DOCSLIB.ORG

O Marxismo De Matriz Comunista E O Nacionalismo Popular No Peru E No Brasil (1928-1964)

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
O Marxismo De Matriz Comunista E O Nacionalismo Popular No Peru E No Brasil (1928-1964) UNIVERSIDADE DE SÃO PAULO FACULDADE DE FILOSOFIA, LETRAS E CIÊNCIAS HUMANAS DEPARTAMENTO DE CIÊNCIA POLÍTICA PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM CIÊNCIA POLÍTICA Entre a nação e a revolução: o marxismo de matriz comunista e o nacionalismo popular no Peru e no Brasil (1928-1964) André Kaysel Velasco e Cruz São Paulo 2014 UNIVERSIDADE DE SÃO PAULO FACULDADE DE FILOSOFIA, LETRAS E CIÊNCIAS HUMANAS DEPARTAMENTO DE CIÊNCIA POLÍTICA PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM CIÊNCIA POLÍTICA Entre a nação e a revolução: o marxismo de matriz comunista e o nacionalismo popular no Peru e no Brasil (1928-1964) André Kaysel Velasco e Cruz Tese apresentada ao Programa De Pós-Graduação do Departamento de Ciência Política da Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas da Universidade de São Paulo para a obtenção do título de Doutor em Ciência Política Orientador: Prof. Dr. Bernardo Ricupero São Paulo 2014 2 Resumo: esta tese tem por objeto as relações entre o marxismo de matriz comunista e o nacionalismo popular no Peru, entre os anos 1920 e19 30, e no Brasil, entre as décadas de 1950 e 1960. Parto da hipótese de que foram essas duas correntes ideológicas concorrentes que plasmaram, entre os anos 1920 e a Revolução Cubana, o universo político-ideológico das esquerdas latino-americanas, em particular, e das classes subalternas do subcontinente, de modo geral. O maior sucesso dos nacionalistas populares em ganhar a adesão dos trabalhadores se deveria à incompreensão dos comunistas em relação à especificidade da questão nacional na região, isto é: o caráter inconcluso da formação das “comunidades imaginadas” nacionais, tanto pela exclusão da cidadania de amplas camadas populares, como pela dependência externa. Ao longo do trabalho, procurarei demonstrar como essa relação seguiu padrões opostos nos dois países: indo de uma origem comum à hostilidade, no primeiro caso, e do conflito à aliança, no segundo. Explicarei esses padrões divergentes, tanto pelas diferenças entre as respectivas formações sociais, como pelos distintos contextos internacionais, em especial no que se refere ao movimento comunista. Com essa pesquisa comparada, procurarei submeter à crítica as interpretações da chamada “teoria do populismo”, em especial no que diz respeito ao Brasil e ao problema das relações entre comunistas e nacionalistas no período pré-1964. Palavras-chave: marxismo, comunismo, nacionalismo, populismo, Brasil, Peru, América Latina. 3 Abstract: this thesis discusses the relationship between the Marxism of communist background and popular nationalism in Peru, during the 1920s and 1930s, and in Brazil, during the 50s and 60s. My hypothesis is that this two concurring ideologies formed, from the 1920s until the Cuban Revolution, the political and ideological universe of the Latin American left, in particular, and that of the subcontinent’s subaltern classes. The greater ability of the popular nationalists to gain support from the working classes is due to the incomprehension on behalf of the communists of the national problem in the region: the unfinished character of the national “imagined communities”, caused by the exclusion from citizenship of vast popular masses and external dependency. The work shall demonstrate that the relationship between nationalists and communists followed opposite patterns: going from a common background to hostility in the first case, and from conflict to alliance in the second. With this comparative research, I seek to criticize the interpretations inspired by the “theory of populism”, especially in the Brazilian case and on the subject of the communist/nationalist relations in the pre-1964 period. Key words: Marxism, communism, nationalism, populism, Brzil, Peru, Latin America. 4 Índice Agradecimentos…7 Introdução…11 Parte I: O marxismo perante o povo e a nação Capítulo 1: O Marxismo e o debate sobre o populismo latino-americano...37 1.1. Os (Des)caminhos de um conceito…39 1.2. A abordagem histórico-estrutural...46 1.3. A nova história social e a negação do populismo...53 1.4.Classe e povo: revisitando velhos pressupostos...57 1.5. A Abordagem discursiva...66 1.6. O nacionalismo popular como discurso contra-hegemônico...78 Capítulo 2: Marxismo e questão nacional na América Latina...81 2.1. As “comunidades imaginadas” e o “desenvolvimento desigual” …81 2.2. Questão nacional e marxismo…90 2.3. A construção da nação e as vias para o capitalismo…102 2.4. Desencontros entre o marxismo e a América Latina…108 Parte II. Crise, Hegemonia e Participação Popular: o nacionalismo popular no Peru e no Brasil Capítulo 3: O Nacionalismo Popular no Peru…119 3.1. As crises de hegemonia e o advento do nacionalismo popular…119 3.2. Gonzalez-Prada e as origens do nacionalismo radical no Peru...123 3.3. A crise da “República aristocrática” e a “geração do centenário”...129 3.4. APRA: da revolução à “convivência”…137 Capítulo 4: O Nacionalismo popular no Brasil…157 5 4.1. O Brasil entre dois nacionalismos…157 4.2. Nacionalismo e desenvolvimentismo...166 4.3. Entre o getulismo e o reformismo: a trajetória do trabalhismo brasileiro ...174 4.4. Contrastes entre o Peru e o Brasil…189 Parte III. Marxismo e Nacionalismo: conflitos e aproximações Capítulo 5: Origens Comuns, Caminhos Bifurcados: Marxismo e nacionalismo no Peru...204 5.1. Marxismo e nacionalismo na América Latina: algumas questões preliminares…204 5.2. A Polêmica Haya de La Torre-Julio Antonio Mella…208 5.3. A Controvérsia Mariátegui-Haya de La Torre…214 5.4. A Centralidade de uma polêmica periférica…223 Capítulo 6: Origens Opostas, Caminhos Comuns: marxismo e nacionalismo no Brasil…248 6.1. Origens Opostas…248 6.2. Do conflito à aliança: comunistas e nacionalistas nos anos 1950…253 6.3. Uma aproximação conflitiva: o caso brasileiro...265 6.4. As Razões do encontro...273 Considerações Finais...286 Bibliografia...302 6 Agradecimentos Agradeço em primeiro lugar ao Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) e à Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) pelas bolsas sem as quais esta pesquisa não teria sido possível. Aos funcionários do Departamento de Ciência Política da USP, em especial à Rai e ao Vasne, agradeço a paciência e à dedicação com que sempre me atenderam. A coordenação do Programa de Pós-graduação em Ciência Polítca da USP (PPG-CP), na figura dos professores Rogério Arantes e Rossana Rocha Reis, agradeço pelo apoio institucional do programa sempre que dele necessitei. Aos colegas da representação discente dos pós-graduandos em Ciência Política (2011/2012), em especial San e Roberta, agradeço pela rica experiência que compartilhamos. Aos colegas de orientação, Marcos, Christian, Leo, Camila e Flávia, sou grato pelas discussões em grupo, sempre estimulantes. A meu orientador, professor Bernardo Ricupero, agradeço pela combinação de rigor e liberdade que caracterizaram esses oito anos de convívio intelectual e pessoal. Ao professor Luís Carlos Bresser-Pereira agradeço pela generosidade com que me recebeu para uma instrutiva conversa sobre os temas desta pesquisa. Sou grato aos professores André Singer e Milton Lahuerta pelas críticas construtivas na banca de qualificação, as quais me auxiliaram a dar um rumo melhor ao trabalho. A Gil, professor aposentado e ledor voluntário que me acompanhou por quase uma década, agradeço pelas agradáveis horas nas quais saboreamos juntos a biografia do presidente João Goulart. A meus pais, Angela e Augusto, e à minha irmã, Beatriz, agradeço pelo apoio familiar que nunca me faltou e sei que nunca me faltará. Também sou grato a meu tio Sebastião e minha tia Maria Cecília, duas das mais importantes influências na escolha de minha vocação acadêmica. No meio da redação desta tese embarquei na maior e mais desafiante aventura de minha vida: tornei-me professor da Universidade Federal da Integração Latino- americana (UNILA) e mudei-me para Foz do Iguaçu, na tríplice fronteira. Ali conheci pessoas as quais ainda que não tenham contribuído diretamente para esta pesquisa, merecem ser lembradas. Aos amigos de primeira hora, Rodrigo e Mara, Bruno e Nadida, sou grato pela amizade e companheirismo irrestritos. A Fabrício e Aline, com 7 os quais infelizmente pude conviver pouco como colegas, agradeço pela rara afinidade de ideias e interesses. Ao Pró-reitor de Graduação, professor Marcos Xavier, agradeço pelo apoio dado a um Coordenador de curso tão inexperiente. A Renata e Tereza sou grato pela solidariedade nos momentos em que os solavancos da política universitária me faziam querer arrancar os cabelos. Ao diretor do Instituto Latino-americano de Economia, Sociedade e Política (ILAESP), professor Felix Pablo Friggeri, agradeço por ter compartilhado comigo o interesse comum por Mariátegui e por não ter hesitado em me apoiar na concessão do afastamento para conclusão da tese. Ao reitor da UNILA, professor Josué Modesto dos Passos Subrinho, e a todo(a)s membros do Conselho Universitário (CONSUN) agradeço pela licença que viabilizou o término da pesquisa. A Victoria e Hernán, sou grato por terem assumido minhas atribuições na Coordenação do Curso de Ciência Política e Sociologia e na Comissão Superior de Ensino (COSUEN). A todo(a)s servidore(a)s da UNILA pelo imprescindível apoio a um docente novato. Por fim, a meus alunos e alunas por terem me ensinado a ensinar. Há, no entanto, uma pessoa que, dentre as muitas à qual devo agradecer, merece especial destaque: minha esposa, Camila. Foi ela a maior incentivadora desta pesquisa desde o início, a ponto de ser dela quase co-autora. Muito mais do que uma esposa, Camila é para mim uma companheira de vida e de ideais. Por isso é a ela a quem dedico esta tese. Por fim, devo agradecer a alguém que não é nem uma pessoa, nem uma instituição, ainda que seja quase as duas coisas. Agradeço a Molly, uma labradora preta que me acompanha a seis anos, por emprestar sua visão a quem não a tem. Como manda a praxe, advirto que nenhuma das pessoas ou instituições aqui citadas têm qualquer responsabilidade pelas falhas desta tese, as quais são exclusivamente minhas.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Romanian Political Science Review Vol. XXI, No. 1 2021
    Romanian Political Science Review vol. XXI, no. 1 2021 The end of the Cold War, and the extinction of communism both as an ideology and a practice of government, not only have made possible an unparalleled experiment in building a democratic order in Central and Eastern Europe, but have opened up a most extraordinary intellectual opportunity: to understand, compare and eventually appraise what had previously been neither understandable nor comparable. Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review was established in the realization that the problems and concerns of both new and old democracies are beginning to converge. The journal fosters the work of the first generations of Romanian political scientists permeated by a sense of critical engagement with European and American intellectual and political traditions that inspired and explained the modern notions of democracy, pluralism, political liberty, individual freedom, and civil rights. Believing that ideas do matter, the Editors share a common commitment as intellectuals and scholars to try to shed light on the major political problems facing Romania, a country that has recently undergone unprecedented political and social changes. They think of Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review as a challenge and a mandate to be involved in scholarly issues of fundamental importance, related not only to the democratization of Romanian polity and politics, to the “great transformation” that is taking place in Central and Eastern Europe, but also to the make-over of the assumptions and prospects of their discipline. They hope to be joined in by those scholars in other countries who feel that the demise of communism calls for a new political science able to reassess the very foundations of democratic ideals and procedures.
    [Show full text]
  • The Moral Mappings of South and North ANNUAL of EUROPEAN and GLOBAL STUDIES ANNUAL of EUROPEAN and GLOBAL STUDIES
    The Moral Mappings of South and North ANNUAL OF EUROPEAN AND GLOBAL STUDIES ANNUAL OF EUROPEAN AND GLOBAL STUDIES Editors: Ireneusz Paweł Karolewski, Johann P. Arnason and Peter Wagner An annual collection of the best research on European and global themes, the Annual of European and Global Studies publishes issues with a specific focus, each addressing critical developments and controversies in the field. xxxxxx Peter Wagner xxxxxx The Moral Mappings of South and North Edited by Peter Wagner Edited by Peter Wagner Edited by Peter Cover image: xxxxx Cover design: www.paulsmithdesign.com ISBN: 978-1-4744-2324-3 edinburghuniversitypress.com 1 The Moral Mappings of South and North Annual of European and Global Studies An annual collection of the best research on European and global themes, the Annual of European and Global Studies publishes issues with a specific focus, each addressing critical developments and controversies in the field. Published volumes: Religion and Politics: European and Global Perspectives Edited by Johann P. Arnason and Ireneusz Paweł Karolewski African, American and European Trajectories of Modernity: Past Oppression, Future Justice? Edited by Peter Wagner Social Transformations and Revolutions: Reflections and Analyses Edited by Johann P. Arnason & Marek Hrubec www.edinburghuniversitypress.com/series/aegs Annual of European and Global Studies The Moral Mappings of South and North Edited by Peter Wagner Edinburgh University Press is one of the leading university presses in the UK. We publish academic books and journals in our selected subject areas across the humanities and social sciences, combining cutting-edge scholarship with high editorial and production values to produce academic works of lasting importance.
    [Show full text]
  • The New Left. 1968 and Post Scriptum La Nueva Izquierda
    Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales⎥ Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Nueva Época, Año LXIII, núm. 234 ⎥ septiembr-ediciembre de 2018 ⎥ pp. 85-98⎥ ISSN-2448-492X DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/fcpys.2448492xe.2018.234.65558 The New Left. 1968 and Post Scriptum La Nueva Izquierda. 1968 y post scriptum Michael Walzer∗ Recibido el 29 de junio de 2018 Aceptado el 15 de julio de 2018 INTRODUCTORY NOTE NOTA INTRODUCTORIA The author, a well know theorist and activist of El autor, teórico y activista del movimiento de the civil rights movement and the movement los derechos civiles y de los movimientos contra against the Vietnam War, published the first la guerra en Vietnam, publicó la primera parte part of this article in 1968. There, he analyses de este artículo en 1968. En él, analiza la emer- the emergence of the New Left in the United gencia de la Nueva Izquierda en Estados Unidos States –and its global connection– through the –y su conexión global– a partir de la estructura social structure, the actors’ class background social, la pertenencia de clase de los propios ac- and their cultural configuration to account for tores y su configuración cultural para dar cuenta the aspirations and limits that accompanied the de las aspiraciones y limitantes que acompaña- middle class youth that lead this movement. The ron a la juventud de clase media que encabezó dilemmas that emerged between the racial, eth- este movimiento. Los dilemas que emergieron nic, social and economic axes that defined the entre la configuración étnico-racial, social y actors framed the diverse social movements and económica de los actores enmarcados en el mo- throw light on the promises, scope and weak- vimiento por los derechos humanos arrojan luz nesses that characterized them.
    [Show full text]
  • An Appraisal of Ernest Gellner's Writings on Nationalism
    B.J.Pol.S. 27, 191–222 Copyright 1997 Cambridge University Press Printed in Great Britain On the Nature of Nationalism: An Appraisal of Ernest Gellner’s Writings on Nationalism BRENDAN O’LEARY* Ernest Gellner’s is the best-known modernist explanatory theory of nationalism. This article summarizes its expression and development before considering its strengths and weaknesses. Discussion centres on Gellner’s functionalist mode of explanation, the place of nationalism in his philosophy of history, the predictive and retrodictive nature of his theory, and the merits of his typology of nationalism. The apolitical character of his writings is emphasized: in particular, though Gellner established the connections between nationalism and egalitarianism in modern societies, he did not emphasize the mutually reinforcing relationships between nationalism, egalitarianism and democratization; moreover, his contempt for nationalist doctrines is not something liberals, socialists and conservatives need share. The theoretical problem is to separate the quite spurious ‘national’ and ‘natural’ justifications and explanations of nationalism, from the genuine, time- and context-bound roots of it. Ernest Gellner, Thought and Change, 1964, p. 151. Nationalism, the most potent principle of political legitimacy in the modem world, holds that the nation should be collectively and freely institutionally expressed, and ruled by its co-nationals. Recent events demonstrate nationalist movements retain the capacity to shake states and empires, as well as the pieties
    [Show full text]
  • Populism and Democratic Theory
    LS15CH04_Mansbridge ARjats.cls October 1, 2019 12:31 Annual Review of Law and Social Science Populism and Democratic Theory Jane Mansbridge1 and Stephen Macedo2 1Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138, USA 2Department of Politics, Princeton University, Princeton, New Jersey 08540, USA Annu. Rev. Law Soc. Sci. 2019. 15:59–77 Keywords The Annual Review of Law and Social Science is online populism, core-plus, antipluralism, leader, democratic theory, liberal at lawsocsci.annualreviews.org democracy https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-lawsocsci-101518- 042843 Abstract Copyright © 2019 by Annual Reviews. Commentators routinely describe “populism” as vague. Some argue that the All rights reserved early US populists, who coined the modern usage, were not populists. We Annu. Rev. Law. Soc. Sci. 2019.15:59-77. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by Princeton University Library on 02/25/20. For personal use only. This article is part of a special symposium on disagree and identify this common conceptual core: the “people” in a moral Populism and Law. For a list of other articles in this symposium, see https://www.annualreviews.org/ battle against “elites.” The core definition fits all cases of populism: those toc/lawsocsci/15/1 on the left and right, those in the United States, Europe, and elsewhere. In addition to this minimal common core, we identify strongly suggested and frequently correlated non-core characteristics. These include the people’s homogeneity and exclusivity, direct rule, and nationalism, as well as a single leader, vilification of vulnerable out-groups, and impatience with deliberation. The US Populist Party and Spain’s Podemos Party fit the core definition but have few of the other characteristics.
    [Show full text]
  • How to Cite Complete Issue More Information About This Article Journal's Homepage in Redalyc.Org Scientific Information System R
    Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales ISSN: 0185-1918 UNAM, Facultad de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, División de Estudios de Posgrado Walzer, Michael The New Left. 1968 and Post Scriptum Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales, vol. LXIII, no. 234, September-December, 2018, pp. 85-97 UNAM, Facultad de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, División de Estudios de Posgrado DOI: 10.22201/fcpys.2448492xe.2018.234.65558 Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=42159667005 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System Redalyc More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America and the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Project academic non-profit, developed under the open access initiative Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales⎥ Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Nueva Época, Año LXIII, núm. 234 ⎥ septiembr-ediciembre de 2018 ⎥ pp. 85-98⎥ ISSN-2448-492X DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/fcpys.2448492xe.2018.234.65558 The New Left. 1968 and Post Scriptum La Nueva Izquierda. 1968 y post scriptum Michael Walzer∗ Recibido el 29 de junio de 2018 Aceptado el 15 de julio de 2018 INTRODUCTORY NOTE NOTA INTRODUCTORIA The author, a well know theorist and activist of El autor, teórico y activista del movimiento de the civil rights movement and the movement los derechos civiles y de los movimientos contra against the Vietnam War, published the first la guerra en Vietnam, publicó la primera parte part of this article in 1968. There, he analyses
    [Show full text]
  • Between Marxism and Liberal Democracy: Romanian Agrarianism As an Economic Third Way
    Between Marxism and Liberal Democracy: Romanian Agrarianism as an Economic Third Way Angela Harre Discourses on the dissolution of an idyllic “old society”, which was said to stand in a radical contradiction to a “disastrous and chaotic” modernity, are not at all limited to Eastern Europe. Already during the second half of the 19th century these, discourses also started to dominate within Western eco- nomic philosophy discussions. Debates concerning “Englishness” versus industrialization in Great Britain, ruralization versus industrialization in Germany or – respectively – “ruralizzazione o industrializzazione” in fascist Italy during the 1920s1 all had to do with the human wish of living in a sta- ble, clearly arranged community and the imputation of an ever-changing, modern civilization. In the Balkan states these debates were stimulated by Russian philoso- phers belonging to the Slavophil and Narodnik schools. Especially agrarian socialist ideas spread to these countries in connection with the exile of hun- dreds of Russian revolutionaries after the murder of Tsar Alexander II in 1881, and with Stolipyn’s agrarian reforms in 1906, culminating after the last European peasant revolt in Romania in 1907. There were apparent dif- ferences between Eastern and Western European philosophical thinking. In Western Europe, these discourses were dominated by an enormous trust in the power of an infinite human knowledge, which resulted in an unlimited optimism of economic and scientific progress, lasting as late as during the interwar period. This optimism seems to have been limited to Western Europe. Many Ro- manians had a reaction of frustration instead. They dealt with economic af- fairs already during the second half of the 19th century.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia Booklet Part 2. Opposition to the Tsars
    Part 2. Opposition to the Tsars. You have a choice about how you do this – any is fine. Print out the booklet and write in the gaps Download a copy and type in the gaps Record your answers on paper (use the same headings in your work as the page/section you are working from.) Whichever you choose, just keep your work safe! Extra challenge questions are optional. THE OPPONENTS OF TSARDOM – GROWTH OF OPPOSTION This section is about the growth of organisations committed to change and improve life in Russia. Some wanted to overthrow the Tsars (revolutionaries) and some wanted to work with him to make life better (reformers). They are important because they contributed to the Russian Revolutions which took part in 1917. Look out for: Their beliefs (what sort of Russia did they want to replace the Tsarist system?) Their methods (would they use violence? Did they want a small or mass organisation?) Their successes (did they get many followers? Did they change anything) There were two main types of group who opposed Tsardom: 1. Revolutionaries (extremists) –believed Russia could not progress unless tsarist system destroyed. 2. Reformers (liberals) – strong critics of Tsarist regime, but believed it could be changed for better by reform from within 1. Revolutionaries (extremists) There were 3 different groups of revolutionaries: a) Populists b) Social Revolutionaries (SRs) c) Social Democrats (SDs) a) Populists (Narodniks) ORIGINS: 1870s. VIEW: Tsarist system is flawed and must end. Future is in the hand of the peasants – mass of population. Peasants must take lead in transforming Russia.
    [Show full text]
  • INFORMATION to USERS the Most Advanced Technology Has Been
    INFORMATION TO USERS The most advanced technology has been used to photo­ graph and reproduce this manuscript from the microfilm master. UMI films the original text directly from the copy submitted. Thus, some dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from a computer printer. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyrighted material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are re­ produced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each oversize page is available as one exposure on a standard 35 mm slide or as a 17" x 23" black and white photographic print for an additional charge. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. 35 mm slides or 6" X 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. WUMIAccessing the World's Information since 1938 300 North Zeeb Road. Ann Arbor. Ml 48106-1346 USA Order Number 8812239 Indian social movements: A case study in Cauca, Colombia, from a Marxist perspective Cortes, Pedro, Ph.D. The Ohio State University, 1988 UMI 300 N. Zeeb R i Ann Aibor, MI 48106 PLEASE NOTE: In all cases this material has been filmed in the best possible way from the available copy.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond Populism: from Scholarship to Politics in “New” Turkey
    Faculty of Social Sciences University of Helsinki Finland Beyond Populism: From Scholarship to Politics in “New” Turkey Halil Gürhanlı Doctoral Thesis To be presented for public examination with the permission of the Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Helsinki, in Room 107, Athena Building, on the 10th of September, 2020 at 13:00. 1 ISBN 978-951-51-6485-8 (paperback) ISBN 978-951-51-6486-5 (PDF) Unigrafia Helsinki 2020 2 Abstract Lately, it has become almost a cliché to label Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan as populist. Turkish democracy’s dramatic backsliding under his Justice and Development Party (AKP) government is often raised as a reminder of why all who believe in democracy should protect it against populism and populists in their own societies. But this was generally not the case until the summer of 2013 when millions took to the streets as part of the nationwide anti- government protests. The ruthless way in which the government suppressed the protests reminded his liberal-minded supporters at home and abroad of other populists with a similar authoritarian streak. Once promoted as the “Nelson Mandela of Turkey”, Erdoğan was turned into its “New Sultan” almost overnight. On the first level, this dissertation examines the epistemological and ontological roots of the mainstream narrative by asking: How could Erdoğan government so suddenly turn from beloved democrats into wretched populists? Operationalising a post-foundationalist theory of populism, this dissertation demonstrates that rather than undergoing an ideological metamorphosis, the AKP government was a consistently populist force from the beginning. Understanding populism as a fundamentally neutral rather than necessarily anti-democratic discourse whereby “the people” as the only legitimate yet presently powerless source of sovereignty is discursively constructed in antagonism with an illegitimately powerful elite, this dissertation firmly categorises the AKP as a populist party from the moment it first appeared on Turkish political stage in 2001.
    [Show full text]
  • Populism: a Shape-Shifting Ghost
    School of Journalism and Mass Communications Faculty of Economic and Political Sciences Populism: A Shape-Shifting Ghost BY Ilker Yaman A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF DIGITAL MEDIA, COMMUNICATION AND JOURNALISM Specialization: European Journalism Supervisor: Vasilis Vamvakas January 2019 1 CONTENTS ABSTRACT INTRODUCTION 4 CONCEPTUAL HISTORY 6 LITERATURE REVIEW 12 3.1 Literature Review on the Populist Party in the United States 12 3.2 Literature Review on the Narodnik Movement in Russia 19 THEORETICAL BACKGROUND 25 4.1 Civil Society 25 4.2 Hegemony 30 4.3 Intellectuals 34 4.4 Manipulative Discourses 40 CONCEPTUAL HISTORY OF POPULISM 51 5.1 The Origin of the Concept of Populism 51 5.1.1 The Conceptual Approach to Populism 54 5.2 Populism in the Interwar Period 72 5.3 The Beginning of the Pejoration 80 5.3.1 The Spectre Haunting the World: Populism? 85 5.4 Populism from Latin America To Europe 89 5.5 Populism from Big P Populism to small p Populism 92 5.6 Populism from Financial Crisis to Present 101 CONCLUSIONS 105 BIBLIOGRAPHY 2 ABSTRACT Of all “-isms” in the political science lexicon and in the journalistic discourse, populism easily distinguishes itself from others. We usually know what’s liberalism, socialism or feminism and we are able to identify who belongs to their ideological communities. However, when it comes to populism, confusion arises to pin down the concept. Neither scholarly consensus exist for the definition of populism, nor there is a common agreement on the ideological ingredients derived from the populist perspective.
    [Show full text]
  • The Discreet Charm of the Petty Bourgeoisie: Marx, Proudhon, and the Critique of Political Economy
    The Discreet Charm of the Petty Bourgeoisie: Marx, Proudhon, and the Critique of Political Economy by Ryan Breeden B.A., Simon Fraser University, 2018 Associate of Arts, Douglas College, 2016 Thesis SuBmitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences © Ryan Breeden 2020 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Fall 2020 Copyright in this work rests with the author. Please ensure that any reproduction or re-use is done in accordance with the relevant national copyright legislation. Declaration of Committee Name: Ryan Breeden Degree: Master of Arts Thesis title: The Discreet Charm of the Petty Bourgeoisie: Marx, Proudhon, and the Critique of Political Economy Committee: Chair: Thomas Kuehn Associate Professor, History Mark Leier Supervisor Professor, History Roxanne Panchasi Committee Member Associate Professor, History Stephen Collis Examiner Professor, English ii Abstract This thesis examines Marx and Engels’s concept of the petty Bourgeoisie and its application to the French socialist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. Rather than treating the concept as purely derogatory, I show that for Marx and Engels, the petty bourgeoisie was crucial in their Broader critique of political economy By emBodying the contradiction between capital and labour. Because of their structural position between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, the petty bourgeoisie are economically, politically, and socially pulled in two separate directions––identifying with either the owners of property, with propertyless workers, or with both simultaneously. This analysis is then extended by investigating Marx’s critique of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. I argue that for Marx, Proudhon was not wrong Because he was a memBer of the petty Bourgeoisie.
    [Show full text]