CONTRIBUTIONS to the HISTORY of MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION. by J

202

VII. - CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE HISTORY OF MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION. By J. STRACHAN.

INa paper published in the Transactions of this Society for the year 1885, and afterwards reprinted with additions and corrections in Bezzenberger’s Beitrage, xi, 64-175, Dr. Whitley Stokes has discussed at length the Old Irish nominal declension from the comparative standpoint. Since then little has been done for the history of the noun; the efforts of Irish scholars have been devoted chiefly to the elucidation of the intricate verbal system. At the outset it was my aim to write a detailed account of Middle Irish inflexion, but lack of time has prevented the execution of this plan in its entirety. Last year I was compelled by pressure of other work to put off the paper, and now it has been necessary to choose between either deferring the paper indefinitely or submitting to the Society the results at which I have been able to arrive from the material already collected. Of these alternatives I have chosen the latter, in the hope that these results will be of interest to my fellowflorkers, and that others may be stimulated to correct by further inrestigations any errors into which I have fallen and to fill up the gaps that remain. Here I would like to urge the importance of a full account of the nominal idexion of the Modern Irish dialects; Middle Irish inflexion will be fully understood only when we know clearly not only that from which it started but also that to which it was tending. As my object was not to write the history of individual words, but to set forth generally the changes which Irish nominal inflexion has undergone, it seemed that this purpose could be best accomplished by a study of representative texts taken from MSS. of different ages. I must not be understood to say that these texts were all of them first composed about the time that the MS. was written;. many of them are possibly or certainly earlier. Only there was a tendency on the part of the Irish scribe to introduce into the MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSIOK-J. STRACHAN. 203 texts copied the forms with which he himself was familiar, so that if the tests are used with caution something may be learned of the language of the time at which the MS. was written. My chief texts are the following :-

I. Saltair na Rann (SR.). This poem was written towards the end of the tenth century. It is preserved, however, in a manuscript of the twelfth century. Consequently allowancp must be made for the possibility of scribal corruption. In verse, however, this can in part be controlled by attention to the assonances and rhymes which the rules of Irish verse composition demand. Allowance must be made also for the liberties which the Irish poet took with his language for the sake of the metre. 2. Texts from the Lebor na hUidre (LU.), a codex of the latter part of the eleventh century. Attention has been devoted almost entirely to texts which in their origin are undoubtedly Mid. Ir. :- Sex Btates Mundi (SAM.) pp. 1, 2, Fragment of Nennius (Nenn.) pp. 3, 4, Commentary on the Amra Coluimcille (CA.) pp. 5-14, DQ Broli Flatha Nime (DSBr.) pp. 17, 18, Pis Adamndn (FA.) pp. 27-31, Sckla LQiBritha (Sc.L.B.) pp. 31-34, Sckla na hEs6rge (Sc.E.) pp. 34-37, Aided Nathi (Aid. Nath.) pp. 38, 39, Aided Echach (Aid. Ech.) pp. 39-41, Fotha Catha Cnucha (FCC.) pp. 41, 42, Senchas na Relec (S.Re1.) pp. 50-52, Genemain Aeda She (GAS.) pp. 52, 53, Siaburcharpat Conculaind (SCC.) pp. 113-115, Comthoth L6egairi (CL.) pp. 117, 118. These texts probably belong to the tenth or eleventh centuries. Nennius belongs to the eleventh century, also GAS., and to the same century we may assign without hesitation CA., Sc.L.B., and probably most of the others. SCC., however, probably belongs to the early part of the tenth century.' The great Sagas of this codex in their origin date from an early period; in a less or greater degree they have undergone corruption and interpolation ; in a less or greater degree they are an admixture of old and new. In consequence they play a very small part in the present investigation. 3. Texts from the Book of Leinster (LL.), a twelfth-century codex. (a) Lebor GabQla (LG.), with the exception of the verse, pp. 1-26. This text seems to me to be earlier than the following. I should not put it later than the eleventh century.

See Eriu i, 159. 204 MIDDLE IRISH DECEENSION-J. BTRA~AN.

(6) Togail Tr6i (TT.), pp. 217-244. The references are to the lines of 8tokes’ edition, Calcutta, 1881. Some material has ale0 been taken from the Ferdiad episode of the Tiiin, pp. 81-88, a text which contains many late forms. 4. Texts from the Book of Ballymote (BB.), about 1400 A.D. (a) Nennius (Nenn.), pp. 203-211. The original belongs to the eleventh century. As we have seen above, a short fragment is found in LU. (6) The Story of the Bneid (an.), pp. 449-485. 5. Texts from the Lebor Brecc (LBr.), earlier than 1411 A.D. (a) Vision of MacConglinni (MC.),pp. 213-219. The references are to the pages of Meyer’s edition. (b) Passions and Homilies from the Leabhar Breacc, ed. Atkinson (PH.). The material given from this text has been taken from the glossary to Atkinson’s edition.

I have also consulted the Introduction to Stokes’ Lives of Saints from the Book of Lismore (LS.). Some material has also been got from the Annals of Ulster (Ann. Ul.), which, so far as its evidence goes, reflects fairly the changes in literary Irish from century to century. As I have already pointed out in Eriu i, 152, it must be borne in mind that the Mid.1r. which we have is a literary language of conservative tendencies. Hence, in seeking to determine the chronology of the various changes which the language has undergone, we should be especially on the outlook for the first appearances of the later forms which superseded the earlier, for ,when the new form makes its way into literature we may infer that the old was disappearing, or had disappeared, from the vulgar speech. Before we pass to the consideration of the Irish declensions in order, there are four points on which sbmething should be eaid, for the better understanding of what follows. These are (1) the palatalization of consonants, (2) the falling together of final vowel eounds originally distinct, (3) the decay of the neuter gender, (4) coincidence of cases. MIDDLE 1EISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAN. 205

PALATALIZATIOX.

A consonant is liable to be palatalized by a following palatal vowel. Two cases have to be distinguished.‘ (1) The vowel was afterwards lost. In this case palatalization is regular, e.g. maicc = Ogam magi, fdith from *@tis, cdill from %iG. If, however, the palatal vowel was preceded by the sound- group cht,’ then the palatalization did not reach through this group to the vowel of t,he preceding syllable ; e.g. -&stems in -achl like -dbinacht make the dat. and acc. sg. in -acht, in contrast with tziath, dat. and acc. tdaith. There is an apparent exception in gen. eg. ;andnom. pl. like hoicht from bocht ‘poor.‘s The probable explanation here is that we have only a grammatical or tho graph^,^ just as in Mod. Ir. it is the rule to write hoicht though that does not represent the actual sound. It is noteworthy that in MI. 27d 7, 36a 34, i is over the line. Note also the nom. pl. fornocht PBL. 50b 33, and the gen. sg. B-omafwnocht Ann. U1. 726. (2) The vowel was retained. Here the conditions are more complicated ; a preceding consonant is sometimes palatalized, sometimes it is not.4 Compare, on the one hand, O.Ir. duine, glaine, -kzinna, cailie, etc. ; on the other, Zdnae, dmae (later ladma), cndnaai, i108c86 (sosckla), tdarae (thartz), triche (trioha), dgas, kdde (trida), dubae, tengae (tenga), menrnae (menma), bilrae (6irla>,delbae (delba), .torbaa (torba), orbas (orh), lobrae (lobra), gorte (gortn), tigemae (tigmo), sercae, mescae, etc. In some instances such as langaa (lunga) gen. sg. of long, the change of o to u indicateb that the ,consonant must at one time have been palatal; the development

1 For my resent purpose I deal here only with final vowels. There was .a distinction afso with non-final vowels, e.g. dram from *&iml, but gen. dime, .orciwt., from ‘o~genci, but gen. oiwne. 2 In the Mod. Ir. of South Munster, according to Father O’Learv, Beop, voc. iii, the t is palatalized but not the preceding eh. He fia s : “ Tht? vocative of bocht is not Qhoicht. It is 6hocht with the ch broad and tie t slender.” Is not this the meaning of the peculiar spelling nooh$, TVb 1Ic 18? In Thes. Pal.- hib. it has been altered to mchtchenn, but now it seerus to me that we may have here a very interesting phonetic spelling, indicating that in 0.h. the t was palatalized‘but not the ch. 3 According to Pedersen, Idg. Anz. xi, 111, “diese Schreibung sc. borcht] ‘entsprach ganz gewiss der altirischen Aussprache . . . . cht leibt nur unmouilliert vor einem erhaltenen auslautenden vokale, nicht aber 6..yor einem geschwundenen vokale.” But how he explains forms like dbinaebt he does not indicate. Perhaps it might be said that palatalization took place only in an accented syllable. Against this, however, is recht ‘ seven.’ 4 For the cases in which the quality of the preceding consonant is determined by that of another consonant with which it has come into contact through the .loss of an intervening vowel, see Brugmann, Grundriss Iz, 245 89. 206 MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAN. of the final vowel shows that it was afterwards depalatalized- It would seem that the presence or absence of palatalization depends partly upon the nature of the preceding consonant or group of consonants, partly on the nature of the vowel of the preceding syllable. The precise conditions have yet tw be determined. In such an investigation it will have to be remembered that the regular development may be disturbed by analogy. Thus in Mid. Ir. for lunga we also find luinge, for delba (from delbae) deilbe, for Lima (from ldmae) ldime, for trumma, troimme. troime, formed anew from tronhm. Along with the coincidence in sound of final vowels this distinction produces divergences in Mid. Ir. in paradigms originally identical. Thus in &stems the gen. sg. splits up into -e and -a (now identical in sound with the gen. sg. of 4-and -u-stems), see p. 210 ; the +o-, -$.%4.erns break up into two classes, see p. 222 ; there is a similar divergence in the plural of 4-stems, see p. 225.

COINCIDENCEOF FINALVOWEL SOUNDS. In Mid. Ir. all final palatal vowels preceded by a palatal consonant became an obscure vowel B preceded by a palatal consonant,. e.g. ckle, ckli, cdliu all become k'd'a. In the same way -a, -ae, -a;, -u preceded by a non-palatal consonant became in. time -B preceded by a non-palatal consonant. The confusion of -a and -a8 is carried through earliest, next confusion of -ai with -a and -ae.I Confusion of -u and -a is later. In the O.Ir. glosses there are no certain instances; by 1000 A.D. confusion has set in, e.g. betha (: hretha) SR. 1216; in 3732 innarbu is written for the nom. to rhyme with d&. It is to be- noted, however, that in the acc. pl. of nominal -0-stems, and in the dat. sg. and acc. pl. of nominal 40-stems, in which the final vowel is preceded by a non-palatal consonant, -u persists far down into the Mid. Ir. period, see below, pp. 21 6,222,223.

DECAYOF THE NEUTERGENDER. A full account of the decay of the neuter gender in Irish would require a special investigation, based on much wider collections.

Cf. Rev. Celt, xx, 303-4; CZ. iv, 51, 477 sq. 2 The instances given in CZ. iv, 51, are either scribal errors or can be otherwise explained. Ciasa, msa are proclitics, and proclitics are snbjeot to special laws. For deglaima, eta, see below, p. 228. For arda see Eriu i, 4. The remaining solitary lttu may safely be put down as a scribal error. MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAK. 207 than those which I hare at my disposal; there are several points connected with it that only a detaiIed investigation could make clear. Here I must content myself with showing from my material that at least from the date of the Saltair na Ram-for the early tenth century I have unfortunately no reliable evidence -the neuter was in a state of decay. Perhaps what is given here may suggest to others lines on which further investigations could profitably be carried on. The subject may be divided into the following heads:-(a) Transposed n- in the nom. sg., (b) the inflexion of the article, (c) the concord of the adjective, (a) the concord of the pronoun.

(a) Transposed n- in the nom. eg. In SR. this is frequent':-an-nem ndabach n-airerda 112, in nem n-ama n-etherda 120, nern n-uace nern n-angel 635, muir i-dubtemen, mzrir n-daiged, muir m-bre'n 909, 910, 911, mdr i-delb 914, classchetal n-glan 221 1, tonngzrr h-dilenn 2230, mdr n-lrenn 2234, hi2ar n-adba 2473, mdr n-ergal 4673, ceGl i-grinngel ri-gli 5907, ceoE n-amra n-adamra 6064, cech n-scomnart 6552, cecil n-olc 6553, mdr n-arracht 7080, m6r n-ergal7081, mdr m-ban 7435, wgna n-imla'n 7440, teg n-amra n-aurnaigthi 7672. But without n-2:-in leth aili 275, glenn golmar 959, galar gtan 2025, teidm duairc 4157, gein airmitlzech dn 5369, cf. 5392, galar gkr 6229, air trdg diglach 6499. Sometimes n- is improperly added, e.g., mGr n-uaine 349, miLr n-dir 350, miw n-dermor 352, dia n-gne noebda n-adamFa 728, na cur- n-Lag 1108, cach 6-dZiil 2529, o sruth n-Eofrait 2663, sluag n-Egept 3674, gnirn n-irignad 4089, coica n-unga 4327, ccc n-unga 4340, mo cech n-ail 4451, 4513, coocur n-gle' 5575, coscur n-aili 5581, dro6g n-ingen Cong n-gilla 6279, ba ferr cecA ii-ddil 7125. The use of n- in ehevilles needs special mention. Here it would aeem as though it were regularly used irrespective of the gender of the preceding noun, for we find, not only e.g. buaid ri-gle 39, wim n-oll 139, and numerous other instances which it would be useless to enumerate, but also e.g. gnlm i-gann 3219, gnim n-gle' 3281, 3593, etc., gnim n-ingnad 4089, gnim n-ogdai 4227, 6dg m-buiden &bras 4813, caingen n-gU 5462, eliueht 6-gle 3052, and

1 Heremaybenoteddde~ttpjl-~l~adaia1985, dadtk-Qargen6309,cf.Eriui, 205. 2 Here allowance must be made for the possibility of scribal error. 208 XlII1)T.E lRISH DECLENSION-J. STEACKAH. there are numerous instances of the same kind. So with a copula form, e.g. ba gnim n-et@ 321 1, is gnim n-amaass 3602, ba gnlm n-dg 6965, ba gnim n-dahgen 7230. In chevilles some neuter nouns like btiaid, Crim, rCim are common, and from these the n- seems to have spread. For the eleventh century we have LO. From the later texts there I have noted mind n-aingel 12* 11 (the text of the Amra has mind n-axal), sil n-A'daim 28b 26, gnC na-6roin 31b 9, ekt ndas 338 40, ct!t n-ingm 338 40, Sliab n-Eblinde 398 29, a lleth n-ail1 40b 7, coiced n-Gali6in 518 17, but ainm aile lb 16, ann made (sic) llb 8, nuall golfadaoh 338 20, ude anma 33b 9, &em aile 50b 29, diced Olnecmaoht 51%17 ; with improper extension of n-, naeh s-dtiil 348 13, nach m-ball 35b 17 (gen. lzach m-baill 36b 13), nib(' nach a-imlzciire 35b 41, so 368 13 ; in an old text gabciil n-gaiscid2 628 34. These instances show clearly that in the elevdh century the old usage had broken down. It survived longest in place-names, e.g. Hi n-l'tha LL. 58 35, 128 26, Sid n-A'IZa 20b 12. From PH., Atkinson (p. 809) quotes only one or two instances of the neut.

(b) The Article. As to a n- in the nom. and acc. sg., the evidence indicates that by 1000 A.D. it had practically disappeared. In SR. I have noted only annem 112 (which may be a scribal error), a 1-16th n-aill5152, a m-bk 5974 ; the masc. and fem. forms are numerous. From LU.%I have a muir 114b 25 (in SCC.) and a 1-lathe 11P 37. Naso. and fem. forms are common; int &tach 38 19, int ingnad 38 35, irtt cienfocuZ6b 7 may be quoted as showing clearly the maw. form of the article. From LG. I have a cCtna 138 16, 20b 41 ; from TT., a l-ldcisin 1944. In a I-lathe, a Llcia we have obviously traditional phrases. In the gen. when the noun became fem. LIZ should be replaced by na. But here there is a remarkable persistence of ind. The usage, however, varies in different words. SR. no hesdirge 2208, 7700.

After the substantive verb there is the possibility of the influence of m'fX * The tame irregularity appears in YBL. 21b 42, so that it may be assigned to the original from which both copies came. 3 The decay of the neut. is further indicated by the fact that the neut. article in the old Sagas has often been changed, e.g. darin mag 60' 8, isilz n-drmag 608 11. YBL. has the same corruption, so that it may be put down to the original. MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAN. 209

LU. ind esirgi 35b 28, but na hesergi passim in the same text, in mara 3b 34,l lb6, 30b 3, 6, 378 18, in tire 27b 2, na hisi 34b 37. TT. in mara 19, eta, in tire 153, etc. En. in mara 450b 44, 451b 19, 4638 13, 465" 37, 471b 21, in tire 4668 17. PH. in ecnai, in mara, in tire, ind imdibe and na himdibe, in ingreime and na hingrema, na gene.

(c) Concord of the Aaective. As in the genitive of the article, there is here variation. SR. aithesc n-uag 4429, but aithiusc imnair 4792, scnai iml& (g.) 7038, cf. 3810, 7058, fo gairm glain 1487, gnk gaind 7577, i ri-glinn losaphat imgann 2006, do land glan 5360, Hwa Romuir 3987, mwa maill 4003, do dluir Xomor 4050, but do Huir Romuir 7332, for in linmuir n-allmcir 2566, Huir romra Ruad 3982, Xu& Romuir Ruad 4021, nimi ndir 6161, cf. 7560, nem noithech 13, connem n-allglan 1656, fo nim noebndr 782, do nim glass 4107,. tir n-urn n-ainbtech 4681, mdrthir mainbthech 4701, dia tir trebach 4823, cosin tir saer suthach slan 4827, la si1 suilig 5134. LU. trisim re' cian 138 9, ri muir Romair 17b 13, muir medrach mend 40" 13. TT. resin dirim n-dlziith n-delganaig 1575, goin adbail 1482, in mara glasguirm gablanaioh 1407, 80 1439, for muir tciidlig 989, for muir tondgarazjr 1239, 1372, ar muir trCin tromanbthenaig Torrian oms ar ferand forglas firdomain ocus ar tir la-ettrigig n-indsig n-ailenaig 535, tir trebrngiain 533, 1441. En. fri re een 457b 38, but fri re cian 46Zb 31, in tir felltaeh 44gb 40. YC. isin Zeith iarthrdescertaig, 55. In PH. I have notea fri rk m-bec by fri re m-bicc; I have no further collections. But some other instances may be added from LBr. : a lethi deis 110' 38, isin leth descwtach 125b 3, isin leth dsscertmg 1258 50, dicara Rraid 1198 3, 119b 12, conice Muir Mairb 125b 15, do nim nklkoluis 1228 44, tir n-amnais 12OU4, tir n-aird torthig, etc., 122b 24. From the above it is apparent that the old concord survived longest in the genitive. 210 MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAN.

(a) Concord of the Pronoun. Note e.g. is k1 a ainm SR. 6415, similarly LU. 32b 18, 36, BB. 203" 43, bid fie's6 mo dhn LU. 3b 8, is6 bde 36b 26, is e nt .doroine BB. 4578 20, so 46Sb 21, 31, 479b 31, is e aithesc dorat 4508 3, iei in muir SR. 287, isi in cktesirgi LU. 36b 33, issi cktna 'tir 278 37 (but ise' cetna tir 2gb 27), cissi kfg TT. 156, isi gne robai BB. 4548 19, isi do Zeath coir 46gb 38, isi fregra 462b 37, 44 (but ise fregra 46gb 20 et saepe).

COINCIDENCEOF CASES. In course of time the nominative and accusative cases fell together completely. Instances of, the beginnings of that will be fomd below. Connected therewith is the replacing of the accusative by the dative after prepositions ; see below, pp, 243 sq. In -0-stems the dat. sg. gradually fell together with the nom. In the dual the cases fell together into a single form, pp. 239 sq. We come now to an examination of the principal changes which ,the nominal inflexion underwent in Mid. Ir. For the most part the various classes of O.Ir. nominal stems are treated in order; some developments, however, which are common to more than one class of stems, have, to avoid useless iteration, been taken together.

Stems in -Z-. GENITIVE SINGULAR. As we have seen above (p. 205 sq.), according to regular phonetic development the gen. sg. ;would in Mid. Ir. split up into -6 (-i) and -a, according as the preceding consonant was palatal or non- palatal. A large class of nouns forming their genitive in -a is made up of nouns in -cht, e.g. imthecht, imthechta. Further examples are:-anciZa ( : grdda) SR. 2108, cuiga (: cummar] 5764, deEba

But e is also found before an old fern., e.g. is8 hdan-arimjtrchert du 8.3 #@scat SR. 558, but bid hi a n-arim firchert 51, cf. 752, isse in met sain 135, but his6 meit 298; ba hP mPit TT. 1875, ba he' trumina 748, iae huaisli BB. 461b 10. Here the e seems to represent an old neut. ed, cf. ni hed a n-airim SR. 737, is8 ed ind drim sescat 756, datha nafi8c . . hed nobid 2963, da arrig &c . . . hLd robdtar ic Solmain 7009, ba id sin a dt LU. 114b 2, ba 8ed a n-ernail LL. 95a 22, bfi 8ed a n-anmand LL. 298a 43. In O.Ir. we may compare the phrases ni hed a me'it and ised a eret. I have not worked out the problem of the concord of the pronoun, and till that has been done it will not be clear always whether e'before an original neuter in Mid. Ir. represents an original d or an original ed. MIDDLE IRISH DECLESSIOX-J. STEACHAN. 221

LU. 478 39, TT. 889, 1017, gabdla LU. 114" 22, 23, Zdma' 8R. 2851 (: ddna), LL. 98 32, PH., Zunga LL. 2b 27, 28, aeZga BB. 456b 42, 468%11, MC. 7. But after the analogy of nouns in which the ending was preceded by a palatal consonant -e may be restored in the gen., e.g. cuinge XC. 57, deilbi SR. 1794, deilbe LU. 35%17, Zdime PIT., luinge LU. 27a 6, TT. 35, 118, 396.

NOMINATIVEAND ACCUSATITESINGULAR. In Mod. Ir. the two cases have fallen together; either the nom, has replaced the acc. or the acc. has replaced the nom. Here I have no extensive collections of examples, so I must be content to give some that I hare noted from earlier texts? SR., acc. as nom. :-airim 737, 2775, drim 744 (:gairib), 752, 756 (:gairim), 5613, airc 5405, 5410, etc. (but arcc 5421), brdic 1344, reir 3504 (: fein). Nom. as ace.:-adropart . . . edpart wag 2617, cf. 5501, &a tarat Diaprimrann 2661, denam fri Dia comthcbal (: Erir) 2742, Agni mo chumtubart (: rommalt) 2888, dinaid . . . arc0 4301, tucaat . . . ind arc 5457, thuc in narc 5505, dofucsat . . . cloch mor (: Zdr> 5041, rogellai . . . a ingen 5837, d&m (: &a) 6959, roheirn ddl(: dr) 7225, doraiga . . . indjeac 7501. From LU. I have a few instances:-Nom. nadrddil 58 2, drim 38b 18, 398 13, cretim 50b 21, gkais 628 17 ; acc. muinter 158 41, delb 28a 26, breth 528 33, cicben 748 31. From Lg., TT., and Nenn. I have not collected instances. Bn., nom. : aimair 456b 24, 25, coimling 459b 34, combdig 459b 47, conair 463" 34, 484a 30, foirinn 452" 37, 30, 464b 28, 29, ingin 449b 20, Zasair 465b 25 (but Zaaw 465b 29), luing 463b 28, saint 462b 47, 4728 17. Acc. : ben 455% 34, bondaidere 468& 20, celg 453b 34, oiall 456b 1, 45ab 19, cos 483" 8, delb 453a 24, 4548 22, 455b 45, 467b 39 (dealb), foireand 470" 23, in.qen 465b 37, 4678 18, 31, 467b11. 30, Zdm 450b 7, 20, long 45Ib 32, 4608 6, 7, 462b 19, Zoinges 467b 47, muinter 458%22. From PH. instances of the nom. are:-cmrair, conair, deircc (by dearce), fisuir, g&aia, lubais, saint (once aunt), tegdaia, toil (by

1 In the glossary to his BBOP,Father O'Leary gives lrimha aa the gen. of Idmh. The dictionaries give Mimhe. 2 Already in O.Ir. there is a tendency in verbal nouns to replace the nom. by the dat., cf. CZ. iv, 70. Such nouns have therefore been omitted. 212 MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAN.

tol). Instances of the acc. are :-ben (by mnciz), Lrkicc (by brio), both (by areith), dslb (by deilb), kss (by dei8s), digal (by digail), +en (by Jckn), ferg (by feirg), grh (by grhin), ires (by iris), pfan (bypkin), to1 (by toil), thath (by thaith).

CHANGEos DECLENSION. In Mid. Ir. cretem becomes masc. and passes into the -0-declension, see PH. In 0.k Xdil followed by the gen. is frequent in proper names, e.g. dliil cciich, dldil patricc, etc. The gen. is Mciile, e.g. Bail6 mbracho Ann. U1. 621, Mdile dhin Ann. U1. 669. Afterwards Xdile is replaced by Xiil or dla'el (aspirating, cf. Ann. U1. 871, 876, 880, 893, 1012, 1019, 1021). This Xiil is identical with maid f. a short-cropped head of hair.' It is curious that it does not aspirate in the nom., but applied to persons it probably came to be felt as masc.' Class (from Lat. classis) SR. 597, 705, etc., makes g. clasav SR. 492, 4532 (= claisse M1. 107b 3)) n. pl. clussi SR. 495, but classa PH., claasai LB. 238. In Oh. the ace. pl. is classa Thes, Pal.-hib. ii, 46.2 In 0.Ir. a few nouns vary in the sing. between -&stems and -n-stems; in the plural, so far as they occur, they follow the -+declension. Such are bendacht (from Lat. benedictio), maldmht (from Lat. maledictio), further dhthracht, g. dhtkaclrtan M1.558 17, and fortacht (but the simple techt follows the -ti - declension). In Mid. Ir. to the oblique -n-cases is formed a nom. bendachtu. 0.h. persan (pl. persin) develops a nom. like an +-stem pwao or psrau LU. 5s 6, 31b 43, PH., almean, almsine becomes alms%, ahnaains, and almsan, comrorcon, g. comroirme, develops a nom. oomrorct4, dethiden becomes dethitiu, dsthidiu. In the sg. (except the old acc.) rhn f. resembled the neut. +atem gZh. Hence in Xid. Ir. it inflects in the plural like gZhn, e.g. rihi LU. 3ijb 29, rCne 11' 44 (but rhna Ilb 6), rbinib SR. 9, 2018 (by rhnaib 221, 531, 3368, g. pl. rhn SR. 325).

1 That in these proper names Ndel was originally fem. appears clearly from instances in which it is followed, not by the gen. of a noun, but by an adj. Thus Maelodhw Ann. 01. 819 makes the gen. hfaeleodras Ann. Ul. 692, 693. But when Hi& becomes Hdil we have the gen. Maekcidhir Ann. 111. 640, Maelduibh 626, etc. 2 In MI. 116d 2 classe is a gloss on ehwoape ducentibus. Is it gen. sg. with the construction of the Irish verbal noun ? MlDDLE IHISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAN. 213

stelm in -0-. DATIVESmctnlaa. In the dat. sg. the lost find u produced certain changes in the mcdisrn of the preceding syllable,' In Mod. Ir. the dat. has fallen together with the nom. The old vowel changes survived long into the Mid. Ir. period, a8 will be apparent from the following lists. SR. As the MS. is considerably later than the date of composition of the text, only instances are given in which the vocalism is supported by the rhyme. (a) adbur ( : adhbul) 22, ingnud ( : dindchw) 336, sosd ( :foaeud) 568, torud ( : rogud) 620, drung ( : umm) 856, immud (: oinniud) 968, curp ( : inttiucht) 1154, utco ( : intlkwht) 1243, cT(Ml?tn( : ubull) 1254, 1261, mud ( : sargud) 1545, mud ( : thw) 1684, wialuch (: aruth) 1638, mud (: cumacugud) 1667, curp (: coemcucht) 2102, hung (: ornamsntum) 2148, fit (: cucht) 2640, bkud (: diud) 3088, ( : ruth) 3108, cumriuch ( : ruth) 3286, 6koh ( : canrtzcoh) 3428, fut ( : cucht) 4220, argotl ( : kcfit) 4245, Ihrthur (: mth) 4256, dligud ( : inud) 4448, dwizbch ( : sinid) 5171, huhg (: Brum) 5217, crcisatuch (: 1deschur) 5724, hhg (: srn) 5762, &u+ (: sunn) 6139, in&iud (: tindmd) 6771, 7086, amgul( : dul) 7240, &wig (: Caldeorum) 7304. (p) cetadbw (: blahar) 30, corp (: Zocht) 1218, 1544, erchot (: &on) 1873, 88%. (MS. sin : fer) 2435, sckl (: Iarah.2) 4113, pimthdiaech ( : -coimaed) 5388, dilgsn ( : airden) 5612, iwed (: roindZed) 5736, lkn (: IarahkZ) 5773, taircbl (: set?) 5798, oontohlaidbed (: daigrech) 5888, nkt ( : Iarahkt) 5897, nkl ( : trkn) 7418. LC? Texta. Kenn. : (a)fohch 3' 3, fainiul4' 16, fsrund 4" 7, 25, inbiw 4b 6, lus 48 16. CA.: (a) oind 5b 16, cenkot 5b 24, oktul 13" 16, olereoch 5b 11, dd148 30, deriuicd 6" 35, 7b 3, 4, dornuch 12b 18, fi 7' 12, in4 6b 5, mud 6b 7, runn 6b 5, 8, 7" 22, richaud 128 22, aaltund 13' 32, sathumd 12b 17, tosuch 6&34, 7b 3, llb38. (/3) oetal 14" 33, condelg 88 32.

For O.Ir. examples see GC.2 284. The 0.11. conditions nda more thorough investi ation ; note such cases as ga2ar Wb. 23d 11, MI. 61' 37, forcital Ml. 49. 6, coy h.Ila 7, 12. 12, and the like. Phil. Trans. 1905. 15 214 MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSTON-J. STRACHAN.

DLBBr. : (a) crund 178 1, ktun 188 14. FA. : (a) ainciud (leg. aicniud) 298 40, airiucht 27b 1, aireocht 27b 21, biud 28b 15, curp 278 31, crund 31b 2, cumriuch 308 21, cumtuch 28b 5, fqiull 2Bb 18, gurm 28' 37, airthur 27b 1, inornuti! 29%26, ur 29b 33; urd 27b 7, purt 308 18. Sc.L.B. : (a) curp 3sb 9, cuniriuch 32" 18, 24, 38, diabul 328 35, 33b 6, fqiull 32b 1, 3, 9, galwr 32a 18, 24, 38, muineod 338 39, Sa?9U132b 47, tosuch 348 6. (a)aslmh 33b 4, fulang 33b 1. Sc.E. : (a) adbur 35b 3, adnacul 34b 18, aimiud 34b 45, condiulg 37b 7, curp 35b 5, aiigud 358 3, fugiuu 34b 14, fuiniud 348 44, in& 34b 21, Zibur 35" 13, mud 36" 17, tairchetul35" 13. (p) adbar 358 4, 11, dilee 378 3. Aid. Nath. : (a) libur 39" 18, 19, 6enuch 38b 12, 16, 20, 24, etc. Aid, Ech.: (a) niriucht 41" 25, bekch 39" 38, brut 41" 20, curuch 40b 39, ethur 418 16, ferund 39b 8, 418 33, tairchetul 3gb 29. Remarkable is fawud 40b 24 = 03.arrad. (p) inad 39b 37. SCC. : (a) argut 114b 23, carput 1138 12, 30, 31, 113b 2, cind 114b 27, curp 114b 28, ktuch 1158 17, wriud 115" 17, ifurn 114b 42, mkor 114b 36, mulluch 113b 16,purt 114b 30. (p) Ctan 113b 16, immd 114b 31. CL.: (a) armgasciud llBb 39, clud llBb 40, curp llBb 4. (a) Dubthach 1188 36. LL. Texts.

LG). : (a) cind 98 38, etc., cenggul 20b 44, akolorund 13. 51, fut 3' 25, forud 9" 47, inbiur 5" 8, 9, meor 9" 32, mulluch Ilb51, niurt 20b 43, nirt 23" 8, oenuch 20" 31, Umiuch 208 48. (p) eeolorand 14b 15. TT.: (a) adnaczcl 2140, airiur 205, 545, 1159, 1644, airthiur 301, 464, 633, 1562, anacul 1260, 1647, argut 39, attuch 475, 1947, brdt 1039, cind 643, 2034, claidiub 346, comruc 1697, cwuch 12, 37, hriud 697, deaciurt 101, 338, dilgiund 505, domzcn 145, 691, domn 1740, dknud 1113 (by dhnaid llll), ecur 135, ktuch 1036, ferund 785, 936, 1254, Jidnemiud 733, foluch 2063, forciund 1082, forniurt 457, funiud 504, gaisciud 261, 633, iarthur 202, 301, 496, 1563, idud 1222, @urn 460, 1808, imniud 1101, inbiur 243, 392, inriud 505, 576, 836, inud 346, 831, iurn 40, nkt 212, 257, 430, oenur 2076, 2081, ulc 1270, ur 1014, pwrt 376, 1088, etc., scdol 215, 544, 1589, don 1237, signijur 1096, tarrurig 1513, tegluch MIDDLE lRISH DECtENSION-J. STEACHAN. 215

52, temyoll 74, tempul 1224, timthuch 1035, toIuch 59, tossuch 1077, tuarustul792, tuasciurt 101, 434, 493, 1126, tuisiuch 913. (p) aslach 57, cenel 44, comrac 1512, 1513, doman 60, fot 93, idred 1253, lohgphort 1907, s6sar 18, timchell 730, 731.

Texts from the Book of Ballymote.' xu.': (a) airgit 466b 43, athusg 463b 42, cind 467' 37, 472b 26, 473a 17, tend 465b 40, CUT 481" 20, etc., crunn 453b 35, 484" 39, 484b 14, domun 452b 8, 464" 17, duil2ebur 463" 24, dunud 464b 9, aoch 453b 37, 480b 29, 38, jir 465b 38, 41, 466b 35, feor 4528 21, fogup 46ib 43, joiuch 453b 21, 35, foraui 46~19, 468" 42, iarunn 4638 6, inud 455b 45, 463' 4, lug 463' 42, lurg 455b 39, 483s 41, meor 472' 36, nirt 469' 8, oenur 4638 29, 4608 26, ur 44gb 10, pwt 450b 16, 463b 10, ruse 461b 42, saethur 452b 39, sceol 463a 10, 465" 19, tempull 450s 39. (/3) armpiseed 461b 18, atach 450b 18, 455b 4, 4628 9, 46Zb 18, 4638 16, Iunad 459' 1, cend 4658 4, Gene14538 13, 476b 14, 47gb 26, cengal 461a 47, comrac 452' 2, ccencomrac 450b 5, cor 481" 14, 483' 7, crand 463" 26, 484s 39, 41, cumdach 457" 35, 45P 1, dunad 464b 20, ech 454b 10, 12, 14, 480b 32, faslach 460b 41, folt 473s 39, fat 453b 11, fulang 455" 7, qern 464a 3, 464b 20, inad 456b 47, 460b 10, 464a 12, 15, mu8ach 461" 18, 464b 7,pof-t452'20, saegal 4648 21, saethar 462h 6, see2 457" 19, ta~rmesc460b 11, 465b 16, timclll 464b 4. In words of more than one syllable, of which the final syllable is short, the change map be explained from the falling together in sound of unaccented short vowels. Thus u fell together with a, iu with e. We may see this confusion where the same text is preserved in two MSS. of different dates, e.g. carput LU. 5Bb 8 = carpad YBL., ferund LU. 60" 43 = ferand YBL., gaisciud LU. 60s 17 =gaisced YBL. In monosyllables like wunn, purt, and in disyllables with a final long syllable like cenedl, the explanation mill be different. When once in a large number of nouns the nominative and the dative had fallen together phonetically, there would be a tendency to give up the distinction in other cases too, and this tendency led gradually to the replacing of the dative by the nominative (and accusative) form throughout.

1 From Nenn. I have noted niwt 2098 8, ttdhnucul 203a 11, dtcnadh 209b 16, ferunn 20gb 26 ; but this list is probably very incomplete. 2 Forms of more than one syllable (except those with d in the find syllable) have been noted only to the end of p. 465. 216 MIDDLE lRISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAN.

NOXINATIVEPLUBAL MASCULIXE. The Old Irish pluralfir, etc., remains the normal form. Rarely the acc. form replaces the nom. :--SR. droichte' 476 (by aurdrochai€ 465), LU. ndeem6gu 27b 23, drongu (v.) 40" 10, TT. drochti 1675, elaidbi2 1717, rigthhsechu 1849, MC. mru p. 55. In Mod. Ir. dialects the acc. form sometimes replaces the nom. ; Dottin gives from Arm jiacha and leaJhra, from Galway foela and ~liabha.~

ACCUSATIVEPLURAL MASCULINE. In older Mid. Ir. -u remains the normal form, in later Mid. Ir. -a becomes frequent. In SR. I have noted -a only in the phrase fwa AZa (: &ha) 3560. From LU. I have no examples of -a. Nor have I any from LG. In TT. droiga 290, 1733 is no real exception, for in Mid. Ir. &ow becomes fern.* In Xn., however, we have tmba 451b 22, sluaga 452" 37, 463b 9, by numerous occurrences of -u, in NC. runda (ter) 17, cura 47, Beola 105, by -u forms. In Mod. Ir. the acc. form has generally been replaced by the nom. In later Mid. Ir. there are many examples of this. From LU.5I have noted only can a n-uilc do digail 4Ia 29, amsaig 42a 22.6 In LL. the new form becomes more common, e.g. TT. fir 442, mhir 33, serrcind 1340; further, from the later portion of the Thin, eich 82b 34, 42, 95b 9, 100b 9, airm 84b 28, 85a 27, 85b 40,

1 But I have no evidence of the original gender. * So BB. 472a 20, LL. 90" 7, 32, 990 22, lOOa 42. 3 As to Qclaeha TT. 916, 100, the g.8. is na dcbige LL. 978 43, but ind Qclaig 978 49, 97b 21. The nom. is written variously Qclach,dcla'ch, and dcldech. Probably it was originally a neut. collective (cf. GC.2 855, Zimmer, Kelt. Stud., 25 sg.), which became associated with Zdech. 4 See below, p. 222. Considering that the form is so rare in LU., it is remarkable that there is a considerable number of instances in SR. Sometimes the acc. is close to the verb :-lessaig do sluaig ( : thuaith) 3843, rosernsat a SCU~T( : morchruid) 5053, facbait secht cleib 7655, GO rothuismiset iartain trenjr om trenchoraid 2403.

Sometimes it is at a distance from it:--cmJ&a . . a. tri heoin gel@2133, rosbiath I08qh sech cach claind sloig fer nEgept 3409, manistarlaice co luath m&e Israhel 3893, rothindl dintoirt tachtai na hbroit na hannrtai 5971. while it is possible that in the vulgar speech this change had already begun, it is plain that the comparatiyel frequent use of it in SR. is a poetical license. A more extreme license is bairgin JR. 7626, 7653. At 62b 19 an older tri chenn has been corrupted into tTi cind, which shows that an acc. like cind was not unfamiliar to the scribe. YBL. 22b 22 has also cind, so that it may reasonably be supposed that the form stood in the archetype of the two MSS. MIDnLE IRISH DECLENSION--3. STRACHAN. 217

In BB. we hare from Ben. aradain 480b 38, wcudr 47Bb 20, hill 450b 28, cuirp 47g8 16, doig 462" 5, sluaig 470b 17, noianaig 467" 3, 46'lb 29, 471" 3.' From MC. meicc 17, baic 63, scuir 79 ; from PH. ba+r (by barru and barra), carpait, druil, lebuir (by tibra), sacairt, ain. In Ann. m.I have noted yeill 1165, 1207, seoit 1231, Goill 1262,jr 1296. Further I have not collected.

NOMINATIVEPr.nm~ ~IASCULWE OF THE ADJECTIVE. When the adjective is used substantively it has the same inflexion as the noun. It is only the attributive and the predicative adjective that call for special discussion. Very rarely in the O.Ir. glosses, but frequently in later old texts, the form of the fern. and neut. spreads also to the masc. both in the attributive and in the predicative adjective. In the glosses we have only n@at fira (sc. ritae) M1. 51b 8, ckqtar mwa a pecthai M1. 98~4, and maim &'ma Wb. 27b 16, if the last passage be not corrupt. From later old texts examples are : broitt brecca LU. 558 12, broit dubglasa 558 16, dd ech decba 55b 9, it dna ind dic 56b 17, combitis tornochta 60b 13, it c6ema na heich 61b 17. In later Irish a distinction has developed between (a) the attributive and (p) the predicative adjective. This may be illustrated from our texts. SR.: (a) (a) na doirsi glaiii 457,'6e6il ethchich 1612, cethirn comlain 3538, rig ror%aid 4834. (b) srotha sehgga 497, aimged glhglana 689, 8169 sMna 709, noi mis &a 1057, anairt sldna 2221, punainn ldna 3329, punain s&ga 3330, na secht seliga 3331, druid diana 3419, meicc dna 3424, hcainn riasca 3933, mhir trkna dermara 5060, doig mdra 5520. (p) (a) hit imslciin (sc. nime) 194, bethi mairb 1232, fwjicaibthi glenuicht 1358, ar troig 1482, nidar glain 1609, nidat gledir ghthiq 161 1, ciabtar glain 2421, robtar snimaig 3449, dochuatar iar setaib slain 3537, nibdar. dimdaig 3550, arn idain 3683, 3626, nibar troig 3641, rosat triuin 3983, batar buidig 4049, robtar dimdaig 4051, tairismig nibat ZiLarnnaig athC (= 0.h. otk) feta forhtiamnaig 4395, imtar ldin 4659, imtar taicthig 4661, niafor cktludaig 4672, mairb hili 4909, bidfor coscraig 4706, ma bid uamnaig imeclaig 4830, narbar dzireridig 4042, ecoitchinn eat 5517, ba dimdaig 5519, indat glain 6176, bdtar debthaig 6264, niptar . . .

1 h few more examples will be found under the old neuters, p. 221. 21 8 .NIDDLEIRISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAN. oentadaig 6540, m@ar &nig 6544, comtar mairb 5111.' In the following instances the adjective does not refer to a nom. :- meirtnig rostacht a menma 3453, a tichtaiPz buidig 3531, fonralaig mairb mesctha mir 3579, dosfuc slciin 50'13, dosrat . . . brdnaig 7204. (b) cidat mora 446, comtar coema comlana 7652, biat sla'na 4167, dar slcina 3612, at mora 5625, ciat serba 4071, batar somhlassa 4072, duba &wing 889. In the following passages there is a mixture of forms:-comchoama oomluatha gluair 601, totar . . . dograig domma fri gorta lobraig lonna lomnochta 1417, roptar snimaig . . . truagaib (a metricaI license to get a rhyme with slhagaih) tursig dJrc6intig 3449, raneatar . . . soera slana 8omenmaig 3517.

II, U. Texts. Sc.E.: (a) (b) craind dermara 3'1" 29. (p) (b) oid lomnochta beti 35b 41, duba dano uli 36b 18, ata eteroiana 36" 48. FA. : (u) (a) airchindig etrdcair 30&25, brithemain ghbrethaig 30" 44, rig ecraibdig 30b 30, sl&az$ digair 31" 7. (b) ailithrQ dhthrachtacha (another text has duthrachtaig) 28" 41, skb& dimdra 30" 12, sldig m6ra 30" 29, cochaill gerra 30" 31, sha@ ndema 31a 9. (p) (a) bidat marthanaig 2Tb 31, cidat linniair 28b 14, it torsig 2Bb 27. CL.: (p) (a) mcirbtis mciir6 118" 18. Sc.L.B. : (u) (b) lkomain lonna 33" 26, din etecha 33" 28. CA. : (u) (b) foeailgndthcha 7* 37, 40. LO. : (p) (b) combtar torsig 13" 49, robatar oentadaig 20b 28. TT. : (u) The attrib. adj. is regularly in -a. (p) The predic. adj. is usually in -a, 151, 184, 548, 587, 588, 649, 724, 740, 853, 854, 939, 1050, 1619, 1626, 1653, 1712, 1715; less commonly nertmenmaig 185, 187, 1212, faltnig 1233, santaig 1636. an.: (a) (b) ruisc cochlacha 452b 35, ruisc gera 454" 33, kich londa 472" 12,jr airdmnmnaoha 475" 32, oirriga ana 476b 39. (p) (a) tiagniaid uad anfailtig imeclaig 450b 35, 7 siat imeclaig 451" 4, comdis nertmeannznaigh 452" 15, codlaid . . . na Troianaig %citha aithle a n-aetair 4548 5, r06iti.s coimeolaQ 460b 29, 30, comdar

1 In 1461 for rignimrada diamat glain is a8 though gnimae had preceded. MIDDLE IRISH 1)ECLENSION-J. SlHACHAN. 219 crechtazjl crolintig 461" 16, robtar toirrsig 470" 4, batar jamaig frithalmuig 472" 10, batar toirrsig dubaig 473" 35, 47P 7, batar failtig 475" 11, batar buidich 479" 17, batar dirndaig toirrsig 47ga 42, batm dubaig 483b 36. (b) robdcur scitha 472b 12, ad rigda ruaipsra ba[r] riga, trsna talcara bar taisig, ad glica gdha ba[r] conzarlig, ad IGchda ledmeacha londgarga bar laith gaili 476" 44, 7 siad tenna 454" 32. We see, then, that in Mid. Ir. the tendency is for the attributive adjective to end in -a, for the yredicative adjective to have the old form; SR. proves that this distinction was developed before 1000 A.D. TT. is a curious exception. There is nothing to indicate that the text is old, so that the only possible explanation is that we have here a literary revival of the older form. As we saw above, in late Old Irish -a was used both in the attributive and in the predicative adjective, so that this is a secondary distinction which has no direct connection with anything in O.Ir. The only explanation of the phenomenon which I can suggest is that the predicative adjective, being in less close connection with the noun, adopted the inflexion of the substantival adjective, e.g. it pecthacha %a fir 'the men are sinful,' became it pecthaig najr, lit. ' the men are sinners.' In Mod. Ir. the predicative adjective is uninflected. In the Mid. Ir. texts which I have examined I have noted only a few instances of the beginning of this development.' They are:- trijchitfer . . . ba mar.b SR. 5443, nobetis cornarthanach LU. 50b 12, it se' bliadna sechtmogat robo lcin 14" 23, na bad scitha sind LL. 85" 22, 7 aiad fae BB. 4531' 24, 7 siat aigaigi aduathmar 463' 46, na naiden ciche as marb 464a 12, ni sinne as cintach 479" 11, gurbo gel muighi 481b 9, scuru . . . do 68th fass 45sb 21, ba hogikin a n-Btaige PH. 1039, dor6nais na crandu tirrna corba toirthech 1358, is jndfadach a lama LBr. 11P 47, dorat iat imklan LBr. 11ab 40, o roptar trk LBr. llgb 31. So with -i-stems corntis leir SR. 2808, corba rkill kicni TT. 196.

ACCUSATIVEPLURAL MASCULINE OF THE ADJECTIVE. The substantive form is -u, which develops as in the noun ; the attributive form is -a.2

1 In SR. little stress can be laid on atam nocht ( : m6rolec) 1347, see above, p. 205 ; batar toirsech in tzcath 3885 is peculiar. In LU. batar imthottanaig rza mnd 43a 34 is strange. 2 See Eriu i, 4. 220 MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAN. '

NOMINATITEAND ACCUSATIVEPLUBAL NEUTER. In Mid. Ir. the 0.Ir. -a1 (1) remains, (2) remains, and later becomes inflected like the masc., (3) has assumed the inflexion of the maw. in early Mid. Ir. The following examples will serve to illustrate the general development, though additional material will doubtless necessitate the transference of some of them from one class to another. 1. adbara TT. 123. Mod. Ir. adhbhair. athesca TT. 1103, BB. 44gb 3, 471" 4, PH. biada BB. 450" 27, MC. 63, PH. Mod. Ir. biadha. bunada BB. 203" 6. Mod. Ir. bunaidh. cenkla SR. 3882, LU. 18 32, LL. 2' 27, TT. saepe, BB. 203b 29, 457b 35. Mod. Ir. cinkil. dichetla TT. 1672. dhnada TT. 1089. feranna LU. 1" 33, 2" 22, BB. 207" 48, 2108 19, PH. Mod. Ir. fearainn. forbonna LU. 118" 34. inada TT. 1699, PH. Mod. Ir. ionaidz (Dinneen). lina 'nets' LU. 41" 12. Mod. Ir. lionta. mila LU. llb 5, 114b 16, BB. 4578 1, MC. 7. Mod. Ir. rniola and miolta. nerta SR. 693, PH. nualln LU. 31" 12. In Mod. Ir. it has become fem. 61a MC. 75. ossada TT. 1790. Mod. Ir. fosaidhs. rdtha 'securities' LU. 118b 20, TT. 311, MC. 23. sckla SR. 3480, 6134, LU. 31b 45, 32' 4, 418 11, LL. 20b 33, TT. saepe, BB. 453" 47, 453b 5, etc., JdC. 75, PH. Mod. Ir. sckala and sckalta. sila BB. 207" 36. Mod. Ir. siolta. tinchetla LL. 13" 34, 48. ubla BB. 466" 1, MC. 5, 7, 107. Mod. Ir. ubhla. 2. aithbera TT. 1638 : aithbir 1767. dra TT. 453, 1878, BB. 4558 19, 472b 11 : dir Ann. U1. 1170.

1 Sometimes the O.Ir. short form is found with numerals, e.g. ndi dqvcid SR. 553, similarly 657, 661, 681. Father Dinneen gives the g.s. as ionaid. Father O'Learp in his glossary to Bsop gives inide. MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAX. 221

airm TT. 165, 450, BB. 459b 29, 473b 41, 4798 6, as acc. 485C 6, wmu TT. 456, 672, arm0 BB. 20gb 37. Nod. Ir. arma and aim. cend (nde) Lu. 114b 10 : cind saepe. cedla SR. 1019, 4504 : ce6il SR. 483, c&il PH., cedlu SR. 1736, LU. 288 31. Mod. Ir. cdta. ethra 'boats' LU. 39b 31 : sthair 408 10. fibra LU. 3gb 31 : febair TT. 165, fkbru LU. lOl8 45. Xod. Ir. faobhair. grdda 'grades' SR. 710, 1646, etc., LU. 30b 15, PH.: grriid SR. 666, 669, 1811 (acc.), PH. 3. comacoomail LU. 88 33. craind LU. 39&29, TT. 124, #wannuTT. 1376. focail' LU. 7a 37. fwidb BB. 4798 6, as acc. 4858 6, fadbu TT. 456, 672, fodbu BB. 478b 32. inanid TT. 209. lestair TT. 164, as ace. BB. 2088 16, lestru SR. 7602, uilc 'evils ' TT. 107, 779, ulcu LU. 32b 33, 378 37. roisc LU. 288 10, TT. 2054, BB. 45Zb 35, 4548 32, 46'Ib 37.

NEUTER STEMS IN -ach AND -8Ch. In Mid. Ir.' these stems, so far as they become masc.,2 pass in the plural into the declension of -&-stems, after the analogy of tige to tech; this transition was probably helped by syncope in triayllabic forms of -ceh n0uns.S See Stokes, BB. xi, 97 sq. ; many ,examples will be found in Hogan's Irish Neuter Substantives, pp. 171-181 ; the list, however, requires sifting. As Stokes points out, in later Irish this declension spread to other nouns which were not originally neuter. Thus e.g. sonnaige YBL. 4b 43 = aonnaig

In 0.h. the change of declension is just beginning; ctimrech makes cuimrecha Wb. 23s 5, cuimrega 27" 36, cuimregaib 26d 21, but ceumrigib 23* 11, 308 22 ; tossaeh makes tosge (from *tossecha?) M1. 96b 5, toschib 139c 12. a Some become fem. and are declined like -&stems. A good instanee is BLsraoh, the last art of which is identical with the second part of cuimrmh (cf. Meyer, Contri!hions 8.v. and Mod. Ir. btiarach f.). The dat. pl. bmirgib .cited by Hogan is no argument against this; bL-arach comes from *btiarech, and in the dat. pl. the vowel wm lost while it was still palatal. Other examples me brothlach, brothrach, brziirech in Meyer's Contributions, and Zothuch Windwch Wb. In mulhh PH. and brosnach Meyer there is a variation between the two modes of declension. a Does cuimrigib represent a syncopated mtiiidib qrith palatalization of the g by the preceding palatals P 222 MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAN.

LU. 24b 12; in Trip. L. 154 different MSS. have domnaig and domnaige.' Cf. also Finck, Die araner Mundart, i, 164, 165.

OTHER CHANQESIN DECLENSION. ciis n. age becomes dis, aisse f. dithrub g. dithmib desert ' makes in SR. 6344 in dithru6a by dithruib 4069, 4740, and dat. dithruib 6336, 6340, 6402, as well as dithrub, cf. dithruib LU. 1b 6. In later Mid. Ir. it becomes dlthreb (like treb), cf. PH., and nu dithrebe LBr. 1225 53, 129" 45, isin dithreb 122" 43, but dithruib 1258 37, dithrub 128b 36, 129b 1. drong. In SR. usually keeps its old declension, but the beginning of an inflexion as a fem. -&stem appears in druing (: druim) 4519. Cf. also PH. grdd makes also in Mid. Ir, a gen. grcida, cf. SR. 653 and PH. ruth grace ' makes a gen. ratha SR. 6061.

Stems in -10-,-12-. In Xid. Ir. the different final vowels would fall together, so that by regular phonetic development the result would be throughout (except in the dat. pl. as long as the final b remained) an indeter- minate vowel a preceded by a palatal or a non-palatal consonant. The dile would give ce'ile (i.e. Lab), tigernae and amrae would give tigerna and mra. Of the adjective there is nothing more to be said. In the noun, however, two points call for discussion :- (1) In the dat. sg. and acc. pl. masc. (including old neuters so far as they became masculine) -u preceded by a non-palatal consonant remained -u for a time after -a had established itself in the adjective. (2) As in the noun need was felt for a distinctive plural, a new plural form developed ; in the adjective, as the number was shown by the accompanying noun such a formation was unnecessary.

DATIVESINQULAE. In SR. the distinction between substantive and adjective ie clear, e.g. :- (a) kscu 113, gkscu 298 (: dh), 6916, timnu 1516, 4963, 5110. As to innarba 4960, 6907 (without rhymes), see below. In 7025, 7026, ecnu assonates with nom. frscru. Either frecru is used, rnstri oausa, for frewa (like innarbu : dh 3732), or we should

In Hogan the word is given as neut., but no evidence is adduced from any O.Ir. text. MIDDLE IRTSH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAN. 223

restore frepa and ecnn; ecna is an old neut. which in Mid. Ir, became fem. See PH. (p) adma ( : amra) 452, amra ( :glanna) 580, glafina ( : sutralla) 4344. In Lu. texts, so far as my collections go, the distinction is well preserved : the adjective is regularly in -a, the noun in -u. In the noun -a appears in some old neuters, and is doubtless connected with a change to the fern. Such are nthchurnma 33b 14, cumachta Windisch Wb. (gen. cumachta mdri 1lOb I), frecra' Windisch, erfuacra 348 48, tacra Windisch, innarba lb 4, 31b 42, 32b 15, and Windisch, and s08ckla 32b 45 (by soscklu 35" 31). Further, duma 38b 16,* 21, was probably a neut, which became fem. ; the same explanation is probable in the case of fodai and dogra, by dogru, Windisch, though I have no clear evidence of their original gender. In the LL. text TT. we hare forbu 1810, 1913, erchru 2170, idnu 1503, mochu 2222, rigu 1082, 1264, 2134, 2150, umu 39. Of the -a-forms athchomma 604, 1719, 1720, cumnchta 1795 and eena 2107 have been spoken of already ; acra 330 is an old neut. ; as to orbbaid 381, Oh. orbe is neut., Mod. Ir. forba is masc. In JEn. the occurrences comartha 460b 11, 466a 18, 25, 4808 18, fogra 45gb 42, fuogra 46ab 47, fudoyra 473b 12, fregra 460b 38, indarba 44gb 5, etc., are all from old neuters; in the acc. PI., however, -u is clearly confused with -a. In the LBr. texts, PH. and MC., confusion is established for the dat. sg. ACCUSATIVEPLUXAL MASCULINE. Thia might be expected to follow the same rule as the dat. sg. As to the adj. the facts are clear. For the noun the evidence points in the same direction. In SR. 7386 Niniuandai is not supported by the metre, and may be corrected to Niniuandu. In TT. we have Troiannu passim, also Troianno 218. further barbardu 221. In dindgnai 557 by dindgnu 272 (g. in dindgnai 734) I have no clear evidence of the original gender ; it may have been an old ne~ter.~In the Bn. confusion has clearly taken place, cf. Troiannu 4518 15, 453b 46, 456b 23, 467b 41,43, Latindo 4808 2 with Laitinta 4688 24, Rudulta 47sb 5, 42.

1 In Mid. Ir. we find both 8s k frecra, e.g. LU. 34b 25 and BB. 469b 20, and i8 ifrecru PH. 2 Though it is accompanied by mo'r ( : Irdn). In 528 we have rigdumna, but in 1065 rigdamnu. In Ann. Ul. 936 rigdognna n-Eremn points to a neuter. ,224 MIDDLE IRISH DECI.EKSION-J. STRACHAN.

NOMINATIVEAND ACCUSATIVEPL~. As we saw above, in this declension the plural would in Nid. Ir. fall together in form with the singular. In Mid. Ir. a new distinctive plural in -da is developed. In SR. there are no instances. In LU. I have noted only one, trachtaireda 338 6.' In LL. texts it is common:-LG. iascareda 22b30, muinceda 18b 27, TT. cernada 1702, ancaireda 1425, brathbuilleda 297, bunlteda 1622, commairgeda 3 14, iascaireda 13, lithlaitheda 175, techtaireda 210; Cath Ruiss na Rig,2 comada (by coma), crideda, degbaleda, glasgescida, merggida, uscida. In the BB. text Zn. we have formnada 454" 31, ,gesgada 466a 25 (hut gesga 479" S), acaireda 4508 33, blededa 4538 8, stocaireda 468b 47, tairneda 451b 25. Atkinson's glossary to PH. furnishes comarthada, comorbada, fothada, tigernada, timnada, aithneda, crideda (by cride), luigeda, merceda, oegaireda, snileda, tra~htaireda.~ Sometimes the d forms spread to the dat. fogadaib BB. 478b 19 ; PH. aithnedaib by aithnib (but comarthaib, midib). Sometimes d appears in the gen.: TT. biled 1383, 1412, tiled 1413, Bn. tigemand 476b 38 ; this final d, however, has no phonetic value. According to Dottin and Finck4 this ending spread from the acc. pl. of dental stems siich as comla, acc. pl. comlada, jili: Jileda, dt+: sligeda. In Mid. Ir. the acc. form spread to the nom., e.g. comlada SR. 411, secheda TT. 1731, 2045, BB. 461" 3. And then tigernada : tigerna = comlada : comla, crideda : cride = secheda : seche. But there was probably another factor. In Mid. Ir. a final aspirated d became quiescent, as is shown by the fact tha$ it is often written where it is not etymologically justified, e.g. rennad LL. 86b 46, caillid LL. 20b 36 (but caille 22b 28), orbaid TT. 381, clemnad BB. 449" 41, baindead 475b 44, tigeadh 457a 15. We

1 The noun iinda occupies a peculiar position. Cf. iindud LU. 92b 4, imdaid 99b 30, imdada 9Ob 28, iiiadadaib 99b 17, but in&z 88. 23, 88b 17, etc. In this noun by the eleventh century there was an extensive transition to the dental declension, under the influence of conala ? 2 I quote from Hogan's indes to & edition. 3 Further, from aithis we hdnot only aithisi but also aithisedu, from mirbuil not only inirbzdi but also mirbuiledn. 4 Dottin, M4anges linguistiques offerts B M. Antoine MeiUet, . 41 ; Finck, Die araner Mundart, i, p. 177. Both scholars see in these forms &e antecedents of the Mod. Ir. pl. in 4, and in my opinion rightly. At leaat I have been able to discover notbing against the equation, and it seems to be supported by Mod. Jr. din (Finck) from an oblique case of 0.h. ekzdu. MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAK. 225. should then hare e.g. sg. cdicea (i.e. c&&), bunad (i.e. bum), by pl. cbiceda, bunada.'

-:-and -?-stems. As these two classes of stems dier only in the singular, they may be conveniently treated together. At the outset it may be noted that in Mid. Ir. the gen. sg. of -Z-stems and the plural of +stems split up into two divisions according aa the preceding consonant was palatal or non-palatal. Thus inae, g.s. of inis, is in8 Mid. Ir. inas (i.e. inie), but bliadne, bliadnae, g.8. of bEidain, and rigne, rignae, g.s. of rigffiin,2give in Mid. Ir. bliadna (i.e. blzadna) and rigna (i.e. rigw). The plural of szial is aziili, atiiFb, stiile = Mid. Ir. sziili or etiile (a&), sziilib (sidib), Ail8 (ado), but the plural of cruim is crumai, crumaib, crumae = Mid. Ir. cruma (kruma), crumaib, cruma. The plural of the adj. rnaith is maithi, maithib, maitb, and maith = Mid. Ir. maitlhi or maithe, maithib, maithe or rnaithi and maith, but the plural of cdir is chai, chaib, cdir = Mid. Ir. cdrffi, cbraib, co'ir.

THE SINQULAROF +STEMS. Already in O.Ir. by bliadni we 6nd bliadin BCr. 32" 9, 3gd l.3 In the Mid. Ir. texts which I have examined the only nouns4 in which I have found the old forms of the dat. and acc. are aidchi by adaig, and inai by inis. In the nom. aidchi BB. 481" 26 = Nod. Ir. oidhche, the form of the oblique cases has spread to the nom. An isoIated nom. of the same kind is indsi, for inis, BB. 450" 22.

1 A parallel to this is found in freeartha, the Mid. Ir. gen. offrema. In the nom. frewa fell together in sound irith adrad, etc., hence the gen. frecarthcs like adariha, etc. * In Mid. Ir. the nom. rigain is re laced by rigan, for examples see Windisch, Wb. This might be explaincx!from the gen. sg. rigna, which in Mid. Ir. might represent the gen. of either rz'gaan or rigan. 3 In Oh. nome nouns, e.g. me'it, have only the gen. after this declension, but the dat. and acc. like -i-stems. So the borrowed words can6in, g. candne Ml. 35b 17, d. camin MI. 46c 14, &&Lit g. in$nite Sg. 154b 1 ; eclas has the gen. recike or ecolso, cf. Stokes, Bezz. Beitr. xi, 83. In Bezz. Beitr. xi, 81, chi2 should be deleted; it is an -#-stem, and the nom. is dl; further, fuil, for fuile andfuili are plural. In tesbuitk ib. 83, 88 in the simple buith, the old uom. both has been replaced by the form of the dat. and acc. On fochricc and tardchrim, see Thurne sen, CZ. ii, 81. Peculiar are tdchni, Bezz. Beitr. xi, 83 and SR. 6752, and tin&, bezz. Beitr. xi, 83 and LU. 74" 30, for it is improbable that tdin was an -;-stem. 4 Except in the borrowed ~ordsepiscoplti PH., sacerddti SR. 4494, 8156, like trinrzdti M1. lijb 4. 226 MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAN.

GENITIVESIN~ULAR OF -?-STEMS.

Change of Declension. Already in 0.h.eclais (from Lat. eclesia) makes the gen. ecailse as well as ecolsa.' So gfiziise $R. 1708, Windisch Wb., PH., BB. 481b 28, corresponds to 0.h. gnhso, gnhsa; so further, dtialchi, szialchi PH. In Mod. Ir. this transformation has spread further, e.g. etiile for sCZa, dziile for dhla. The model for this change may be found in (1) inis, inee, and the like; (2) in -+stems in which the old nom. has been replaced by the dat. and acc. form; see above, p. 211. In some borrowed words in 0.Ir. the gen. is like the nom. Such are abbgitir Sg. 23b 5, 24" 10, argumint Ml. 64c 12, digaim Sg. 5b 7, 7b 17, 18, grammatic Acr. 13b 1, posit Sg. 3gS 1, superlait Sg. 40b 15, stoir Ml. 14" 5, tabernaod Ml. 4Bb 11, testimin M1. 104b 3. But in Mid. Ir. we have stah.9 PH., taber- nacuile PH., similarlyjrmaminte SR. 34, 164, 214, 274.

NOMINATIVEAND ACCUSATIVEPLUXAL NEUTEX.

In 0.h.the ending is e 2; muire = Lat. maria. In Mid. Ir. muire also appears, e.g. LL. la 9, TT. 255, but also mma LU. 318 3. From guin comes gona TT. 1582, Windisch Wb.; tromgona appears already in a much older text LIJ. 60a 21. In Mid. Ir. guin is fem., cf. nalgona TT. 2041, 2052, goin adbail TT. 1482; in the plur. it is inflected like a fem. -&stem, gen. gola, athgon TT. 658, 660, 1759. In muir, which in Mid. Ir. is fem., the pl mara comes also probably from -&stems ; that muire should also live on may be explained from the influence of tirs, with which it is often associated. GENITIVEPLUXAL. As in -u-stems (see below, p. 230) gnZmae was replaced by gnina, so in course of time sziile was replaced by &Z. But in the latter case the change is later. In -u-stems we shall have an example

1 In Mid. 11. the gen. ecailse leads to a nom. eclas SR. 4421, 4923; PH. shows both eclais and ecla8 ; in Mod. Ir. it is eaglais. 2 If the preceding consonant is non-palatal, then -ae might be ex ected, becoming in Mid. Ir. -a. In M1. 26c 8 drumnzai mi ht be explalnec! from confusion of final -mand final -ai, cf. CZ. ir, 61 ; in Mi!. 11. it passes mto the -92-declension: drummam TT. 1388, dromsaalzaib 1373. In SR. 1736 buadu is used for buada to get a rhyme with sluagu. MIDDLE IRISH DEC1,ENSION-J. STRACHAN. 227 from'the Fklire Oenguso, about 800 A.D.; by 1000 A.D., as we shall see from the Saltair na Ram, the change was practically complete. In -i-stems the change is only beginning in SR. The reason for the difference of treatment is apparent. In -%stems a nom. pl. gnima and a dat. pl. gnfmaib would resemble $batha, cene'la, tiathaib, cenklaib, while -i-stems where the final vowel was preceded by a palatal consonant would resemble the plur. of +stems like nime and of -io-stems like cCle. A priwi it might have been expected that in nouns like cndrna, where the finhl vowel is preceded by a non-palatal consonant, the change would be earlier ; the following lists, however, furnish little in support of this, except in the -i-stem bliadain. SR. : (a) aidche 2524, ce'tfaide 2904, dhle 22, 1143, 1832, mir6aile 328, sruthe 127, sruithi 1059, 4523, faith 7435 by fatha 7471, bliadne (: de) 4728, but biasta 877, 892, 898, bliadna 2272 (: triarnna) 2304 (: miadbla), 2332 (: riagla), 2344 (: gialta), 3386 {: cialla), 3412 (: riagla), 4011 (: Caspianda), 4623, 4956 (: riagla), 5683, 6633 (: riagla), cestn 3591, 7555, crhma 890, 7620, demna 7620, 7646, luba 4405, 7273. (p) bliadan 2014 (: ad$adar), 6638 (: riaglad), cest 1133, 2439, 4913. Jiaccail (: diavtaifl) 885 is a metrical license.' Lx Texts. Sc6l Tdain: (a) lanamnn 16s 24. (p) rend,* 16a 12. FA.: (a) gnhsse 308 40, demna 30" 33, 30b 22, 31a 7, 13, diila 278 2, 12. (p) biast 308 3. CL. : (a)flathi 117b 33. S.Rel. : (a) dhla 50b 24. GAS. : (a) gents 528 20. Sc.L.R. : (a) fddi 348 19, Cstidi 31b 35, demna 338 44. (a) 661 33a 17, diialach 32b 24,Jiacal33" 39. SC.E. : (u) lubi 37a 33. (a) did 348 6, 35b 7. CA.: (u) demna 7b 14, 10a 8. (p) cest lla 8, 14b 36.

1 In 7098 it seems thatfa'ilh should be restored to assonate with aiich. See below, p. 231. This form IS common in PH. In O.Ir. it is dhle and dhile, d. pl. dziilib SR. 1609, 5045. 228 MIDDLE lRISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAN.

LG. : (a) aidchi 138 1, 268 2. TT. : (a) geints 1031, airdemna 963. (p) bZfadan 693, 1882, 1913, did 160, 1508, gon 660, 1759, al?yon 658. an.: (a) gente 4638 14, 4798 38, mahe 4498 25, 4818 47, mat%; 4728 19, muire 4568 6, 4828 12. (p) bliadan 4858 9. The adjective, when used as a substantive, has the same inflexion as the noun. When, however, it is followed by a noun, then already the long forms are very rare. I have noted only bemmm nindraice Rev. Celt. xv, 489.' From the 0.h. period downwards the common forms are those like sonairt, deithbir, etc., cf. CZ, iv, 64.2 GENIT~VEDUAL. In Mid. Ir. the short form of the gen. pl. makes its way also into the dual: bliadan TT. 1810, 1817.

-n-stems. NOMINATIVEPLURAL. For the 0.1~.endings -e, -ae, -ai, see Eriu i, 1 sq. In Mid. Ir, the ending develops regularly into -a :-cressa, ferta, gnima, gotha, srotha, etc. ACCUSATIVEPLURAL. In SR. the O.Ir. ending -u appears in a number of instances :- brichtu 3850, cathu 4077, 5527, cithu 683, 807, 6047 (in every instance it rhymes with bithu), l8asu ( : Eaau) 5010; further in the phrase tria bithu 168, 200, 684, 1740, 4998, 6048. In other texts -u appears in the phrase tria bithu: LU. 13" 43, 17b 29, 34b 9, 368 15, 37b 11, 16. Otherwise it is rare: gnimu LU. 10b 23 (the form also appears in the text of the Amra), 17" 23, cisu (: iau) 40b 10, brictu LG. 20b 3, cathu TT. 300, trachtu 1086. The ending -a appears already in ilgotha Sg. 1978 11, and in feda, Cormac's Glossary S.V. serb.' In Mid. Ir. it is the usual form.

1 Another example might be inna wdam naitae MI. 121c 19 ; however, in chow a&, Trip. Life, 158, suggests that in some compounds aZZalaid wm inflected like a noun. 2 But mLud, metri cuusa, SR. 4685. In M1. 74~3 diul is probably a scribal error for diuit. 3 For some possible instances in M1. see CZ. iv, 51. MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAN. 229

SR.: catha 4762,5012, datha (: sratha) 53, gnlm (: snlma) 4288, r6tha ( : betha) 5274, amaohtai (: targcai) 162. ZE Texta. SCC. : cath 114" 45. FA. : mema 308 30, deritwaa 278 8, fwta 30b 17, wotha 298 33, fodkrnama 278 23, 31b 8. Sc.E. : crechta 35" 24, gnlma 37a 16, 37b 14, fulliwhla 358 16, 21, rkta 368 47. CA. : catha 118 20. LG. : catha 68 40, 16b 20, 188 14, lgb 36, datha 16b 23. TT.: oath 956, 1360, 1575, 1789, crechta 1886, feda 1988, gnima 470. Nenn. : aeanchwa 203&6, 8, ferta 20g8 21. En. : oatha 4568 7, 46Z8 23, aleaa 461a 15. In Eriu i, 3, note, I have suggested that -a is the nom. form which, under the influence of -&stems in which the nom. and the acc. were the eame in form, came to be used also for the ace. The only alternative would be to suppose that final -u became phonetically -a, as nom. sg. bethu became betha. But, apart from the question how it is that -u became -a here white it remained in -0-stems (see above, p. 216), there is a fatal objection to such an explanation. It will be seen that in the acc. as in the nom. there is umlaut of a preceding -i- or -u- : feda, ferta, gotha, wotha, etc. Now, not only is there no evidence, so far as I know, that a secondary -a could produce such an effect, but there is evidence to the contrary. For instance, 0.h. trumme, dubs, unge became, by the middle of tho ninth' century A.D., trumma, duba, unga, but the u of the preceding syllable remained,' it did not become o. Hence, even if it might be supposed that the ha1 -t( became by phonetic change -a, guthu would have become and would have remained *gutha, it would not have become further gotha. tria bithu, in which the old form survives, is a traditional formula.

NOMIIVATIVEAND ACCUSATIVEPLUF~AL NEUTEB. The Idg. ending was -a. In Irish this disappeared, changing under certain conditions e of the preced5g syllable to i.2 0.k. instances are kna d@r MI. 238 13, friana torece (leg. dorus)

CZ. iv, 477 sq.

f Brugmann, Gmdriss 12, 125. Phil. Trans. 1906. 16 230 UIDDLE lRISH DECLENSION-J . STRACHAN.

Nl. 468 12,' inna mind BCr. 41e, inna rind2BCr. 18b 10, MI. 2.14, 145d 3. This form ocoasionally appears in later literature, e.g. seoht rind, SR. 101, 202, 257, tri trdth SR. 1041, na ocht tra'th LU. 28a4. In O.Ir. the ending -a also appears, na doirsea M1. 468 19, bewra3 Sg. 67b 11. The explanation is simple. In the nom. acc. pl. of neut. -0-stems there Was a form without and a form with a, e.g. cenkl and ~enkla.~After the analogy of csnkla to cenC2 was formed dkra to dkr. In Mid. Ir. -a is the common ending, e.g. de'raLU. 7b 18, 31b 16, BB. 459a22, 478"41, ardciessaLU. 114s42,6 Jenna BB. 453a 13, renda TT. 179, reanna BB. 451b 20, rmaa MC. 13, lenna 37.6

GENITIVEPLURAL. O.Ir. forms like gnimae' were early replaced by analogical forms like gnim. In F61. Oeng., Ep. 397, dkr already appears. In Mid. Ir. the old form survives only in certain phrases. SR.: cath 873, 4675, ddn 7212, dkr 871, 922, dind 990, 6805, firt 694, 916s 938, gnfm 626, 698, 2390, mind 989, 6806, nith 6041,

IF. x, 76. 2 The dat. pninduib M1. 35d 16 by renduib BCr. 18c 4 is because in mind the i is radical, in Tind it has come from e, cf. R. Schmidt, IF. i, 72. a The vocalism of the first syllable is peculiar. A contamination of *biw (from *berzi) and beru? In beru, etc., is the e due to the influence of neut. -0-stems? 4 Cf. CZ. iv, 63, 489. 5 But with change to the masc. acc. clissu 121b 16. 6 In Mid. Ir. the masc. -i-stem rind 'point' follows the inflexion of rind 'star,' e.g. renna LL. 90a 37, TT. 1348, rennaib LL. 918 52 (see also below, p. 231). Schmidt, IF. i, 69, note, derives rind from ro + ind. But to judge from a da nind YBL. 988 1, it would seem that Lfd is neuter. The acc. pl. is euna LU. 65' 35, the dat. is induib 67" 17, BB. 470b 4, 476b 35, 36. The dat. inctaib points to a stem indu- ; in enna by induid the e must be analogical, mna : ind = renna : rind = hnu : lind, etc. 7 It has been customary to give the geu. pl. e.g. of bith as bithe; of the existence of such a form, however, I can discover no evidence. Mid. Ir. betha, srotha, point to 0.h. bethae, srothue; bethae (MS. betha) should be restored in F61. Oeng. Prol. 156, where it rhymes with grethue (MS. gwthu), gen. pl. of grith. Cf. further fwte Wb. 12b 15, fertae Ml. 17c 9, gen. pl. of jkt, and the common spelling of the ending -ae, e.g. Titap M1. 15* 2 (which in Acr. 8b 1 has become retu), fertue M1. 40c 22. All this indicates that (1) the consonant before the ending was non-palatal; (2) that the root vowel was liable to the umlaut produced by a following a or o. Hence the current. explanation of the form needs some modification, for it does not account for these two things. The following is the acoount which I would suggest. Idg. *bitq@n became *bitoyn, *bitho, and, with umlaut, *betho. But *betho fell together with sg. betho from *&tous. To get a distinctive ending -e was borrowed rom the -i-declension, and in particular from that class of +stems in which the preceding consonant wa8 non-palatal. In the new form the consonant before the ending remained non-palatal. MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAN. 231 re& 1575, 1615, rind 274, 845, 865, 7424 (but renn 2259), sruth 42, suth 7283. LU. Texts: FA. todernam 2gb 27, trath 318 10 j Sc.E. rind 37” 32, cre‘cht 3Aa 16, 22; Sc.L.B. todemam 33b 17; CA. gnin 12b 27, 44. TT. : cath 823, etc., crecht 651, echt 1709, gnim 301, mind 1667, tkt 138, 1346, 1419. Aen. : ceast (‘cestus’) 460b 24, etc., crecht 4788 43, gnim 457a 12, 13. But in a traditional phrase tria bithu nu mbetha LU. 27b 35, etc., ar dea nu muire 7 na srotha BB. 48Za 12. As to the vocalism of fit, srubh, etc., it may be explained from the fact that in the nouns which the new genitives followed aB their model the gen. pl. was the same in form as the nom. sg. In some caaes e appears, renn by rend SR., PH., and after the analogy of this rend ‘points’ LU. 16a 12, 79a 40, Zend LU. 488 21, ret6 SR. That this 8 has anything to do with the G of the older form of the gen. is highly improbable. In rend it is probably due to the tendency of the noun to form the nom. sg. rend = Mod. Ir. reann, cf. rend ‘point’ LL. 918 51, 91b 26; so probably Zend, Mod. Ir. nom. leann.

GENITIVEDUAL. Qlinn da loch, Hy. v, 20.

CHAXQEOF DECLENSIOX. In later Irish -u-stems often pass into the -0-declension, first in the sing. Already in O.Ir.Jiss hasjss as well asfe880 in the gen. ; the frequent dative juss resembled jur. Another isolated O.Ir. instance is tomais M1. 20s 21. Examples from Nid. Ir. are:- dg, ‘battle,’ g.s. dig TT. 1349, 1997, By dga TT. 1584; but bn.pl. dga TT. 1614. ammus, n.pl. amais (a5 acc.) BB. 4678 9. cless, g. clessa and cliss; see Windisch Wb. and Meyer, Contributions. cooad, g. cocaid SR. 3042, TT. 822, 855, BB. 467’ 20, 468b 20, 4698 26, by coctha TT. 852, BB. 468b 13, 470a 18 ; but mpl. cocthi TT. 4, acc. coctha BB. 4568 8. comrarn, g. comraim TT. 1019, 1348. diummus, g. diumais LU. 10b 17, PH., by diummuoa LU. lob 15. 232 NIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION-J. STRAGHAR.

dorus, g. dmia SR,, LU. 29" 8, n.pl. &wads LO. 28b 38. In Mid. Ir. nom. acc. doime = 0.Ir. doireea is still common, e.g. SR. 446, 457, LU. 114b 11, TT. 2094, BB. 462b 46, 471a 20. klud, g. &hidBE. 4758 8, 24, by elulla 4848 31. immarmus, g. immarbois SR. 1438, 4994, imarbuia LU. 35b 19. inmua, g. inrEmads TT. 1647, PH., by indmwa PH. ; nom., aco. pl. indmassa TT. 1651, 1796, acc. innmasea, LU. 68 17. inndraw, g. inhamis PH. o+red, g. oerid PH. 6mun, g. dmain PH. paccad, g. peccaid LU. 32b 24, PH., by pecctha PH., n.pl. peccaia PH,, by pecda LU. 178 13, peccthz PH.,acc. pecda LU. 32b 32. aenchaa, g. senehais SR. 1786, by aenchaasa 6638 ; acc. pl. aenchusa LU. 15b 14. tkt, g. tkit LU. 8b 42. tomw, g. tomuds SR. 374, 462. In the Sagas Pwgm, g. Pmgusa has for its voc. Ferguia LU. 57b 3, etc., by Fergus LU. 58b 4, etc. In Mid. Ir. triub tribe ' is replaced by treb, e.g. n.8. treb SR. 4433, 4881, 5149, g. treibe 4483, dat. treib 4193, acc. dbtheib 7083, dual di threib 4624, n.pl. treba 4432,4433,4437, dat. trebaib 4730.

Consonant Stems ending in an Explosive. NOMINATIVESIN~ULAR. For ri, rig is common in Ah.;mil ' soldier ' is replaced by milid, e.g. SR. 2092, 2701, TT. 372, 1920, an. 468b 25; escarait for eacwa LU. 42b 13. DATIVESINQULAE. In the O.Ir. glosses nouns like 6ethu, htu, have the dat, brthaid, dmtaid, or bethu, 6entu, of. 256 sq. By oathraig, catkir appears, Wb. 13b 1, Ml. 74a 13, Sg. 288 8. From tene comes tenid and ten2 Ml. 31' 4. In old texts, though I have no examples from the glossea, nouns like shge have also a dat. like

1 An old neuter +stem. In na tddi BB. 478' 2, am. te'it LU. 8b 42, it has become fern., and is inflectsd like an -&stem. Nom. pl. tri the't RC. xiii, 438, g. titae Ml. 51c 4. 2 The -i-stem fraig, frega, which is associated in certain bases with terze, in Mid. Ir. develops dental forms, cf. Windisch Wb. ; similar$ daig, hga 'fie,' ef. Index to Togail Tr6i. MIDDLE IRlSH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAN. 233 the nom. In Mid. Ir. texts, so far as my observation goes, the long forms are the common ones in the dat. as in the am. Instances of the short forms from Mid. Ir. are :- SR. : gleo 6585, nia 5283. LU. : DtiBr. bethu 178 16, Aid. Nath. cathir 38b 27. TT. gko 1872 (by gliaid 2007, 2015). Bn.: oathair (by cathraig), trkhai 450b 1, cf. &ca, LL. 103.39, tricha LIT. 49,8 14. PH. : dorchatu, ditizd, and bite, sendatu (by sendataid), aibb (by abbaid), gko, coimdiu (by coimdid).

ACCUSATIVESmamu. In the Old Irish glosses the form of the nom. occasionally replaces that of the acc., cf. GC.2 257, where add foirbtircetu Wb. 9b 10. Instances from Mid. Ir. texts are, e.g. :- SR.: bethu 807, cin 3571, 5399 (MS. cind), 5484 (but ciwid 3576, 3620, 4994), tene 314 (but tenid 1891 I), ceo 7183, gleo 246, 2698, 3895, 4131, ruiri 778, ardruire 7560, sechtmoga 757, $chi 562fL2 LU. Texts : CA. ceo, FA. illatu (= ildatu) 278 10, Sc.L.B. itu 338 8. Nenn. : cathair (by cathraig). Bn.: gleo 4808 4 (by gliaid 460b 33, 46lS 12), ara 472b 42, cathair (by cathraig) saepe. PH.: betha (by bethaid), dorchdu, cis (by cinaid), coma (by comaid), coimdiu (by coimdid). Isolated instances of nom. for acc. are:-cara LL. 828 10, hi LU. 478 24, Eocho LL. 98 42, Fiacha 88 4, lia TT. 1804, tricha LU. 11gb 14.

TRANSITIONTO TEE G~WALDECLENSIOB. In Mid. Ir. many nouns in -r pass into the guttural declension +er the analogy of oathir, cathrach, and the like. Such are, e.g. :- ~~mar(Mod. Ir. caeair), g. casrach SR. 902 (by cawa 8308), g. p. casraoh 902, dat. pl. cawachaib 8170. dair, darach, see Windisch s.v., and add acc. pl. daracho BB. 4516 13. 0.h. daur, daro.

1 Ahcen tein 1475. In &a rohort . . . noijichit mili . . . omcocoa ar cet wrad 7233 ihe nom. pl. &hit, if the text is amnd, is also used for the acc. 234 MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAN.

dochair BB. 452s 30, g. dochrach 451" 26. O.Ir. dochor. There is the same change of nom. in Mid. Ir. deochair SR. 125 = O.Ir. dechor. lassar, lassair, g. lasrach SR. 8188, acc. lasraig TT. 408, 409, but lasra BB. 450b 12, acc. lasair 4628 2, gen. pl. lasrach SR. 901, but lassar PH. O.Ir. lassar, g. lasrae Ann. U1. 645. Temair, g. Temrach LU. 52s 17, acc. Tlmraig 528 17. The same change is found in many loan-words, e.g. :- abbgitir, g. abbgitrech, but acc. aibghitir LS. 814. altoir, altdrach, but acc. alt6ir PH. carcar, carcair, g. carcrach SR. 3267, LU. 33b 11, PH., acc. pl. carcracha PH., dat. carcrachaib TT. 128, but dat. sg. carcair SR. 3283, 3290, PH. acc. carcair SR. 3219, 3264, PH., dat. pl. carcraib LS. 3637. cathair, g. cathach LU. 33" 26, but dat. sg. cathair SR. 4516, LU. 328 9, dat. PI. cathakib LU. 34" 1. rnagister, g. magistrsch LU. 32a 5, BB. 207b 18. O.Ir. gen. magistir, Ascoli Gloss. ccclxxi. manistir, g. manistrsch LU. 398 17, gen. pl. mainistrsach LS. 2474, but dat. sg. mainistir LS. 953, 3295. numir, n.pl. numrecha YBL. 264b 16. saltair, g. aaltrach SR. 7788, but dat. saltair PH. senistey, g. ssnistrech, acc. ssnisteir SR. 4236. send&, g. sendrach LS. 3846, 4310. After the analogy of s.g. sail : sailech O.Ir. ail, alo becomes ail, ailech, cf. Windisch Wb. and Meyer, Contrib. S.V. So in Mid. Ir. the borrowed epistil has gen. pl. epk~tlechLS. 154, but dat. pl. epislib MC. 89. It will be seen that in the sg. the guttural form is rare, except in the genitive. In 0.Ir. athk passes into the guttural declension in the plural in the compound uaoalathraig Ascoli, Gloss. L. In Mid. Ir. such forms are common in the plural of athir, brcithir, mdthw, siur, by the side of the older forms. Examples will be found below, pp. 237 sq. Consonant Stems ending in a Nasal. DATIVESINGULAR.

In the O.Ir. glosses nouns in -u have besides -in also -8 and -u in the dat., cf. GC.2 265, further Mume dat. of Xumu Ann. Ul. 734 by Burnu LU. 56b 39. From Mid. Ir. I have no collections. MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION-J . STRACHAN. 235

ACCUSATIVESIN~ULAR. In O.Ir. aisndis, g. aisndisen, makes both dat. and acc. aiandis, accuis makes acc. accuis M1. 90" 7. In SR. airmitiu makes nirmitzn 1744, and airmitau 837, similarly in PH.; tichtu makes tfchtu 1123, 1322, talam makes talam 31, but usually talmain. An acc. Numa is found LU. 39a 23. I have no further collections.

CHANGEOF DECLENSION. Corresponding to O.Ir. re'tglu, rktglann ' star,' we have in Mid. Ir. rktla, rktlande LU. 36a 24, like persu persninde (see above, p. 212). So 0.h. dile, dilenn ' deluge,' becomes in Mid. Ir. diliu, dilinde BB. 22b 45. In Mid. Ir. tfchtu is replaced by tiachtain ; from this the gen. is tiachtana LL. 4b 28.

Neuter -N-stems. DATIVESINGULAR. In O.Ir. forms like grevnmaim, ce'immim are regular. In later O.Ir. shorter forms begin to appear:-fordiuclaimm Nl. lgd 5, 75b 4, rnaidm 84c 9 (MS. maim), maidm 85e 6, cindruim 78b 4. In Mid. Ir. the short forms are common, the long forms are exceptional. Thus already in SR. we have anmaimm 632, 3854, rkmim 1634, but bkim 6920, ckim (bis) 469, gairm 1487, ingrim 6480. In later LU. texts we have e.g. anmm 328 27, drkim 3Sb 37, foglaim 4a 36, 40, gairm 32b 34, gen 2b 45 by anmaim (MS. anmain) 328 45, anmum 42b 11. In LG. we have foglaim 2a 15, 20; in TT. ckim 1035, 1505, re'im 1644 by anmum 48 j in Bn. gairm 457b 13, tern 4768 20, maidm 483b 40, 4848 21, seinrn 454b 36.'

NOHINATIVEAND ACCUSATIVEPLURAL. In later O.Ir. anman, etc., become, with doubling of the final n, anmann, etc., cf. CZ. iv, 483. In Jdid. Ir. anmann, ckimenn, etc., are the usual forms. For -nn, -nna appears in later Mid. Ir. From LU. I have no examples. From LL. I have noted anmanda 8g8 11, lOlb 38. Of BB. texts an.has anmann 450826, garmann 478b 20. Nenn. has anmanda 2038 47. Of LBr. texts MacConghne has anmand, ce'mmd, mirend, nadmand, sesbkmend by anmanna, mirtmda.

1 In MacConglinne there is a literary revival of the longer forms :--~zmm 93, imim by imm 81, Zornm 101. In that curious archaizing composition, The Life of Hugh Roe O'DoMeu, the long forms are also used as nominatives, e.g. anmcrim 1, cwmairn 8. 236 MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAN.

PH. has anmand, comantnmn, but usually anmanna, ckimenda, lkmanda.'

CHANGE OF DECLENSION. In 0.h. arbor is inflected in the oblique cases like an n-stem: g. arb, dat. arbaimm, etc. In Mid. Ir. arbor is inflected like an -0-stem; for examples see Meyer, Contributions, S.V.

Nouns of Relationship in -B-. GmmPLUB,AL. In O.Ir. this ends in -e: athre, mcithre, etc.a In Mid. Ir. athm etc., have been replaced throughout by the analogical athar, etc., e.g. athar SR. 4987, brdthar SR. 4470, 7320. For transition of these nouns to the guttural declension see above, p. 234. Examples will be found below, pp. 237, 238.

Neuter +stems. GWIT~PLWU. In Mid. Ir. the 0.1~forms like &be are giving place to shorter analogical forms like slia6. SR. : (a) nime 1114, 7733, tiri 506. (8)dhn 7342, hth 3152, lethglenn 4720, primdim 7342, diab 223. TT. : (a) g&ah 1555. (8) diab 1440. an. (a) tire 4568 6, tigeadh 4578 15.

GENITIVEDUAL The shorter form also makes its way here :- SR. : primleth 4290 ; TT. tir 2256, but leithe 598, etc., iddtige 1046.

1 In PH. iragreim has partly changed its declension. after the gen. sg. iragreime and ingre9na (in and na), d. ingricn are formed acc. pl. ingremai, dat. ingremaib by ingrmadaib. 2 Brugmann, Gmdri~s,ii, 696, speaks of an 0.h.tndthar, brdthur, which he would derive directly from the Idg. gen. But, so far as I know, such forms do not exist; in Sg. 31* 12 mu'thar is gen. sg. ; in FB1. Oeng. Prol. 10, some MSS. keep the old gen. bnfithre. In Ir. we must start from athre, etc., analogical tranaformstions of the Idg. forms. Mid. Ir. athar, ete., are again ado 'cal tramformatiom of athre, etc. ; that these forma should coincide with those w%ch the regular development of the Idg. fomwould have given in Irish is a curiou~ freak of chance, but nothing more. MlDDLE IRISH DECLENSIOK-J. STRACHAN. 237

Apart from these forms I have noted only isolated irregularities. From dhn, g.s. dhin is common by the side of dhin6.l From diab, n.pl. siiabu appears TT. 1380 for the common &be or eikibts (see below, p. 239). Glenn becomes fem., and, after the analogy of g.s. glinne, d.s. glinn, developes forms of the -&declension in the plural, e.g., ghna, Trip. Life 112, 216, TT. 2234, gledaib Trip.L. 96, 100 (by glinniu 144), PH.

Nominative and Accusative Plural of Masculine and Feminine Consonantal As the development is of the same kind in all these stems, they may be conveniently taken together.

NOMINAT~PLURAL.

Either (a) the old nominative remains or (a) it is replaced by the accusative form. SR. : (a) cinaid 3625, cbaid 4660 ; carait 5829 ; brithemain 5516 ; athir, senathir 4990, brdthir 3128, 3493, 5813. (p) cathracha 5195; cintaa 1412, comlada 411, druidi 3849. L U. Texts. FA. : (a) didin 27b 24, brethmain 30a 44, 30b 29. Aid. Ech.: (a) Ulaid 38a 31, 32,jZid 398 3; brdthir 38b 15. (p) derbsethracha 38b 12. Sc.L.B. : (a) coin 338 23. (p) nathrachu 338 15; tenti 33a 30. SAM. : (p) sethracha 2b 22. CA. : (a)$lid 5b 3. TT. : (a) cciirig 101, rig 152, eto. j cinaid 507, auraid 268, etc., milid 671, 827, 1848, 1864; carait 626. (p) cathracha 1385, 1625, 1795 ; Mmddti 1345, miZidi 227, 618, 854, 915, 1337, 1354, 1602, 1627, 1681, 1861, rigthi 1345, seohda 1731, 2045, teinte 177, teiagtha 1295. Nenn. : (a) druid 2108 48, 2lOb 5, 31, 32; brethamain 206b 22. (p) righdha (sic) 20gb 25 j namaite 2108 51.

It seems to occur earliest in proper names. 2 Of a plural of neuter stems ending in an explosive the only certain instance which I have got is from ddt. In O.Ir., as Thurneysen has shown (KZ.xxxvii, 423), the plur. is de't, later de'ta, and still later debit LL. 98b 22. s cinsta already in MI. 62d 5. 238 MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAN.

2En.: (a) rig 453b 8, 4568 10, 465b 9, 468b 43, 475b 30, 4768 33, 4778 11, 478b 37, airdrig 465b 42, urrig 475b 30, ruirig. 456a 10, 465b 9; bidbuid 46gh 7, curaid 4498 36, 453b 8, 4758 36, 475b 30, 4768 33, 483a 22; ncimait 454b 24, 455& 41, 471% 17, 479b 24 j coin 4738 47. (p) cathracha 4808 6, 481a 46, nathracha 454a 38, 41, riga 4498 36, 466b 37, airhiga 475" 44 (but airdrighi 466b 37), wriga 465h 9, 476b 39; druidi 465b 20, seicheda 461a 3, tengtha 4548 33, traigthi 453b 10; brciithri 482b 11, rndithri 47ga 39, 4818 17, seathra 481a 18, seathracha 47ga 40. MC. : (u) rig 45 j digid 13,JiZid 45. (p) tendti 105.

ACCUSATIVE(AND VOCATIVE)PLURAL. In Mid. Ir. -a tends to be replaced by -u after the analogy of +stems, e.g. rig% : rig =$ru : $r. (In Mod. Ir. the acc. is in part replaced by the nom. From the Mid. Ir. texts which I have examined the only instances of this which I have noted are coraid SR. 2408, bidbae'd and fechemain in PH.) SR.: (a) cathracha 2812, 4754, nathracha 3851, rlga 7252; sethra 2978. (p) brcithriu 4640 (: clti), 3113 (voc.), 4700 (voc. : dh); rndthri 7471, 7474 is ambiguous.

LE Texts. FA. : (p) ciigedu 30a 28. DBBr. : (p) brithemnu (voc.) 178 35. Sc.L.B. : (p) cardiu 33a 41. CA. : (a) aegedu 12" 44, $ledu 5b 25. TT. : regularly -u: rigu, curadu, etc. Nenn. : (p) rigu 207b 48, 2088 10 ; mileah 209b 37 ; conaolu 207b 44. an.: As we have seen above, in this text -u is confused with -a in the acc. pl. of -0-stems. This confusion will explain the presence of -a by -u in consonant stems: daracho 451a 13, riga 478b 39 ; braithriu 4818 19, derbbraithri 467" 24, maithri (voc.) 461b 39, eeathra 467h 17, seathraoha 4688 37. MC. : aihchu ( : aiHeba) 5 j colbadu, irndadu 97 ; conu (voc.). 23, 29. .MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSIOK-J. STRACHAN. 239

Dental Plurals. In Mid. and Mod. Ir.' there is a plural ending in -te, -ta. Such a plural would develop regularly in dental stems, in which a consonant (1, n, or a dental) preceded, which prevented the aspiration of the dental. Thus tene would make in 05. n.pl. tenid, acc. pl. teintea, d.pl. teitatib ; in Mid. Ir., with confusion of nom. and acc.,2 it would become nom. ace. teinte, or teinti, dat. teintib. So from le'ne, g. lkned, would come in Mid. Ir. nom. ace. lkinte, dat. le'intib ; from cin would come nom. acc. cinta, dat. ointaib. On the analogy of these there were developed from non- dental stems containing n or 1, e.g. :- 16n, n.pl. Mnte, ldnti TT. 163, 1264, 1887, d. lointib SR. 2507. In TT. 936 Mnti has spread to the gen. pl. ; cf. tented BB. 4~52~5, 4628 7, 4718 45. br6n quern,' d. pl. br6ntzb LU. 68" 26. lind, lintib TT. 808. Mod. Ir. linn, linte, etc. din(g. miinae, m6na), mointi LS. 3663 = Mod. Ir. mdinte. fdn, fdntu LU. 114&4, fcinta LL. lola 46, fcintaib LL. 95b 11 (but fdnaib TT. 1989). glenn. As we saw before O.Ir. glinne, glinnib became in Mid. Ir. glenna and glennaib, and these became further glenta LL. lOla 46 (glenta 7 fdnta), LS. 3662, and glentaib TT. 1989, LL. 95b 46, PH. all ' cliff ' : alltaib BB. 451b 9. bhale, bualti TT. 1673. Mod. Ir. buailte. caill wood,' coillti BB. 452b 42, cailltib SR. 6269, coilltib BB. 451' 12, 4638 37, 467b 12. Mod. Ir. coillte. comthin61, comthinoltaib LU. 31a 23. The only plural which I have found in Mid. Ir. when the t would not be deaspirated by the preceding consonant is that of sliab, slebte LU. 508 39, sle'ibti TT. 1406, 1564, BB. 45OP 18, 452b 42, slebtib BB. 451b 8, 24 (but slebiu 450a 26). Here the dental plural is probably due to association with glenn andfhn.

The Dual. NOMINATIVEAND ACCUSATIVE. In 0.Ir. consonant stems, besides the normal forms such as doit (fr. d6e) Corm. 8.v. cerball, ghalaind (fr. ghalae) YBL. 9Ia 24, liic

For Mod. 11. of. Finck, i, $4 426, 434, 440, 445, 453 ; Dottin, pp. 40, 41 ; Christian Brothers' Irish Grammar, pp. 43, 46, 51. a In -u-atems like sZondiard the 0. Ir. nom. and ace. would become alike ahitate. .240 MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAN.

(fr.lie)LU. 918 24,lzcrgain(€r.hrgae) YBL. 91~29,maZaich(fr.maZae) YBL. 918 21, serid (fr. seir) LU. 698 29, sligid (fr. slige) Cormac, S.V. roth, there appear, after the analogy of nouns like fer, shil, and athir, in whtch the nom. acc. dual coincided with the nom. sg., also the forms of the nom. sg. are (fr. are 'temple') Thesaurus Palseo-hibernicus ii, 249, ara ( = arae, fr. arae), ara 'charioteer' LU. 57b 15, foil LU. 1348 4, tene Cormac 8.v. beltem.' In Mid. Ir. both the longer and the shorter forms appear, e.g., nathraig TT. 362, cathmilid 1256, rigmilid 1851, sechid 2046, .curaid 478, rig 1078, etc., BB. 4548 30, tsnid LL. 998 28, by oing LL. 998 27, Zdns LL. 998 22. Unfortunately the forms are not of .common occurrence. GENITIVE. Mid. Ir. forms of the gen. have been noted above, pp. 228, 231, 236. DATIVE. In Mid. Ir., beside the old dative forms are found sometimes the forms of the nom. : forna da thir SR. 2370, don dd oenbratan 7624, fora dib chalaid (= chladaib) LU. 113b 17, asna da bkla sechtmogat LL. 28 39, assna da lzcing sin 3b 4, cona di noemoig PH. 2568, don da fer ddc PH. 2687, don da apstal die 3076, cona dii shil MC. 89, cona di ldmaind 91, for da bairgin 9. These are forerunners of the Mod. Ir. dual, in which one form serves for all cases.

THE DUALOF THE ARTICLE. In 0.h.in serves for all cases; in Mid. Ir. for in, na also appears. SR., Nom. : (a) in da mesraigthe 158, in da se rind 257. (p) na da gaeth dec 85, na dd thuaith ddc 4633, na da Slhag 5881. Acc. : (p) na da mesraigthe 160, Iza dd aasc 7626, na da mac 7682, sza di bai 5433, na diphiair 7467, na di Haire 7475. Gen. : (p) na daprimleth 4290, na dafEsso 4328. Dat. : don dd oen bratan 7624, but for na da thir 2369, dona dib trebaib deec 4730, etc. LU. Texts, Nom. : (a) an dd gein 52b 23. (p) na di chruim 3" 20, na dd chruim 3a 39, na da nsrt 38 39, na dd chzcirr 5b 1, na da apstal 27b 20, na dd draM dec 2gb 19.

1 In Bv. 23 mi appears not only as the acc. (ter), but also a8 the gen. in co cons da mi, if the text is sound. MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION-J . STRACHAN. 243

Ace. : na da chlcir 3%15, na dd me118b 29. TT., Nom. : (a) na da ingin 106. ACC.: (8)na da choreaiv 1554. Gen.: (u) in da leithe 598, 1822, 1832, 1926, 1932, 1933, in IEa idaltigs 1046. (a) na da leithi 548, na da ban 1058, na da bliadan 1817. Boroma (LL.), Nom. : (a) in da muicc 2968 27. Gen. : (u) in da ingirt 297b 3. (8) na da ingen 2958 15, na da c6iced 302b 39, na da ch6iced 302” 41, 49. PH., Nom. : (u) in da aptal 1919, in da gataigi 2855, in dcr mwcach 3042, in da modh 7330, in da noemdig 2565, ifi da a88an 4557. (8) na da rig 1113, na da apstal 1627, 1630, na da erocith 1932, na da deso&ul 4550, 4556, na da recht 4551, 4563, na da p9puE 4577, na da phopul 4596, rta da duine 4628, na da Muire 3455, 3586, na da eclais 3457, 3587, na da gnk 3558, 3561, na d& sh%alaig 4603. ACC.: (a) in da threband 2487, in dci chuid 7590. (a)na dd latrand 1209, na da rscht 4554, na daphqul4564. Gen. : (a) in da fer die 2920. (a) na dri soh 4458. Dat. : (u) on dib rachtaib 6783, don da fer dkc 2687, so 3076. (a) dona dib cenntiwib 2253, so 4445, 6690, ona dib rigu srchtmogat 1408. En., Nom. : (a) in da marcshag 4808 38. ACC.: (u) in da luing 460a 27, in da cath 476b 24. Gen. : (a) in da lethi 4718 45, in da cathmil- 4848 15, in da shag 474a 46, in da 61ogh 4778 16. YC., Nom. : in dci loan 77. ACC.: in di chammrand 5. Oen. : in da ohaillech 5. LS., Nom. : in daphopul 1476, in dri clamh 1591. ACC. : in da fhorba 1897, in dii mpoc dhe’c 4110. As to the supersession of in by na, it may be conjectured that it started while in still lived in the nom. pl. masc. of the article. In accordance with that it might be further conjectured that in the dual na invaded the nom. fern. and the acc. pl. of the dual before it invaded the nom. masc. ; such a conjecture Gnds support in the distribution of form in SR. But in SR. na is firmly established in the gen. Was this through the influence of the gen. pl. ? In later LU. texts na is the regular form in all cases. 242 MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSIOK-J . STRACHAN.

In later Mid. Ir. there is a curious reversion to in for all cases. So in Mod. Ir. the dual is an dd, don dd, etc., for all cases. That there is any historical connection between later Mid. Ir. in dd, Mod. Ir. an dd, and the 0.h. forms, is highly improbable; it would involve the supposition that Mid. Ir. na dd was purely literary, while in truth na dci and in dd appear in texts of the same kind but of different dates, such as the Togail Tr6i and the Story of the Bneid. There is no difficulty in the supposition that when the dual ceased to have different forms for different cases, the similarity of the general dual form to the singular led to the introduction of the singular article, which itself had the same form throughout except in the gen. fern. In our texts it is occasionally doubtful whether we have a survival of the old or the beginning of the new. Confusion of Dative and Accusative after Prepositions. As we have seen above, p. 210, in course of time the accusative disappeared in the singular and plural. After prepositions in Mod. Ir. the old accusative is represented by the dative. In the singular a trace of the old distinction remains after a preposition folIowed by the article, when there is sometimes aspiration, sometimes eclipsis ; in different dialects, however, aspiration and eclipsis have spread analogically beyond their proper bounds. In the dual in time the old dative disappears. SINGULAR. Here, unfortunately, my collections are very incomplete. I must be content to give what I have noted, pointing to a confusion of the cases, under various headings. (a) The Form of tk Case, In most classes of nouns the dat. and the acc. were the same in form. In -0-stems, where they were different, the dat. form in time disappeared, see above, pp. 213 sq. Examples of dat. for acc. are oosinn oenfi2Cr (: asbiur) SR. 3572, i lluc LU. 4a 16, foa rusc PH. 1322, fo mud 126. In neut. +stems the two forms were also distinct; examples of dat. for acc. are isin sled PH. 6295, isint shldib 7225, where in the one case the article is in the acc. form, in the other in the dat. ; conversely, tech is used for tig PH. 7572.'

1 In eter iwm 7 dichelt LU. 74b 14 the nom. form is remarkable. It looks a forerunner of the Mod. Ir. rule that in the singular idir is followed by the nominative. MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAK. 243

(b) Aspiration. After the dative of the article the noun is aspirated, after the dative of the noun there is aspiration of a following closely connected word. In the following instances aspiration appears where in O.Ir. the case would have been the accusative :-fon chetharaird TT. 183, immon mac tharngirthid 252, tria guth challaire PH. 2607. Conversely, with prepositions which governed the dative aspiration is often wanting after the article. Thus on Zn. I have a note that after the article aspiration is not usual. In PH. after the instances of coasin quoted by Atkinson, p. 588, there is no aspiration; with i n- cf. isin cathraig 11, isin croich 123, isin sligid 929.

(c) Ecliy~ingn-.I In O.Ir. the acc. of the article eclipsed, also the accusative of a noun eclipsed a following closely connected word. To trace the disappearance of this n- would need a special investigation. The following are instances which I hare noted where it is omitted :- i n-dentaid aingel LU. 178 36, fri dered domain 1W 2, fri lucht aile 288 22, fri forcetol bre'thre 30" 11, i rricht dobran 40b 30, fond uile domun PH. 5286, fri breithir hu 2780, a n-inad aile 203, similarly 328, 1740, 2050, 2951, tre chumachta De 150, similarly 2008, 3486, 4871, 6085. Conversely, in Mid. Ir. eclipsis appears after prepositions which originally governed the dative, e.g., SR.'for tGaith n-lerahel 7114, for clainn .n-iraig 6530, for crich n-lsrahkl 6908, ria ri-@ola i-gkr 5784, ria h-Dauid n-dian 5890, riasin cath n-gGr 6489 ; TT. coain th-brait 838; En. co n-grain n-aduathmar 4548 31, gusin duille n-orda 463a 23, for each m-bwada 456b 43, i cofEeid n-aibind n-oiregh 453" 32, i cride n-Didaine 453a 42, 08 mullach n-Daired 461" 18, riasin muilli (=m-builli) 461& 20; PH. co n-, glossary, p. 588, iwrsin m-bethaid 4669, cf. iarsin m-belra n-Ebraide LBr. 114b 34. PLURAL. In Mid. Ir. prepositions which originally governed the accusative are commonly followed by the dati~e.~Rarely in early Mid. Ir.,

1 For O.Ir. see Thurneysen, CZ. Y, I sq. a If the forms are not due to later corruption. From LU. I have noted no instances. 3 Already in O.Ir. there is confusion after nr, cf. GC.3 623; after for Ml. 74c 20, cf. foraib = form M1. 33a 9, 42= 4, 15, 54" 6, 72. 11, 72d 18, 74c 20, 90c 25 ; suidib appears for suidiu after cen M1. 20d 3 (cf. cmaib 20d 4) for M1. lOld 6, jX Wb. 31. 18, MI. 121b 7, Sg. 61a 6, im BCr. 18b 3, Wb. 8. 12, 17d 11, 21b 11, Sg. 4= 9, etc., tri M1. 56b 15. 244 MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAN. more frequently later, prepositions which originally governed the dative are followed by forms without 4.

(a) Dathe fw Accusative.

SR. : co cotomnaib 2644, similarly 5598 ; eter nimib 196, similarly 3122; fw tonBaib 2614, similarly 4466, 4766, 5036, 5398, 5582; friana aemo?aib 1604, similarly 2094, 3239, 3280, 3394; i coic creaaaib 152, similarly 1550, 2650, 3548, 6238; la buidnib 7188; dar garbaib gelt 3441, similarly 7188 ; Cia alberlaib 2762. In tbia next I have not noted the occurrences of the old construction. LT7. Texts. SAM. : (a) fw clannaib 2b 2 ; i tri rannaib la 14. Nenn. : (a) cen armaib 3b 43 ; etir na clarkatraib 3' 12. (p) fw Bretnu 3b40,4b 1 ; fri Bretnu 3b 23, 32, similarly 4a 19. CA. : (a) eter acolaib 11" 43, similarly lla 37; fri tuathaib 14b 5 ; la fonnaib 68 7 ; dara auilib 58 19. (/I)amal Qrecu 14b 43, eter $ru 5a 16, similarly 5b 41, 6a 5, 13a 7, 14b 4; frisna J;ru 128 6; lajr~68 6, similarly 6a 8, 9, 10, gb 24. D6Br. : (a)eter airbrib 17b 30 ; for anmannaib 178 9 ; ria tdebaib 17b 35. FA. : (a) eter na hirichtad 27b 27; for ainglib 278 25; fri grddaib 288 16, similarly 28" 21, 30b 22; d m-brdgtib 30" 2; imma m-brdgtib 30b 12, similarly 30b 20 ; la demnaib 30b 34; similarly 31* 13, 31 ; dara n-gnhsib, dara roacaib 29s 7, similarly 30b 21 ; triana tengthaib 308 41, triana cendnaib 308 41. (/3) ehndemu 7 n6emdgec 288 7, similarly 27b 17 ; friarua srolha 29s 33, similarly 29b 9, 30a 21, 31b 12 ; le hsolchu 2Bb 36. Sc.L.B. : (a)eter noi a-gradaib 33b 43, similarly 33b 44 ;fwana ftre'naib 32s 26, similarly 33b 2, 3; fri sce'laib 31b 37, similarly 31b 38, 39, 41, 338 3 ; i m-belaib 33b 8, similarly 33b 22, 35 ; tria aualchaib 7 cciingnitnaib 32b 30, similarly 32b 41. (a) cen choemu, cen cardiu 338 41 ; star blu 7 marbu 32b 9. Sc.E. : (a)fwsna &end 378 40 ; hi sualchib 36b 34, shkly 36b 43 ; triasna saeglaib 36b 8, similarly 36b 28, 29. , (p) eter pecthachu 7 jrknu, similarly 35b 36, 36" 16, 37b 44 ; fqia apatak 358 32. Aid.E. : (u)friana nczmaib 41a 5. (p) cen eochu 3gb 14; sech cdau 40b 10. MIDDLE IRISH DECLENSION-J. STRACHAN. 245

FCC. : (p) eter maccu 428 38. GAS. : (p) la Goedelu 528 23. SCC. : (a) eter nilaib 1138 20, 'hi tfril 113b 40. (/3) for triunu 1148 41 ; fri muithi 114" 30, similarly 1158 11 ; i m-broamacha 114b 10; lat chetmecho llSb 39, similarly 1148 33, 115827. The rarity of (a) forms is in accordance with the higher antiquity of the text, see above, p. 203. CL.: (p) Zafiru 117b 25. On La. I have a note : '' The old distinction is mostly preserved. But i tirib 6b 17, iama hetrigib 158 28, i n-dlthrubaib 20b 25, im d6itib 18b 34, for Coldsib 188 16, for maccaib 20b 24, la tri macc5ib 8" 15, la maccaib gb 51, la Laignib 15b 15, 268 8, re (= la, cf. 38 7, 68 50) maccaib 208 11." For TT. and Bn. I have no complete collections. So far as I can judge from the examples which I have gathered, in Bn. the accusative is comparatively rare ; in TT. the acc. is the more common after etir and for; after con- my instances are nearly balanced ; the dative prevails after in and ri ( = Za).

(b) Forms without -b for the Old Dative. In SR. this is rare:-grada (: gldma) 264, for Laigniu 2354, for sretha (: Zetha) 2362, iw rhini 185. In LU. texts it is also very rare :-forma crunnu 28b 8, do anmand (but another text has anmandaib) 31b 2, dona cleirchi 418 10, fladfiru 118" 34. In TT. we have co cetheora lanna 1543, co tedra fe'thana 1552. From Bn. I seem to have no instances. In He.it is frequent :-a mma 71; cona aradnu 81, cona cethri crh 89; do pecdachu 73, dona ab5gu 59, do chaekdnu 89, 91 j iw n-deichtimna 49, ina Zdmu 91, i cerdu 43 j o ahndmu 17, ona biadu 77 j G buah 51, oana roaca 97. For PH. examples will be found in Atkinson's Qlossary, S.V. co N- p. 588, CEO p. 650, i la- p. 746 (where omit 2831 and add im crumda 1260, ina mogadu 6576, iraar n-aingliu 7260), 6 p. 826. In rowa MC. the radical syllable shows the vocalism of the old dat., in Orunda PH. of the old acc. But that we should have here simply a resurrection of acc. forms is most improbable. Rather the growing confusion in later texts points to phonetic decay in the ending of the dative.'

1 For the dat. ending in Nod. Ir. dialects cf. Dottin, M6lauge3, p. 44. Phil. Trans. 1906. 17 246 MIDDLE IRISH PECLENSJON-J. STRACHAN.

DUAL. Here the old acc. is usually retained, e.g., eter na da mewaigthi SR. 160, similarly LU. 3" 15, 28b 5, 114b 15, 18, llBb 29, . an. 460a 27, 4618 36, 467a 24 ; fri dd mile Lo. 298 21 ; i n-di raind dkc 5123 ; im dd aktig LU. 528 28. The only instance of dat. for acc. which I have is i n-dib rannaib derbda dkc SB. 208. In accordance with what we have seen above, p. 240, the reverse is the rule, the dat. tends to be replaced by the acc.

The Dative Plural of the Adjective. In the course of the development of the language the dat. pl. in -6 has disappeared in the adjective. SR. : Here the ending in -8 is the normal form. Exceptions are sethraib sochraid~2974, clannaib adni 3826, fona crichai6 Caspian& 4012, i n-e'tgodaib oilecda 6872. LU. Texts. Here, again, in the texts which I have examined (which are the dame as those used for the dat. and acc. of the noun, pp. 244 sq., with the addition of Sc61 TGain), the -6 forms are normal. Exceptions are rare:-osaaib alta 168 15, similarly 27, ar&aib sainemla 28b 6, 6na maccaib aile 52b 27. LG.: On this text I have a note that the dat. seems usually to end in -b. TT.: Of -6 forms I have noted six occurrences; of the other form, fifty-five. Bn. : Of -b forms I have noted fourteen occurrences ; of the other, eight, in five of which there are two adjectives. There is an admixture in cathaib oroda cztmtuib 4598 12, eathbarraib jirailli formdaib 476b 2, and forna crichaib oomfoicsib uili, where, unfortunately, I have lost the reference. MC.: Of -6 forms I have noted two occurrences (one of them with two adjectives); of non-b forms, eight, in three of which there are two adjectives.