Why Did the Transition Process in Yemen Fail?" by Kim SALMUTTER
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Yemen Sheila Carapico University of Richmond, [email protected]
University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Political Science Faculty Publications Political Science 2013 Yemen Sheila Carapico University of Richmond, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/polisci-faculty-publications Part of the International Relations Commons, and the Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons Recommended Citation Carapico, Sheila. "Yemen." In Dispatches from the Arab Spring: Understanding the New Middle East, edited by Paul Amar and Vijay Prashad, 101-121. New Delhi, India: LeftWord Books, 2013. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Yemen SHEILA CARAPICO IN FEBRUARY 2011, Tawakkol Karman stood on a stage outside Sanaa University. A microphone in one hand and the other clenched defiantly above her head, reading from a list of demands, she led tens of thou sands of cheering, flag-waving demonstrators in calls for peaceful politi cal change. She was to become not so much the leader as the figurehead ofYemen's uprising. On other days and in other cities, other citizens led the chants: men and women and sometimes, for effect, little children. These mass public performances enacted a veritable civic revolution in a poverty-stricken country where previous activist surges never produced democratic transitions but nonetheless did shape national history. Drawing on the Tunisiari and Egyptian inspirations as well as homegrown protest legacies, in 2011 Yemenis occupied the national commons as never before. -
Minority Rights Group International : Yemen : Yemen Overview
Minority Rights Group International : Yemen : Yemen Overview World Directory of Minorities Middle East MRG Directory –> Yemen –> Yemen Overview Yemen Overview Last updated: February 2012 Environment Peoples History Governance Current state of minorities and indigenous peoples Environment Yemen lies on the southern tip of the Arabian Peninsula, bordering Saudi Arabia to the north and Oman to the east. Its western coast lies along the Red Sea, and its long southern coast along the Gulf of Aden. Yemen can be very crudely divided between its mountainous interior, its western coastal plain of Tihama, and the Hadramawt region in the south- east. It is an arid state with significant oil and gas reserves which provide the country with 75 per cent of its income. The World Bank has however projected that these reserves will run out by 2017. Peoples Main languages: Arabic and South Arabian (Mehri, Soqotri, Bathari) Main religions: Shafa’i Sunni (65-70%), Zaydi Shia (30-35%) and Isma’ili Islam (small, unknown) Main minority groups: Zaydis 6.6-7.7 million (30-35%), Akhdam 440,000-1.1 million (2-5%), Isma’ilis (a few thousand), Jews 500 (.002%) [Note: Percentages for Zaydis and Shafa’is, the number for Jews, and the estimate of Isma’ilis are taken from US Comission on International Religious Freedom 2007. The percentage range for Akhdam comes from the US State Department’s human rights report on Yemen for 2006. The total population of Yemen is 24 million according to the 2010 World Development Indicators from the World Bank.] Demographic statistics for Yemen are unreliable, but nearly all Yemenis are Muslim. -
Civilian Impact Monitoring Report
Civilian Impact Monitoring Report February 2018 Mountain Town, Yemen by Rod Waddington A bi-monthly report on civilian impact from armed violence in Al-Hudaydah, Sa’ada, Sana’a, Capital and Marib. December 2017 - January 2018. Table of content Executive Summary 3 Introduction 6 Methodology 6 Section 1: Overall Data trends 7 Section 4: Capital 32 1.1. Conflict developments December & January 7 4.1. Conflict developments December & January 32 1.2. Civilian impact 8 4.2. Civilian impact & protection implication 33 1.3. Direct protection implication 10 4.3. Geographical spread 35 1.4. Indirect protection implication 11 4.4. Type of armed violence and casualties over time 37 1.5. Geographical spread of incidents 12 1.6. Type of armed violence 14 Section 5: Sana’a 38 1.7. Type of impact per governorate 15 5.1. Conflict developments December & January 38 1.8. Civilian casualties 16 5.2. Civilian impact & protection implication 39 1.9. Casualties per type of armed violence 18 5.3. Geographical spread 41 5.4. Type of armed violence and casualties over time 43 Section 2: Al-Hudaydah 19 2.1 Conflict developments December & January 19 Section 6: Marib 44 2.2 Civilian impact & protection implication 20 6.1. Conflict developments December & January 44 2.3 Geographical spread 22 6.2. Civilian impact & protection implication 45 2.4 Type of armed violence and casualties over time 24 6.3. Geographical spread 47 6.4. Type of armed violence and casualties over time 49 Section 3: Sa’ada 25 3.1. Conflict developments December & January 25 3.2. -
The Political Economy of Arab Presidents for Life ÀÀÀ and After
Middle East Development Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 (2013) 1350001 (13 pages) °c Economic Research Forum DOI: 10.1142/S1793812013500016 THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF ARAB PRESIDENTS ¤ FOR LIFE | AND AFTER ROGER OWEN Center for Middle Eastern Studies Harvard University Cambridge, MA [email protected] Received 23 August 2012 Accepted 23 January 2013 Published 14 March 2013 The system of personalized Arab presidential power based on a strong security state had its origins in the assertion of national sovereignty in the dangerous post-independence world of the 1950s and 1960s. and then becoming more monarchical in character over time, including the attempt to perpetuate itself by passing power on to the ruler’s son. Key to this development was the appearance around each ruler of a small group of crony-capitalists who used their privileged access to secure state monopolies which they then schemed to protect after the ruler’s death. Both developments, that of family dictatorships, as well as their associated corruption and cronyism, can then be used to account in large measure with the uprisings associated with the Arab `Spring'. Keywords: Personalized power; authoritarianism; crony capitalism; coup-proof; kleptocracy; succession; Arab middle class; Arab Spring. by WSPC on 03/19/13. For personal use only. 1. Introduction Middle East. Dev. J. Downloaded from www.worldscientific.com The overthrow of a series of long-term dictatorships was clearly the major aim of the revolutionaries of the so-called `Arab Spring'. And remarkably successful they were. In a relatively short period of time, three republican presidents for life (Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, Hosni Mubarak, and Muammar Qadda¯) have been deposed, two others (Bashar Hafez al-Assad and Ali Abdullah Saleh) have been forced into the ¯ght of their lives to defend themselves, and two others again (Abdelaziz Boute°ika and Omar al-Bashir) much weakened, although by a variety of forces not all directly connected with an active youth rebellion. -
Yemen in Crisis
A Conflict Overlooked: Yemen in Crisis Jamison Boley Kent Evans Sean Grassie Sara Romeih Conflict Risk Diagnostic 2017 Conflict Background Yemen has a weak, highly decentralized central government that has struggled to rule the northern Yemen Arab Republic (YAR) and the southern People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY).1 Since the unification of these entities in 1990, Yemen has experienced three civil conflicts. As the poorest country in the Arab world, Yemen faces serious food and water shortages for a population dispersed over mountainous terrain.2 The country’s weaknesses have been exploited by Saudi Arabia which shares a porous border with Yemen. Further, the instability of Yemen’s central government has created a power vacuum filled by foreign states and terrorist groups.3 The central government has never had effective control of all Yemeni territory. Ali Abdullah Saleh, who was president of Yemen for 34 years, secured his power through playing factions within the population off one another. The Yemeni conflict is not solely a result of a Sunni-Shia conflict, although sectarianism plays a role.4 The 2011 Arab Spring re-energized the Houthi movement, a Zaydi Shia movement, which led to the overthrow of the Saleh government. Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi took office as interim president in a transition led by a coalition of Arab Gulf states and backed by the United States. Hadi has struggled to deal with a variety of problems, including insurgency, the continuing loyalty of many military officers to former president Saleh, as well as corruption, unemployment and food insecurity.5 Conflict Risk Diagnostic Indicators Key: (+) Stabilizing factor; (-) Destabilizing factor; (±) Mixed factor Severe Risk - Government military expenditures have been generally stable between 2002-2015, at an average of 4.8% of GDP. -
United Arab Emirates (Uae)
Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: United Arab Emirates, July 2007 COUNTRY PROFILE: UNITED ARAB EMIRATES (UAE) July 2007 COUNTRY اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴّﺔ اﻟﻤﺘّﺤﺪة (Formal Name: United Arab Emirates (Al Imarat al Arabiyah al Muttahidah Dubai , أﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ (The seven emirates, in order of size, are: Abu Dhabi (Abu Zaby .اﻹﻣﺎرات Al ,ﻋﺠﻤﺎن Ajman , أ مّ اﻟﻘﻴﻮﻳﻦ Umm al Qaywayn , اﻟﺸﺎرﻗﺔ (Sharjah (Ash Shariqah ,دﺑﻲّ (Dubayy) .رأس اﻟﺨﻴﻤﺔ and Ras al Khaymah ,اﻟﻔﺠﻴﺮة Fajayrah Short Form: UAE. اﻣﺮاﺗﻰ .(Term for Citizen(s): Emirati(s أﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ .Capital: Abu Dhabi City Major Cities: Al Ayn, capital of the Eastern Region, and Madinat Zayid, capital of the Western Region, are located in Abu Dhabi Emirate, the largest and most populous emirate. Dubai City is located in Dubai Emirate, the second largest emirate. Sharjah City and Khawr Fakkan are the major cities of the third largest emirate—Sharjah. Independence: The United Kingdom announced in 1968 and reaffirmed in 1971 that it would end its treaty relationships with the seven Trucial Coast states, which had been under British protection since 1892. Following the termination of all existing treaties with Britain, on December 2, 1971, six of the seven sheikhdoms formed the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The seventh sheikhdom, Ras al Khaymah, joined the UAE in 1972. Public holidays: Public holidays other than New Year’s Day and UAE National Day are dependent on the Islamic calendar and vary from year to year. For 2007, the holidays are: New Year’s Day (January 1); Muharram, Islamic New Year (January 20); Mouloud, Birth of Muhammad (March 31); Accession of the Ruler of Abu Dhabi—observed only in Abu Dhabi (August 6); Leilat al Meiraj, Ascension of Muhammad (August 10); first day of Ramadan (September 13); Eid al Fitr, end of Ramadan (October 13); UAE National Day (December 2); Eid al Adha, Feast of the Sacrifice (December 20); and Christmas Day (December 25). -
Yemen's National Dialogue
arab uprisings Yemen’s National Dialogue March 21, 2013 MOHAMMED HUWAIS/AFP/GETTY IMAGES HUWAIS/AFP/GETTY MOHAMMED POMEPS Briefings 19 Contents Overcoming the Pitfalls of Yemen’s National Dialogue . 5 Consolidating Uncertainty in Yemen . 7 Can Yemen be a Nation United? . 10 Yemen’s Southern Intifada . 13 Best Friends Forever for Yemen’s Revolutionaries? . 18 A Shake Up in Yemen’s GPC? . 21 Hot Pants: A Visit to Ousted Yemeni Leader Ali Abdullah Saleh’s New Presidential Museum . .. 23 Triage for a fracturing Yemen . 26 Building a Yemeni state while losing a nation . 32 Yemen’s Rocky Roadmap . 35 Don’t call Yemen a “failed state” . 38 The Project on Middle East Political Science The Project on Middle East Political Science (POMEPS) is a collaborative network which aims to increase the impact of political scientists specializing in the study of the Middle East in the public sphere and in the academic community . POMEPS, directed by Marc Lynch, is based at the Institute for Middle East Studies at the George Washington University and is supported by the Carnegie Corporation and the Social Science Research Council . It is a co-sponsor of the Middle East Channel (http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com) . For more information, see http://www .pomeps .org . Online Article Index Overcoming the Pitfalls of Yemen’s National Dialogue http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2013/03/18/overcoming_the_pitfalls_of_yemen_s_national_dialogue Consolidating Uncertainty in Yemen http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2013/02/22/consolidating_uncertainty_in_yemen -
How Can We Explain the Arab Spring? by Satoshi Ikeuchi Author Satoshi Ikeuchi
SPECIAL ANALYSIS How Can We Explain theArab Spring? By Satoshi Ikeuchi Author Satoshi Ikeuchi The Intellectual Challenge of the Arab Spring opposition parties and civil society movements due to severe restrictions imposed on them; the skillful tactics of the rulers, The Arab Spring shook the social consciousness, values and alternating between oppression and co-optation; the firm grip that political regimes of the Arab countries and vastly altered their hopes those regimes had over the massive and multifaceted military and for the future. At the same time, the existing framework for security forces; the economic rent pouring in to the oil-producing understanding the Arab world received a serious jolt. Experts on countries that made it possible to govern without regard to public Arab politics are now going through a period of fundamental soul- opinion; the existence of the United States and other outside searching. As a scholar of Arab politics, the author’s aim is to supporters of these regimes; the ability of the regimes to exploit provide a new conceptual framework that will help explain the existing regional and sectarian conflicts to claim and justify the present and anticipate the future, albeit broadly. need for a police state, effectively stultifying dissent — the list Does the term Arab Spring make sense in the first place? What goes on. caused the chain of rapid changes in society? What were the The views of political scientists in the Arab world had been a little immediate outcomes in those countries? How did the individual Arab more nuanced. They made a more detailed analysis of the regimes respond to widespread social protest? And what were the undemocratic governance of the Arab regimes, subjected them to reasons for the different responses? What were the factors that led political and ethical criticism and value judgments, and argued for to different outcomes in individual countries? Where did the critical the indispensability and inevitability of change. -
The Adaptive Transformation of Yemen?S Republican Guard
The Adaptive Transformation of Yemen's Republican Guard By Lucas Winter Journal Article | Mar 7 2017 - 9:45pm The Adaptive Transformation of Yemen’s Republican Guard Lucas Winter In the summer of 1978, Colonel Ali Abdullah Saleh became president of the Yemeni Arab Republic (YAR) or North Yemen. Like his short-lived predecessor Ahmad al-Ghashmi, Saleh had been a tank unit commander in the YAR military before ascending the ranks.[1] Like al-Ghashmi, Saleh belonged to a tribe with limited national political influence but a strong presence in the country’s military.[2] Three months into Saleh’s presidency, conspirators allied with communists from the Popular Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY), or South Yemen, staged a coup and briefly seized key government installations in the capital Sana’a. The 1st Armored Brigade, North Yemen’s main tank unit at the time, was deployed to quell the insurrection. The 1st Armored Brigade subsequently expanded to become the 1st Armored Division. Commanded by Saleh’s kinsman Ali Muhsin al-Ahmar, it became North Yemen’s premiere military unit and took control of vital installations in the capital. The division played a decisive role in securing victory for Saleh and his allies in Yemen’s 1994 Civil War. Although the 1st Armored Division functioned as President Saleh’s Praetorian Guard, his personal safety was in the hands of the Yemeni Republican Guard (YRG), a small force created with Egyptian support in the early days of the republic.[3] YRG headquarters were in “Base 48,” located on the capital’s southern outskirts abutting the territories of Saleh’s Sanhan tribe. -
Yemen's Relations with the Gulf Cooperation Council
Kuwait Programme on Development, Governance and Globalisation in the Gulf States ‘One blood and one destiny’? Yemen’s relations with the Gulf Cooperation Council Edward Burke June 2012 Number 23 The Kuwait Programme on Development, Governance and Globalisation in the Gulf States is a ten-year multidisciplinary global research programme. It focuses on topics such as globalization and the repositioning of the Gulf States in the global order, capital flows, and patterns of trade; specific challenges facing carbon-rich and resource-rich economic development; diversification, educational and human capital development into post-oil political economies; and the future of regional security structures in the post-Arab Spring environment. The Programme is based in the LSE Department of Government and led by Professor Danny Quah and Dr Kristian Ulrichsen. The Programme produces an acclaimed working paper series featuring cutting-edge original research on the Gulf, published an edited volume of essays in 2011, supports post-doctoral researchers and PhD students, and develops academic networks between LSE and Gulf institutions. At the LSE, the Programme organizes a monthly seminar series, invitational breakfast briefings, and occasional public lectures, and is committed to five major biennial international conferences. The first two conferences took place in Kuwait City in 2009 and 2011, on the themes of Globalization and the Gulf, and The Economic Transformation of the Gulf. The next conference will take place at the LSE in March 2013, on the theme of The Arab Spring and the Gulf: Politics, Economics, and Security. The Programme is funded by the Kuwait Foundation for the Advancement of Sciences. -
Yemen and The
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by LSE Research Online Kuwait Programme on Development, Governance and Globalisation in the Gulf States ‘One blood and one destiny’? Yemen’s relations with the Gulf Cooperation Council Edward Burke June 2012 Number 23 The Kuwait Programme on Development, Governance and Globalisation in the Gulf States is a ten-year multidisciplinary global research programme. It focuses on topics such as globalization and the repositioning of the Gulf States in the global order, capital flows, and patterns of trade; specific challenges facing carbon-rich and resource-rich economic development; diversification, educational and human capital development into post-oil political economies; and the future of regional security structures in the post-Arab Spring environment. The Programme is based in the LSE Department of Government and led by Professor Danny Quah and Dr Kristian Ulrichsen. The Programme produces an acclaimed working paper series featuring cutting-edge original research on the Gulf, published an edited volume of essays in 2011, supports post-doctoral researchers and PhD students, and develops academic networks between LSE and Gulf institutions. At the LSE, the Programme organizes a monthly seminar series, invitational breakfast briefings, and occasional public lectures, and is committed to five major biennial international conferences. The first two conferences took place in Kuwait City in 2009 and 2011, on the themes of Globalization and the Gulf, and The Economic Transformation of the Gulf. The next conference will take place at the LSE in March 2013, on the theme of The Arab Spring and the Gulf: Politics, Economics, and Security. -
Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces: Between Openness and Resistance
SSR PAPER 2 Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces: Between Openness and Resistance Derek Lutterbeck DCAF DCAF a centre for security, development and the rule of law SSR PAPER 2 Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces Between Openness and Resistance Derek Lutterbeck DCAF The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) is an international foundation whose mission is to assist the international community in pursuing good governance and reform of the security sector. The Centre develops and promotes norms and standards, conducts tailored policy research, identifies good practices and recommendations to promote democratic security sector governance, and provides in‐country advisory support and practical assistance programmes. SSR Papers is a flagship DCAF publication series intended to contribute innovative thinking on important themes and approaches relating to security sector reform (SSR) in the broader context of security sector governance (SSG). Papers provide original and provocative analysis on topics that are directly linked to the challenges of a governance‐driven security sector reform agenda. SSR Papers are intended for researchers, policy‐makers and practitioners involved in this field. ISBN 978‐92‐9222‐180‐5 © 2011 The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces EDITORS Alan Bryden & Heiner Hänggi PRODUCTION Yury Korobovsky COPY EDITOR Cherry Ekins COVER IMAGE © Suhaib Salem/Reuters The views expressed are those of the author(s) alone and do not in any way reflect the views of the institutions referred to or