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II. Die Amerikanische Deutschlandkonzeption Und -Politik 1918-1919

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II. Die Amerikanische Deutschlandkonzeption Und -Politik 1918-1919 202 II. Die amerikanische Deutschlandkonzeption und -politik 1918-1919 10. Amerikanische Friedensziele. Neue Weltordnung und globale Sicherheit 10. 1. Kollektive Sicherheit statt Kräftegleichgewicht. Präsident Wilson und die amerikanischen Friedensziele in der Phase der Neutralität Die Vereinigten Staaten traten am 6. April 1917 unter Präsident Thomas Woodrow Wilson in den Ersten Weltkrieg ein. Wilson, bis 1910 Professor und Präsident der Princeton-Universität, danach Gouverneur im Staat New Jersey, war 1912 als demokra- tischer Kandidat zum US-Präsidenten gewählt worden.1 Rhetorisch hochbegabt, legte er während des Krieges mit Idealismus und Sendungsbewußtsein die Grundlagen für eine führende Rolle der USA in der Weltpolitik, schuf die politische und ideologische Vor- aussetzung für das "amerikanische Jahrhundert".2 In seinen Reden der Jahre 1916 und 1917 und in den sogenannten Fourteen Points, Four Principles und Five Particulars des Jahres 1918 entwarf Wilson sein Friedensziel einer freiheitlichen Friedensordnung glo- baler Reichweite. Wilsons Friedensplan bildete formal und inhaltlich die Grundlage und den Maßstab für die Anrufung der USA durch die deutsche Regierung am 3. Oktober 1918, mit Abstri- chen auch für die Friedensziele der Ententemächte sowie schließlich für die letzte Note der US-Regierung an Deutschland vom 5. November 1918. Diese nach dem amerikani- schen Außenminister benannte Lansing-Note, häufig als Vorwaffenstillstandsabkom- men ("pre-Armistice-agreement") bezeichnet, bahnte den Weg zum Waffenstillstand am 11. November 1918. Der amerikanische Präsident befand sich bis zum Kriegseintritt der USA als Staats- oberhaupt der mächtigsten neutralen Macht weitgehend in der Position eines Schieds- richters zwischen Alliierten und Mittelmächten, auch wenn seine Sympathien eher auf seiten Großbritanniens und Frankreichs lagen, die Washington mit Finanzhilfen unter- stützte.3 Aus seiner Position der Neutralität und Unabhängigkeit heraus entwickelte der Präsident die Grundzüge einer Neuordnung der internationalen Beziehungen, signali- sierte unmißverständlich den Anspruch seines Landes, eine solche Weltordnung füh- rend zu gestalten. Die Vereinigten Staaten schienen endgültig auch politisch ihren Part 1Vgl. K. Schwabe, Woodrow Wilson. Ein Staatsmann zwischen Puritanertum und Liberalismus, Göttin- gen, 1971, S. 13-27; A. S. Link, Woodrow Wilson, Vol. II. The New Freedom, Princeton 1956, S. 55 ff.. Zum Kriegsende vgl. Schulz, Revolutionen, S. 123 ff. 2J. Lukacs, Die Geschichte geht weiter, München 1992, S. 327; L. E. Ambrosius, Imperialism and Re- volution: Wilsonian Dilemmas, in: Confrontation and Cooperation, ed. by H.-J. Schröder, Providence 1993, S. 338. 3Schieder, Europa, S. 168, meint, die Sympathien Wilsons und der Amerikaner hätten insbesondere auf seiten Londons gelegen. Unter formeller Wahrung der Neutralität hätten die USA als "Arsenal der Alli- ierten" gedient (dies übrigens ein Anklang an die spätere Formulierung Roosevelts!). Ähnlich G.-H. Soutou, Die Kriegsziele des Deutschen Reiches, Großbritanniens und der Vereinigten Staaten während des Ersten Weltkrieges: ein Vergleich, in: W. Michalka (Hg.), Der Erste Weltkrieg, München 1994, S. 43. Fowler, S. 8, hält die "Anglo-American Cooperation in the First World War" für "an embrace of ne- cessity". Während diese Einwände nicht zu vernachlässigen sind, sollte man Wilsons grundlegend neuen Politikansatz doch herausheben. Zum Schiedsrichter ("arbiter", "mediator") R. Saunders, In Search of Woodrow Wilson. Beliefs and Behavior, Westport, 1998, S. 67 ff; vgl. auch Ambrosius, Wilson, S. 15- 33. 203 auf der Weltbühne spielen zu wollen.4 Begonnen hatte der Aufstieg der USA als wirt- schaftliche Weltmacht im späten 19. Jahrhundert. 1917 zählten das Industriepotential Amerikas und der Anteil der Vereinigten Staaten an der Weltproduktion bereits das zweieinhalbfache des deutschen. Trotz einer bereits aktiven Diplomatie der Präsidenten William McKinley und Theodore Roosevelt hatten die USA vor 1914 "nicht zum Sy- stem der großen Mächte" gehört.5 Wilson übermittelte in seiner selbsternannten Führungsposition für eine freiheitliche, freihändlerische Welt- und Friedensordnung am 18. Dezember 1916 eine Note an die kriegführenden Mächte und veranlaßte sie zur Klarstellung ihrer Kriegsziele, nachdem Deutschland und Österreich-Ungarn am 12. Dezember ein erstes offizielles Angebot zu Friedensverhandlungen unterbreitet hatten.6 Aus seinem Blickwinkel jenseits des At- lantik unterstellte Wilson den kriegführenden Parteien grundsätzlich gleiche Ziele. Wie der Präsident privat notierte, bedrohe nicht nur der deutsche Militarismus den Frieden der Welt, sondern auch die britische Kontrolle der Meere.7 Öffentlich betonte er, Ame- rika sei an einem künftigen Frieden ebenso vital interessiert wie die Europäer. Wilson präsentierte die USA als die Schutzmacht der neutralen Staaten und schwachen Völker, erhob sich selbstbewußt zu einem Anwalt der Menschheit. Während die Mittelmächte Deutschland und Österreich-Ungarn dem Präsidenten im Dezember 1916 nur unscharf antworteten - obwohl die Reichsregierung hinter den Ku- lissen Washingtons Bemühungen zu unterstützen schien -, legte sich die Entente am 10. Januar 1917 präziser auf ihre Bedingungen für einen Friedensschluß fest.8 Doch Wilsons Hoffnungen, eine Friedenskonferenz herbeizuführen, waren enttäuscht wor- den. In einer Rede an den Senat unternahm der Präsident dann am 22. Januar 1917 eine weitere Anstrengung, die den Einfluß der USA bei der Schaffung des künftigen Frie- dens sichern sollte.9 Wilson verortete die amerikanischen Friedenssziele nicht auf einer politisch-strategischen, sondern auf einer moralisch-prinzipiellen Ebene: "Mankind is now looking for freedom of life, not for equipoises of power".10 Wilson, mit großer Di- stanz auf Europa blickend, verurteilte die Machtpolitik des alten Kontinents, die in sei- nen Augen eine tabula rasa hinterlassen hatte. Obwohl er die "vital interests" der Verei- nigten Staaten bedroht sah, rückte er das nationale Interesse seines Landes rhetorisch 4Wiseman über ein Gespräch mit Wilson, 13. 7. 1917, abgedruckt in Fowler, S. 243-246, hier S. 246. 5Kennedy, Aufstieg. S. 368 ff., 410 f., 417 f., Zit. 377; vgl. Kissinger, Vernunft, S. 31-45. R. Fiebig-von Hase, The United States and Germany in the World Arena, in: Schröder (Ed.), Confrontation, S. 33-68, bes. S. 35-36, sieht die USA - ebenso wie Deutschland - bereits 1900 als Weltmacht mit globalen Interes- sen an. 6"Note to the Belligerent Governments", unterzeichnet von Lansing, 18. 12. 1916, PP IV, S. 402-405; LWP, S. 53-56. Soutou, Kriegsziele, S. 32, hält das Angebot der Mittelmächte vom 12. 12. 1918 für "ernsthafter als gemeinhin angenommen"; vgl. Soutou, L´Or, S. 383; Hildebrand, Reich, S. 353; Steglich, Bündnissicherung oder Verständigungsfrieden. Untersuchungen zu dem Friedensangebot der Mittel- mächte vom 12. Dezember 1916; Göttingen 1958; dagegen: Fischer: Griff, S. 369-397; R. R. Doerries, Imperial Challenge. Ambassador Count Bernstorff and German-American Relations, 1908-1917, Chapel Hill 1989, S. 192-210. 7"An Unpublished Prolegomenon to a Peace Note", ca. 25. 11. 1916, PW 40, S. 69-70. 8Der US-Botschafter in Frankreich, Sharp, an Außenminister, 10. 1. 1917, FRUS, 1917, suppl. 1, S. 6-8. Vgl. zu diesem Komplex Soutou, Kriegsziele, S. 28-53, und ausführlicher Soutou, L´Or; Ambrosius, Wilson, S. 26-28. Vgl. Teil 1, Kap. 2. 1. 9Saunders, S. 85-87. 10Rede Wilsons vom 22. 1. 1917, PW 40, S. 536. Vgl. auch Kissinger, Vernunft, S. 45. Zur Gleichge- wichtspolitik aus amerikanischer Sicht siehe Campbell, Balance, S. 58-65; auch E. H. Buehrig, Woodrow Wilson and the Balance of Power, Gloucester 1968. 204 nicht in den Vordergrund. Wilson entwickelte seinen weltweiten Missionsgedanken im behaupteten Interesse der "liberals and friends of humanity in every nation and of every program of liberty", "for the silent mass of mankind everywhere".11 Nicht zuletzt dürfte er dabei auf die öffentliche Meinung in den Ländern der Alliierten gezielt haben. Gegen das Gleichgewicht der Mächte ("balance of power", "equipoises of power") als Methode zwischenstaatlichen Interessenausgleichs stellte Wilson sein Konzept einer kooperativen Friedenssicherung. Nach mehrfachen Anregungen seitens der britischen Regierung hatte Wilson in enger Zusammenarbeit mit seinem Berater Colonel House 1915 und 1916 das Konzept einer kollektiven Sicherheit in Form eines Völkerbundes entwickelte, ohne indessen Einzelheiten auszuarbeiten.12 Solle der Frieden dauerhaft sein und die Zustimmung der Menschheit finden, erklärte der Präsident im Januar 1917 öffentlich, dürfe er nicht den "several interests and imme- diate aims of the nations engaged" dienen, sondern er müsse gesichert werden "by the organized major force of mankind". Wer eigentlich der Repräsentant der Menschheit war - ob die kriegführenden Mächte beispielsweise dazu gehörten - und worauf die projektierte organisierte Macht dieser Menschheit genau beruhen sollte, führte Wilson nicht näher aus. Doch forderte er wiederholt, auf den Friedensschluß müsse "some defi- nite concert of power", ein "international concert" folgen, welches eine Katastrophe wie den Weltkrieg zuverlässig verhindere. Daß dieses Mächtekonzert nach anderen Regeln spielen werde als nach denen des über- kommenen Kräftegleichgewichts, stand für den Präsidenten außer Frage. Wenn es le- diglich zu einem Ringen um ein neues Gleichgewicht der Kräfte komme, wer werde und könne denn dann, fragte Wilson eindringlich, ein "stable equilibrium of the new ar- rangement"
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