Joint Franco-German Declaration (Paris, 22 January 1963)

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Joint Franco-German Declaration (Paris, 22 January 1963) Caption: On 22 January 1963, on the occasion of the signing of the Élysée Treaty, the French President, Charles de Gaulle, and the German Chancellor, Konrad Adenauer, issue a joint statement highlighting the importance of Franco- German cooperation. Source: Western European Union Assembly-General Affairs Committee: A retrospective view of the political year in Europe 1963. March 1964. Paris: Western European Union Assembly-General Affairs Committee. Copyright: (c) WEU Secretariat General - Secrétariat Général UEO URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/joint_franco_german_declaration_paris_22_january_1963-en-5c771e9f-810d-426d-94ff- ee035b542a67.html Publication date: 20/10/2012 1 / 2 20/10/2012 Joint Declaration (Paris, 22 January 1963) The Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, Dr. Konrad Adenauer, and the President of the French Republic, General de Gaulle, At the close of the conference held in Paris on 21st and 22nd January 1963 and attended on the German side by the Federal Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Federal Minister of Defence and the Federal Minister for Family and Youth Affairs, and on the French side by the Prime Minister, the Foreign Minister, the Armed Forces Minister and the Minister of Education, Convinced that the reconciliation of the German people and the French people, ending a centuries-old rivalry, constitutes a historic event which profoundly transforms the relations between the two peoples, Conscious of the solidarity uniting the two peoples from the point of view of both their security and their economic and cultural development, Aware in particular that youth has recognised this solidarity and is called upon to play a decisive part in the consolidation of Franco-German friendship, Recognising that increased co-operation between the two countries constitutes an indispensable stage on the way to a united Europe, which is the aim of the two peoples : Have agreed to the organisation and principles of co-operation between the two States as set out in the treaty signed today. Done at Paris on 22nd January 1963 in duplicate in the German and French languages. The Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany Adenauer The President of the French Republic C. de Gaulle 2 / 2 20/10/2012.

Copy Link

Recommended publications

Bibliography
Bibliography I. Primary Sources A. Manuscript Collections and Government Archives Foreign Affairs Oral History Program (FAOHP), Georgetown University Washington, D.C. (copies also deposited at George C. Marshall Library) Everett Bellows (February 1989) David S. Brown (March 1989) Vincent V. Checchi (July 1990) Lincoln Gordon (January 1988) John J. Grady (August 1989) William Parks (November 1988) Melbourne Spector (December 1988) Joseph Toner (October 1989) Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. W. Averell Harriman Papers George C. Marshall Library, Lexington, Virginia Dowsley Clark Collection European Recovery Plan Commemoratives Collection William C. Foster Papers George C. Marshall Papers Marshall Plan Photograph Collection Forrest Pogue Interviews (Paul Hoffman and John McCloy) Harry B. Price Interviews (conducted 1952–54) ECA and OEEC Leland Barrows Richard M. Bissell Samuel Board Harlan Cleveland H. Van B. Cleveland John O. Coppock Glenn Craig D. A. Fitzgerald William C. Foster Theodore Geiger Lincoln Gordon W. Averell Harriman Carroll Hinman Paul Hoffman E. N. Holmgren John Lindeman Shaw Livermore Robert Marjolin Orbun V. Powell MacDonald Salter Melbourne Spector Harold Stein Donald C. Stone Allan Swim Samuel Van Hyning Greece (Americans) Michael H. B. Adler Leland Barrows Dowsley Clark John O. Coppock Helene Granby Joseph F. Heath Robert Hirschberg Paul A. Jenkins Brice M. Mace Lawrence B. Myers Walter E. Packard Paul R. Porter 163 Bibliography Greece (Americans—continued) Alan D. Strachan Edward A. Tenenbaum John O. Walker Greece (Greeks) Costa Hadjiagyras Constantin D. Tsatsos Italy (Americans) Vincent M. Barnett William E. Corfitzen Henry J. Costanzo Bartlett Harvey Thomas A. Lane Dominic J. Marcello Walter C. McAdoo Guido Nadzo Chauncey Parker Donald Simmons James Toughill Italy (Italians) Giovanni Malagodi Donato Menichella Ernesto Rossi Turkey (Americans) Clifton H.
[Show full text]
John F. Kennedy and Berlin Nicholas Labinski Marquette University
Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Master's Theses (2009 -) Dissertations, Theses, and Professional Projects Evolution of a President: John F. Kennedy and Berlin Nicholas Labinski Marquette University Recommended Citation Labinski, Nicholas, "Evolution of a President: John F. Kennedy and Berlin" (2011). Master's Theses (2009 -). Paper 104. http://epublications.marquette.edu/theses_open/104 EVOLUTION OF A PRESIDENT: JOHN F. KENNEDYAND BERLIN by Nicholas Labinski A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School, Marquette University, in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Milwaukee, Wisconsin August 2011 ABSTRACT EVOLUTION OF A PRESIDENT: JOHN F. KENNEDYAND BERLIN Nicholas Labinski Marquette University, 2011 This paper examines John F. Kennedy’s rhetoric concerning the Berlin Crisis (1961-1963). Three major speeches are analyzed: Kennedy’s Radio and Television Report to the American People on the Berlin Crisis , the Address at Rudolph Wilde Platz and the Address at the Free University. The study interrogates the rhetorical strategies implemented by Kennedy in confronting Khrushchev over the explosive situation in Berlin. The paper attempts to answer the following research questions: What is the historical context that helped frame the rhetorical situation Kennedy faced? What rhetorical strategies and tactics did Kennedy employ in these speeches? How might Kennedy's speeches extend our understanding of presidential public address? What is the impact of Kennedy's speeches on U.S. German relations and the development of U.S. and German Policy? What implications might these speeches have for the study and execution of presidential power and international diplomacy? Using a historical-rhetorical methodology that incorporates the historical circumstances surrounding the crisis into the analysis, this examination of Kennedy’s rhetoric reveals his evolution concerning Berlin and his Cold War strategy.
[Show full text]
Our History. Germany Since 1945
Our History. Germany since 1945 Guide through the exkhibition k k A Cordial Welcome to the Museum of Contemporary History of the Federal Republic p Our History. of Germany Germany since 1945 We invite you to tour the Permanent Exhibition – “Our History. Germany since 1945”. Spread over 4,000-plus square metres, it is a lively and up-to-date panorama of contemporary German history, with individual perspectives set in an inkternational context. It showcases original artefacts. There are many inter- active stations plus interviews with contemporary witnesses to escort you on your way from the end of the Second World War to the present. 1945 – 1949 Burden of the Past and Germany’s Division World War II, unleashed by Germany, ends with the surrender of the German armed forces on 8 May 1945. What remains is largely a traumatized and devastated country. The Allies occupy Germany and divide it into four zones. Many people are dead or missing; families are torn apart. The enormity of the Nazi crimes raises questions about accountability: Who knew, who shared the blame? But widespread public discussion doesn’t get started in Germany until the 1960s. The ravages of war and the country’s division have devastated the economy. Rationing is supposed to assure the distribution of basic supplies, but the black market is booming. In 1948 the deutschmark is introduced in the western zones, laying the groundwork for an economic upturn. The occupied zones grow apart politically and economically: In the west is born the Federal Republic of Germany, a parliamen - tary democracy; in the east the GDR, a coercive communist state modelled on the Soviet Union.
[Show full text]
More Than a Dream? Obama's Vision of A
LÄNDERBERICHT Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. USA OLIVER STUENKEL More than a dream? Juni 2009 Obama’s vision of a nuclear arms-free world www.kas.de www.kas.de/usa “Our age has stolen the fire from the plement his strategy? Most importantly, will Gods. Can we confine it to peaceful means it work? before it consumes us?” Henry Kissinger In fact, Mr. Obama's plan is not only timely, In Prague on April 5th, Barack Obama an- but also increasingly persuasive for main- nounced a drastic change in U.S. nuclear stream thinkers. Whether it will work, how- policy. It would be his goal to eliminate all ever, is another matter entirely. nuclear weapons, calling it “America’s moral responsibility” to eventually “get to zero”. OBAMA’S NUCLEAR PROBLEM His initiative received mixed reactions from President Obama's vision of a world without analysts around the world. On the one nuclear arms is not as revolutionary as it hand, optimists praised his efforts and may seem. Days after the first nuclear de- hailed Obama’s vision as a new beginning. vices were tested in New Mexico in 1945, On the other hand, pessimists called his several members of the Manhattan Project plan inadequate for a world as dangerous as formulated their desire to put the nuclear ever. genie back in the bottle. Every American President since Dwight Eisenhower has pro- The timing could not have been worse. Only claimed the objective of a world without nu- hours before the speech, North Korea’s Kim clear weapons. In 1986, Ronald Reagan and Jong Il had provided critics with ammunition Mikhail Gorbachev discussed eliminating nu- by launching a nuclear capable missile that clear weapons altogether during a meeting flew 3200 km, including over Japanese ter- in Reykjavik, causing outrage among ritory, before falling into the Pacific.
[Show full text]
'Kennedy at the Line in the Sand', from Süddeutsche Zeitung
‘Kennedy at the line in the sand’, from Süddeutsche Zeitung Caption: On 27 June 1963, commenting on the visit of US President, John F. Kennedy, to West Berlin the previous day, the German daily newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung considers the German question and the division of Berlin. Source: Süddeutsche Zeitung. Münchner Neueste Nachrichten aus Politik, Kultur, Wirtschaft und Sport. Hrsg. Dürrmeier, Hans ; Herausgeber Proebst, Hermann. 27.06.1963, Nr. 153; 19. Jg. München: Süddeutscher Verlag. "Kennedy am Kreidestrich", auteur:Schuster, Hans , p. 1; 2. Copyright: (c) Translation CVCE.EU by UNI.LU All rights of reproduction, of public communication, of adaptation, of distribution or of dissemination via Internet, internal network or any other means are strictly reserved in all countries. Consult the legal notice and the terms and conditions of use regarding this site. URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/kennedy_at_the_line_in_the_sand_from_suddeutsche_zeitu ng-en-2f8118c6-c6fe-4950-8531-00285d57dcb8.html Last updated: 06/07/2016 1/3 Kennedy at the line in the sand By Hans Schuster Millions of eyewitnesses from far and near will never forget the image: the President of the United States at the Wall which has become a symbol of sorrow throughout the world — opposite him the Brandenburg Gate, draped with red flags by nervous guards. The inherent qualities of the two worlds which abut one another here in the heart of Germany could not be demonstrated more clearly. On one side: confidence — newly won after many vicissitudes — in the moral and ultimately also political superiority of freedom; on the other: fear of the ungovernable freedom virus which, amongst other things, also has the ability to pass unchecked through prohibited zones, walls and barriers.
[Show full text]
GERMAN LANGUAGE GUIDE 1. KONRAD ADENAUER A. Dwight D
GERMAN LANGUAGE GUIDE 1. KONRAD ADENAUER A. Dwight D. Eisenhower’s Papers as President (Ann Whitman File), International Series, Boxes 14-16 Consists of some 30 file folders. Includes social and official correspondence between Eisenhower and Adenauer, background documentation surrounding Adenauer’s visit to the United States in 1960, and memos discussing issues of joint U.S.-FRG concern. Some of Adenauer’s letters are in German with State Department translations provided. The student can report to the class on German “diplomatic language” found in Adenauer’s letters and not normally learned in the classroom and can also describe important issues facing the United States and Federal Republic of Germany during this period. B. Papers of John Foster Dulles, General Correspondence and Memoranda Series Box 1, File Folder: “Memos of Conversations General A Through D (1).” Contains memoranda of Secretary Dulles’ conversations with Adenauer on various European matters. Box 2, File Folder: “Strictly Confidential - A-B (1).” This file includes letters exchanged between Adenauer and Dulles, including letters in German plus translations. These cover relations with the Soviet Union, Germany, and other matters and reflect the close relationship between Secretary Dulles and Chancellor Adenauer. C. Papers of Eleanor Lansing Dulles, Box 13, File Folders: “Adenauer Funeral (1)-(3).” These three folders include material on the state funeral for German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer, which Ms. Dulles attended. The folders contain some material in German, various schedules and itineraries of President Lyndon Johnson who attended, and newspaper clippings of the event. The student can report on religious terminology found in the funeral program and not normally studied in the classroom.
[Show full text]
The De Gaulle – Adenauer Couple and Franco-German Economic Relations During Their Time
ȾɉȿɃɓɈɃɅɈȻɇɃɈɈɉȾɀɉɆɉɁɅɃɚɎɈɃȽɀɋɌɃɍɀɍ “ɌȽ. ɃȽȻɈɋɃɆɌɅɃ”, ɍɩɧ 52, Ɍɝ. IV, ɐɮɧɛɨɣɭɛɫɨɣɣɬɭɩɪɛɨɬɥɣɨɛɮɥɣ, 2009 ANNUAL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINING AND GEOLOGY “ST. IVAN RILSKI”, Vol. 52, Part IV, Humanitarian sciences and Economics, 2009 THE DE GAULLE – ADENAUER COUPLE AND FRANCO-GERMAN ECONOMIC RELATIONS DURING THEIR TIME Ioana Panagoret “Valahia” University of Targoviste, Romania, e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT. General de Gaulle’s accession has marked the beginning of a new era in the Franco-German relationships and both de Gaulle and Adenauer wanted to institutionalise the idea of conciliation by means of a treaty which would be the basis of the politics of European integration. Contrary to the impressions the foreign press created, during his first visit to Colombey - les - deux – Eglises, de Gaulle succeeded to convince Adenauer regarding his devotion in reconciling the two nations, the economic union of the Six, as well as in associating England and other states onto the path of integration. The close collaboration between the two, as well as the mutual affinity did not startle since then, de Gaulle and Adenauer having in common a deep humanity, a natural noblesse of thinking and a great ability in surprising the main ideas and following some clear objectives. The relations between France and Germany shall be set forth from now on based on solid grounds and in an atmosphere which their history has never known. The Common Market was a strong stimulus of economical increase for both France and Germany, as well as for the economical cooperation between them. The period between 1958 – 1962 was marked by the doubling of the exchanges of the two countries with the C.E.E.
[Show full text]
Introduction
INTRODUCTION The accession of the Federal Republic of Germany to NATO was cause for great celebration in 1955. Extending the invitation to Germany to accede to the North Atlantic Treaty was a highly symbolic expression of the hopes and aspirations of the Alliance for a renewed vision of Euro-Atlantic peace and security amidst the heated backdrop of the Cold War. To mark the 60th anniversary of this historic accession, the NATO Archives is putting the spotlight on the formal documents and ceremonies that marked Germany’s integration into the Euro-Atlantic family. Archival photos originally taken during the invitation and accession ceremonies at the Ministerial Meetings in October 1954 and May 1955, respectively, have been selected and arranged to present a unique visual record of how the Alliance came together in a spectacular public display of unity to welcome their 15th member. The NATO Archives is particularly pleased to draw from its vaults the original signed protocol of accession for Germany, reproduced here in its entirety to serve as a documentary reminder of the long-lasting commitments made by all the signatories at this historic juncture. Special thanks go to the Office of Treaty Affairs at the U.S. Department of State for providing the excellent facsimile of the original instrument of accession by Germany to the North Atlantic Treaty. This rarely seen historical document, originally deposited in Washington DC on 6 May 1955 and now preserved in the archives of the State Department, is reproduced here with the kind permission of the German Delegation to NATO. I hope the images and documents presented in the following pages help to communicate the sense of excitement, majesty and magnitude that was associated with Germany’s formal accession to NATO.
[Show full text]
Heinrich Von Brentano (1904–1964). Im
420_83_86_Hacke 21.10.2004 15:17 Uhr Seite 83 Im Gedenken an den Heinrich von Brentano ersten Außenminister (1904–1964) der Bundesrepublik Deutschland Christian Hacke Im November 2004 jährt sich von Bren- beginnen mit seinem Aufstieg als hessi- tanos Todestag zum vierzigsten Mal. Es scher Landespolitiker. ist still um Heinrich von Brentano gewor- Sein frühes Wirken in der CDU stand den, den ersten Außenminister der noch ganz im Zeichen von christlichem Bundesrepublik Deutschland, der unter Sozialismus. Die damals „linke“ CDU in Bundeskanzler Konrad Adenauer von Hessen sympathisierte mit vielen Gedan- 1955 bis 1963 diente. Geleitet war er von ken von Adenauers Rivalen Jakob Kaiser, einem christlich-humanistischen Welt- dessen Ideen vom „christlichen Sozia- und Menschenbild und von der Idee vom lismus“ und von Deutschland als „Brücke Abendland Europa. So war es für ihn kon- zwischen Ost und West“ auch auf den sequent, dass nach dem Verlust deutscher jungen von Brentano als Parlamentarier Würde und nationaler Identität nach 1945 der ersten Stunde ihre Wirkung nicht ver- und im Zuge der Teilung Deutschlands, fehlten. Europas und der Welt im Zeichen des Doch unter dem Eindruck der macht- Kalten Krieges die Integration Europas politischen Realitäten in der geteilten zum „Knochengerüst deutscher Außen- Welt des Kalten Krieges und fasziniert politik“ wurde, wie er 1961 an Bundes- von Adenauers außenpolitischer Füh- kanzler Konrad Adenauer schrieb. Eu- rungskunst und außenpolitischer Weit- ropa wurde ihm zum Bezugspunkt einer sichtigkeit, wurde auch von Brentano ideellen Werte- und Schicksalsgemein- zum überzeugten Adenauerianer. Ade- schaft, entstanden aus dem griechisch-rö- nauer selbst konnte auf von Brentano mischen Erbe der Antike.
[Show full text]
AICGS Transatlantic Perspectives
AICGS Transatlantic Perspectives August 2009 Kulturpolitik versus Aussenpolitik in the Past Sixty Years By Frank Trommler When Willy Brandt, the West German foreign minister in the first grand coalition of the • How did German 1960s, engaged in the revamping of foreign policy—which culminated in the reversal auswärtige of the overt confrontation with the Warsaw Pact countries in the famed Ostpolitik in Kulturpolitik 1970—he included the cultural representation of the Federal Republic abroad, called develop? auswärtige Kulturpolitik or foreign cultural policy. There were many elements indeed that needed revamping, the most important being the funding and the overall concept • What is its role of pursuing an official German cultural presence in other countries. Increasing the today? funding became a matter of course during the cultural euphoria of the 1970s after the Bundestag received the report of the Enquete Commission for Foreign Cultural Policy, initiated by Berthold Martin on behalf of the CDU/CSU-Fraktion, and delivered in 1975. The much manipulated threat of losing out in the cultural war against the forceful appearance of the East German state on the international stage added sufficient pressure. However, revamping the overall concept of this policy against ingrained traditions within the Foreign Ministry and its cadre of mostly conservative diplomats was not a matter of course. Even after Brandt, as chancellor, and his team, most prominently Ralf Dahrendorf and Hildegard Hamm-Brücher, enhanced the standing of Kulturpolitik within Aussenpolitik by declaring it its “third pillar,” propagating new guiding principles (Leitlinien) of a less elitist and more open and anthropologically based concept of culture, it took many years and altercations with conservative politicians and diplomats before its representatives could be sure that it had taken hold.
[Show full text]
Adenauer, Marshall and Freedom in Europe
1 Nikolas R. Dörr Adenauer, Marshall and Freedom in Europe Speech for the George Marshall Society George-Marshall-Haus in the Konrad Adenauer School, Kriftel, June 6, 2013 Ladies and gentlemen, today is a good day to think about German-American relations. A few hours ago, during his state visit, U.S. President Barack Obama held a speech at the Brandenburg Gate and almost exactly fifty years ago – on 26 June 1963 – John F. Kennedy famously proclaimed „Ich bin ein Berliner“ in front of the Rathaus Schöneberg. „Adenauer, Marshall and Freedom in Europe“– It is a comprehensive topic. Konrad Adenauer and George C. Marshall were globally two of the most important politicians in the post-war period. Numerous publications have been brought out about both of them: monographs, anthologies, even illustrated books, to say nothing of the multitude of articles in scientific and journalistic media. In this talk, I will focus on the immediate post-war period, in which both politicians reached the peak of their prowess. You see Konrad Adenauer, first Federal German Chancellor from 1949 and leader of the CDU from 1950 to 1966, as Time magazine‘s „Man of the Year“ in 1953 with very nice symbolism in the background: showing a new tree growing, slowly but surely, from the old German oak shattered after the loss of the World War. This was seen to be, above all, economic growth. This evening‘s second protagonist is George Catlett Marshall, Chief of Staff of the U.S. army in the Second World War, politically independent Secretary of State between 1947 and 1949 as well as Secretary of Defense 1950 to 1951.
[Show full text]
Konrad Adenauer and the Cuban Missile Crisis: West German Documents
SECTION 5: Non-Communist Europe and Israel Konrad Adenauer and the Cuban Missile Crisis: West German Documents access agency, the exchange of mutual non-aggression declara- d. Note: Much like the other NATO allies of the United tions and the establishment of FRG-GDR technical commissions. States, West Germany was not involved in either the ori- Somehow the proposals leaked to the German press, leading gins or the resolution of the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis.1 Secretary of State Dean Rusk to protest the serious breach of confi- EBut, of course, nowhere in Europe was the immediate impact of dence. Hurt by the accusation, Adenauer withdrew his longstand- Khrushchev’s nuclear missile gamble felt more acutely than in ing confidante and ambassador to Washington, Wilhelm Grewe. Berlin. Ever since the Soviet premier’s November 1958 ultima- Relations went from cool to icy when the chancellor publicly dis- tum, designed to dislodge Western allied forces from the western tanced himself from Washington’s negotiation package at a press sectors of the former German Reich’s capital, Berlin had been the conference in May. By time the missile crisis erupted in October, focus of heightened East-West tensions. Following the building Adenauer’s trust in the United States had been severely shaken.4 of the Berlin Wall in August 1961 and the October stand-off The missile crisis spurred a momentary warming in the between Soviet and American tanks at the Checkpoint Charlie uneasy Adenauer-Kennedy relationship. Unlike other European crossing, a deceptive lull had settled over the city.2 allies, Adenauer backed Kennedy’s staunch attitude during the cri- Yet the Berlin question (centering around Western rights sis wholeheartedly, a fact that did not go unnoticed in Washington.
[Show full text]