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How to Cite Complete Issue More Information About This Article Journal's Homepage in Redalyc.Org Scientific Information System R Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales ISSN: 0185-1918 UNAM, Facultad de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, División de Estudios de Posgrado Walzer, Michael The New Left. 1968 and Post Scriptum Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales, vol. LXIII, no. 234, September-December, 2018, pp. 85-97 UNAM, Facultad de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, División de Estudios de Posgrado DOI: 10.22201/fcpys.2448492xe.2018.234.65558 Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=42159667005 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System Redalyc More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America and the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Project academic non-profit, developed under the open access initiative Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales⎥ Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Nueva Época, Año LXIII, núm. 234 ⎥ septiembr-ediciembre de 2018 ⎥ pp. 85-98⎥ ISSN-2448-492X DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/fcpys.2448492xe.2018.234.65558 The New Left. 1968 and Post Scriptum La Nueva Izquierda. 1968 y post scriptum Michael Walzer∗ Recibido el 29 de junio de 2018 Aceptado el 15 de julio de 2018 INTRODUCTORY NOTE NOTA INTRODUCTORIA The author, a well know theorist and activist of El autor, teórico y activista del movimiento de the civil rights movement and the movement los derechos civiles y de los movimientos contra against the Vietnam War, published the first la guerra en Vietnam, publicó la primera parte part of this article in 1968. There, he analyses de este artículo en 1968. En él, analiza la emer- the emergence of the New Left in the United gencia de la Nueva Izquierda en Estados Unidos States –and its global connection– through the –y su conexión global– a partir de la estructura social structure, the actors’ class background social, la pertenencia de clase de los propios ac- and their cultural configuration to account for tores y su configuración cultural para dar cuenta the aspirations and limits that accompanied the de las aspiraciones y limitantes que acompaña- middle class youth that lead this movement. The ron a la juventud de clase media que encabezó dilemmas that emerged between the racial, eth- este movimiento. Los dilemas que emergieron nic, social and economic axes that defined the entre la configuración étnico-racial, social y actors framed the diverse social movements and económica de los actores enmarcados en el mo- throw light on the promises, scope and weak- vimiento por los derechos humanos arrojan luz nesses that characterized them. sobre las promesas, alcances y debilidades que In the post scriptum, written explicitly for éste tuvo. En el post scriptum, escrito explíci- the Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Políticas y So- tamente para la Revista Mexicana de Ciencias ciales 50 years later with a great analytical and Políticas y Sociales 50 años después, con una gran existential wisdom, the author inspects the way sabiduría analítica y existencial, el autor revisa in which class profile, radicalization and sepa- el modo como el perfil de clase, la radicaliza- ratism led to an isolation of the New Left from ción y el separatismo condujo a un aislamiento the natural support basis it should have reached. de la Nueva Izquierda de las naturales bases de It evaluates the consequences of its integration apoyo que debió haber alcanzado. Evalúa las either to the Old Left or to the system, as it ma- consecuencias ya sea de su integración a la Vieja nifests in the turn towards right that progressive Izquierda o bien al sistema, tal como se mani- and democratic sectors had in the United States. fiestan en el viraje a la derecha que los sectores ∗ Institute for Advanced Study, School of Social Science, Princeton University. E-mail: <[email protected]>. THE NEW LEFT. 1968 AND POST SCRIPTUM ⎥ 85 Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales⎥ Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Nueva Época, Año LXIII, núm. 234 ⎥ septiembre-diciembre de 2018 ⎥ pp. 85-98⎥ ISSN-2448-492X DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/fcpys.2448492xe.2018.234.65558 Furthermore, he underlines the way it influen- progresistas y democráticos tuvieron en Estados ced the inequality and vulnerability that prevails Unidos, y cómo se reflejó en la situación de des- among the social class –the “precateriat”– the igualdad y vulnerabilidad prevaleciente en gran left should have represented, and projects itself parte de las clases sociales que la izquierda debió in the current situation and in Trumpism. Wi- representar, e incluso en el Trumpismo hoy. Sin thout a doubt, the depth, realism and theoretical duda, la profundidad, realismo y visión teórica and practical vision of Michael Walzer have tur- y práctica de Michael Walzer lo han convertido ned him into one of the representative figures of en una de las figuras representativas de la teoría political theory. JBL. política. JBL. Keywords: New Left; 1960s civil rights move - Palabras clave: Nueva Izquierda; movimiento ment; Vietnam War; movement radicalization; de derechos sociales de los sesenta; guerra de political theory; United States. Vietnam; radicalización del movimiento; teoría política; Estados Unidos. Introduction It is not easy to get at the New Left. Already encumbered with its own myths, hard pressed by the endemic frustrations and outrages of American society, racially split, infil- trated by Old Left sectarians, the object of a curious literary cult, it is no longer the open movement of the early sixties with its buoyant optimism and transparent passion. Whe- ther anything at all survives of the radical efflorescence of those years is itself a question. I am going to answer that question in the affirmative, but only after a rather tortuous descrip- tion of what has been a tortuous, though also very short, history. Rarely in the past has a “new” radicalism been confronted so quickly with so many impossible cho·ices; rarely has the political resiliency and stamina of the young been so severely tested. Today, a sense of isola- tion, an embittered mood, a dangerous desperation mark many elements of the New Left like so many scars of battles fought and lost: the collapse of the civil rights movement, the failure to organize the poor, the continued escalation of the Vietnam war. The war is perhaps the most important explanation for all that has happened. It is for many of us, and especially for young radicals, a daily humiliation simply to live in the United States while that war is waged in our name. And that humiliation breeds the terri- ble anger (and the self-hate) and the desire for dramatic “confrontations” that have become characteristic of many student leftists. But there are other reasons, if not better ones, more deeply rooted in the experiences of the past seven years. 86 ⎥ MICHAEL WALZER Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales⎥ Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Nueva Época, Año LXIII, núm. 234 ⎥ septiembr-ediciembre de 2018 ⎥ pp. 85-98⎥ ISSN-2448-492X DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/fcpys.2448492xe.2018.234.65558 The Post-Affluent Generation As a visible political movement, the New Left has its origin in the wave of sympathy and support for the Negro civil-rights struggle that swept northern campuses in the early six- ties and culminated in Mississippi Summer 1964. But if the militancy of black students is easy enough to account for, that of their white counterparts is not. Negro radicalism, even in its most extreme forms, fits admirably into any of a dozen conventional explana- tions; the white New Leftists are harder to figure out. The struggle for civil rights was less the cause than the occasion for their commitment. Once the call went out, it be- came clear that many of them had been waiting –but why had they been waiting?– and that they had been prepared for political action by something other than the sheer oppres- siveness of their surroundings. New Leftists tended to be middle-class students, often at the most prestigious of our universities. Theirs was the radicalism of a generation for whom neither security nor money had ever been a problem. Their parents, by and large, had been children during the worst of the Depression, had married and raised families of their own during the War and the post-war boom of the forties, and had rarely managed to convey to their offspring any sense but that of easy expectation. They had outlived, outgrown, or outmanoeuvred the var- ious radicalisms of their youth, arriving finally, many of them, at a state of mind which eager sociologists called the end of ideology. They were comfortable, often newly comfort- able, and their children inherited from them, in addition to their comforts, only the vaguest idealism, corroded by a new and very strong feeling for the possible pleasures of private life. Yet many of these same children became New Left radicals. It is a cliché of current political analysis that the New Left grew up as a youthful re- volt against the emptiness and hypocrisy of middle-class life. As with most other clichés, there is a truth here, but a truth badly stated. Middle-class life is both interesting and honest enough so long as its discipline serves a real purpose, that is, the pursuit of security and wealth by men and women who possess (or remember having possessed) neither. The radicalism of young people today is not so much a revolt against the emptiness of their parents’ lives –for their parents’ lives have often been full of struggle, risk-taking, and achievement– as against the possible emptiness of their own lives were they simply to take over what their parents have won. For many of them the discipline of profes- sional careers and suburban respectability makes no sense: it will bring them nothing they don’t already have.
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