the Electoral Principle in the Middle East (Leiden: ISIM, 2000). Available online at http://www.isim.nl/files/paper_ piscatori.pdf, p. 45. 6. Ibid., pp. 23 and 25. 7. Daniel Brumberg, Liberalization Versus Democracy: Understanding Arab Political Reform, (working paper, no. 37, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Washington, DC, May 2003), pp. 4–7. 8. Marsha Pripstein Posusney, “The Middle East’s Democracy Deficit in Comparative Perspective,” in Authoritarianism in the Middle East, ed. Marsha Pripstein Posusney and Michele Penner Angrist (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2005), p. 17, footnote 20. She is speaking of the region more generally and does not refer to Yemen specifically in this regard. 9. Marsha Pripstein Posusney, “Multiparty Elections in the Arab World: Election Rules and Opposition Responses,” in Authoritarianism in the Middle East,ed. Marsha Pripstein Posusney and Michele Penner Angrist (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2005), p. 93. 10. Michael Bratton and Nicolas Van de Walle, “Neopatrimonial Regimes and Political Transitions in Africa,” World Politics 46, no.
    [Show full text]