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China's Youth in Transition
Teaching About Asia Through Youth Culture CONFUCIAN AND COOL China’s Youth in Transition By Robert Moore and James Rizor Kicking Bird could be considered Qingdao University’s first hippie, at least if one were to judge him by his appearance. He had shoulder-length hair and made a point of pub- licly protesting the university’s rules on grooming.1 That was 1994, and even though young Chinese who looked like Kicking Bird could be found in Beijing and Shanghai at that time, they were all but non-existent in provincial cities like Qingdao. In fact, given the conservative grooming of most young Chinese at the time, Kicking Bird’s appearance was striking to say the least. His inspiration came from Hollywood. He had seen the Kevin Costner film Dances with Wolves and, hav- ing been mightily impressed with a Sioux Indian character in that film, had dropped his Chinese name in favor of the character’s and let his hair grow to shoulder length. The university officials were aghast at his be- havior and told him that until he conformed to a more conservative appearance, he wouldn’t be allowed back on campus. Kicking Bird was saved by what might be called the parent-child bond of an enduring Con- fucian mindset—his parents stood up for him and forced the university to back down. We can regard young Kicking Bird as emblematic of the inroads that American popular culture began to make in China once the barriers to outside influences were brought down by the post-Mao reforms initiated in 1978. -
Anarchism in the Chinese Revolution Was Also a Radical Educational Institution Modeled After Socialist 1991 36 for This Information, See Ibid., 58
only by rephrasing earlier problems in a new discourse that is unmistakably modern in its premises and sensibilities; even where the answers are old, the questions that produced them have been phrased in the problematic of a new historical situation. The problem was especially acute for the first generation of intellec- Anarchism in the Chinese tuals to become conscious of this new historical situation, who, Revolution as products of a received ethos, had to remake themselves in the very process of reconstituting the problematic of Chinese thought. Anarchism, as we shall see, was a product of this situation. The answers it offered to this new problematic were not just social Arif Dirlik and political but sought to confront in novel ways its demands in their existential totality. At the same time, especially in the case of the first generation of anarchists, these answers were couched in a moral language that rephrased received ethical concepts in a new discourse of modernity. Although this new intellectual problematique is not to be reduced to the problem of national consciousness, that problem was important in its formulation, in two ways. First, essential to the new problematic is the question of China’s place in the world and its relationship to the past, which found expression most concretely in problems created by the new national consciousness. Second, national consciousness raised questions about social relationships, ultimately at the level of the relationship between the individual and society, which were to provide the framework for, and in some ways also contained, the redefinition of even existential questions. -
Research Report Learning to Read Lu Xun, 1918–1923: the Emergence
Research Report Learning to Read Lu Xun, 1918–1923: The Emergence of a Readership* Eva Shan Chou ABSTRACT As the first and still the most prominent writer in modern Chinese literature, Lu Xun (1881–1936) had been the object of extensive attention since well before his death. Little noticed, however, is the anomaly that almost nothing was written about Lu Xun in the first five years of his writing career – only eleven items date from the years 1918–23. This article proposes that the five-year lag shows that time was required to learn to read his fiction, a task that necessitated interpretation by insiders, and that further time was required for the creation of a literary world that would respond in the form of published comments. Such an account of the development of his standing has larger applicability to issues relating to the emerg- ence of a modern readership for the New Literature of the May Fourth generation, and it draws attention to the earliest years of that literature. Lu Xun’s case represents the earliest instance of a fast-evolving relationship being created between writers and their society in those years. In 1918, Lu Xun’s “Kuangren riji” (“Diary of a madman”) was published in the magazine Xin qingnian (New Youth).1 In this story, through the delusions of a madman who thought people were plotting to devour other people, the reader is brought to see the metaphorical cannibalism that governed Chinese society and tradition. It was a startling piece of writing, unprecedented in many respects: its use of the vernacular, its unbroken first person narration, its consistent fiction of madness, and, of course, its damning thesis. -
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Translating Revolution in Twentieth-Century China and France Diana King Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2017 © 2017 Diana King All rights reserved ABSTRACT Translating Revolution in Twentieth-Century China and France Diana King In “Translating Revolution in Twentieth-Century China and France,” I examine how the two countries translated each other’s revolutions during critical moments of political and cultural crisis (the 1911 Revolution, the May Fourth Movement (1919), the Cultural Revolution (1966-76), and May 1968 in France), and subsequently (or simultaneously), how that knowledge was mobilized in practice and shaped the historical contexts in which it was produced. Drawing upon a broad range of discourses including political journals, travel narratives, films and novels in French, English and Chinese, I argue that translation served as a key site of knowledge production, shaping the formulation of various political and cultural projects from constructing a Chinese national identity to articulating women’s rights to thinking about radical emancipation in an era of decolonization. While there have been isolated studies on the influence of the French Revolution in early twentieth-century China, and the impact of the Chinese Cultural Revolution on the development of French Maoism and French theory in the sixties, there have been few studies that examine the circulation of revolutionary ideas and practices across multiple historical moments and cultural contexts. In addition, the tendency of much current scholarship to focus exclusively on the texts of prominent French or Chinese intellectuals overlooks the vital role played by translation, and by non-elite thinkers, writers, students and migrant workers in the cross-fertilization of revolutionary discourses and practices. -
On Mao's Contradictions
REVIEWS Rebecca E. Karl, Mao Zedong and China in the Twentieth-Century World Duke University Press: Durham, nc 2010, $21.95, paperback 216 pp, 978 0 8223 4795 8 Tariq Ali ON MAO’S CONTRADICTIONS The emergence of China as the world’s economic powerhouse has shifted the centre of the global market eastwards. The prc’s growth rates are the envy of elites everywhere, its commodities circulating even in the tiniest Andean street markets, its leaders courted by governments strong and weak. These developments have ignited endless discussion on the country and its future. The mainstream media are essentially concerned with the extent to which Beijing is catering to the economic needs of Washington, while think- tankers worry that China will sooner or later mount a systematic challenge to the political wisdom of the West. Academic debate, meanwhile, usually con- centrates on the exact nature and the mechanics of contemporary capitalism in China. The optimists of the intellect argue that its essence is determined by the ccp’s continued grip on power, seeing China’s pro-market turn as a version of the Bolsheviks’ New Economic Policy; in more delirious moments, they argue that China’s leaders will use their new economic strength to build a socialism purer than anything previously attempted, based on proper development of the productive forces and not the tin-pot communes of the past. Others, by contrast, hold that a more accurate name for the ruling party would not even require a change of initials—Communist is easily replaced with Capitalist. A third view insists that the Chinese future is simply not foreseeable; it is too soon to predict it with any certainty. -
Mao Zedong's "Anarcho-Marxist" Vision Revisited Caleb Yankus Western Oregon University
Western Oregon University Digital Commons@WOU Student Theses, Papers and Projects (History) Department of History 2009 Mao Zedong's "Anarcho-Marxist" Vision Revisited Caleb Yankus Western Oregon University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.wou.edu/his Part of the Asian History Commons Recommended Citation Yankus, Caleb, "Mao Zedong's "Anarcho-Marxist" Vision Revisited" (2009). Student Theses, Papers and Projects (History). 217. https://digitalcommons.wou.edu/his/217 This Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of History at Digital Commons@WOU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Student Theses, Papers and Projects (History) by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@WOU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Mao Zedong’s “Anarcho‐Marxist” Vision Revisited* By Caleb Yankus Seminar Paper Presented to the Department of History Western Oregon University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in History Spring 2009 Approved_______________________________________________ ______ Date___________________ Approved______________________________________________________Date___________________ HST 499: Prof. Max Geier & Prof. Narasingha Sil 2 I In 1949, after a brutal civil war, China was unified under a new party and a new political leader. Mao Zedong (1893‐1976) had navigated a treacherous political landscape to emerge as the leader of the Chinese Communist Party, CCP, and the figurehead of the entire Chinese nation. His rise to power was based on a political philosophy that was shaped by experiences from his youth and growing to adulthood in a time of upheaval and change in China. While several scholars have tried to explain Mao in terms of his Marxist orientation, the concept of “Maoism”1 shows that unlike some of his Communist contemporaries Mao’s ideals were a synthesis of traditional Chinese thought, shrewd pragmatism, and Marxist ideas. -
Perspectives in History: China's Revolution Spring 2019 21:510:316
Perspectives in History: China’s Revolution Spring 2019 21:510:316 Monday, 2:30 – 3:50 pm Wednesday, 1:00 – 2:20 pm Location: HAH 322 Instructor: Daniel Asen Email: [email protected] Office hours: Monday and Wednesday, 4-5 pm, and by appointment, Conklin Hall 328 1. Course Description China’s modern transformation into a rising superpower has been one of the most consequential developments of the late 20th and early 21st centuries. China’s spectacular rise can be understood as the product of multiple “revolutions,” profound and often violent shifts that have altered the political, social, and economic landscape and even the fabric of everyday life. The first of these revolutions, which had the goal of reversing a century of domestic chaos and foreign exploitation, was a communist revolution that led to the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. The second of these – the Cultural Revolution (1966-76) – saw party leader Mao Zedong and his supporters attempt to consolidate their power over state and society while violently reigniting the country’s revolutionary legacy. The third “revolution,” which began in the late 1970s with China’s momentous shift to economic liberalization policies, has transformed China’s economy and society into what it is today. These policies also created conditions for the Tiananmen Square demonstrations of 1989 and the government’s violent crackdown on this movement. Each of these three moments – the communist revolution of the late 1940s, the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s and 1970s, and the post-1978 economic reforms – have involved profound changes of direction in national policy, but also deep changes in patterns of social and economic interaction and cultural values. -
"The Twentieth-Century Chinese Anarchist Movement." Daoism and Anarchism: Critiques of State Autonomy in Ancient and Modern China
Rapp, John A. "The twentieth-century Chinese anarchist movement." Daoism and Anarchism: Critiques of State Autonomy in Ancient and Modern China. London: Continuum, 2012. 107– 122. Contemporary Anarchist Studies. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 28 Sep. 2021. <http:// dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781501306778.ch-005>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 28 September 2021, 20:13 UTC. Copyright © John A. Rapp 2012. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 5 The twentieth-century Chinese anarchist movement It might seem odd for a book on Chinese anarchism to devote only one chapter to the early twentieth-century anarchist movement in China, which began separately at the turn of the last century among Chinese student groups in Tokyo and Paris, respectively, and continued in China itself after the 1911 revolution until it was gradually eclipsed by Marxist–Leninism in the 1920s. First, given the rather extensive scholarship on this movement both in and outside of China, 1 and second, the limited relationship of that movement to either premodern Daoist anarchism or to the dissident Marxists whose critique will be labeled “neo-anarchist” in later chapters, that early twentieth-century movement lies largely outside the scope of this book, with two different but notable exceptions that are the focus of this chapter. For the most part the early twentieth-century Chinese anarchists adopted the themes of their European and American counterparts, especially concerning the need for a social revolution to overthrow the capitalist state and to establish social and economic equality within an industrial, modern, but communal society, also to be accomplished through establishing experiments such as work–study movements where people would combine intellectual work with manual labor. -
Script Crisis and Literary Modernity in China, 1916-1958 Zhong Yurou
Script Crisis and Literary Modernity in China, 1916-1958 Zhong Yurou Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2014 © 2014 Yurou Zhong All rights reserved ABSTRACT Script Crisis and Literary Modernity in China, 1916-1958 Yurou Zhong This dissertation examines the modern Chinese script crisis in twentieth-century China. It situates the Chinese script crisis within the modern phenomenon of phonocentrism – the systematic privileging of speech over writing. It depicts the Chinese experience as an integral part of a worldwide crisis of non-alphabetic scripts in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It places the crisis of Chinese characters at the center of the making of modern Chinese language, literature, and culture. It investigates how the script crisis and the ensuing script revolution intersect with significant historical processes such as the Chinese engagement in the two World Wars, national and international education movements, the Communist revolution, and national salvation. Since the late nineteenth century, the Chinese writing system began to be targeted as the roadblock to literacy, science and democracy. Chinese and foreign scholars took the abolition of Chinese script to be the condition of modernity. A script revolution was launched as the Chinese response to the script crisis. This dissertation traces the beginning of the crisis to 1916, when Chao Yuen Ren published his English article “The Problem of the Chinese Language,” sweeping away all theoretical oppositions to alphabetizing the Chinese script. This was followed by two major movements dedicated to the task of eradicating Chinese characters: First, the Chinese Romanization Movement spearheaded by a group of Chinese and international scholars which was quickly endorsed by the Guomingdang (GMD) Nationalist government in the 1920s; Second, the dissident Chinese Latinization Movement initiated in the Soviet Union and championed by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the 1930s. -
Mao Zedong's “Anarcho-Marxist” Vision Revisited*
Mao Zedong’s “Anarcho‐Marxist” Vision Revisited* By Caleb Yankus Seminar Paper Presented to the Department of History Western Oregon University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in History Spring 2009 Approved_______________________________________________ ______ Date___________________ Approved______________________________________________________Date___________________ HST 499: Prof. Max Geier & Prof. Narasingha Sil 2 I In 1949, after a brutal civil war, China was unified under a new party and a new political leader. Mao Zedong (1893‐1976) had navigated a treacherous political landscape to emerge as the leader of the Chinese Communist Party, CCP, and the figurehead of the entire Chinese nation. His rise to power was based on a political philosophy that was shaped by experiences from his youth and growing to adulthood in a time of upheaval and change in China. While several scholars have tried to explain Mao in terms of his Marxist orientation, the concept of “Maoism”1 shows that unlike some of his Communist contemporaries Mao’s ideals were a synthesis of traditional Chinese thought, shrewd pragmatism, and Marxist ideas. Mao’s unique approach to Marxist theory began with the traditional ideals he imbibed since his childhood. This upbringing let him see that a successful revolution in China must start with the peasants. Such a revolutionary strategy would isolate him from the Russian Communists. After joining with the Kuomintang, a powerful political party, Mao and his followers later separated from them over ideological differences. Mao had a unique approach to Marxism that was shaped during the first half of the twentieth century. Mao had a rather uneventful life as the son of a moderately well‐to‐do peasant in Hunan. -
China's Forgotten Revolution
China’s Forgotten Revolution: Radical Conservatism in Action, 1927-1949 Brian Kai Hin Tsui Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2013 © 2012 Brian Kai Hin Tsui All rights reserved ABSTRACT China’s Forgotten Revolution: Radical Conservatism in Action, 1927-1949 Brian Kai Hin Tsui This dissertation examines Republican China’s state-led revolution under the Guomindang. Since the anti-Communist purge in 1927, the party-state had strived to re- energize mass activism and dissolve proletarian political subjectivity with a rightwing program that stressed interclass and national unity. Under Chiang Kai-shek’s leadership, the Guomindang put an end to the ideological ambiguity of Sun Yat-sen’s national revolution, broke ties the party forged with the Communist International in 1923, and launched an all-round assault on the fledging Chinese Communist Party. Refusing to challenge unequal power relationships domestically and abroad, Guomindang leaders promised to bring China and Asia back to their cultural essence and towards a superior ethical order. Despite its conservative socio-economic agenda, the party retained a radical organizational mode it derived from revolutionary socialism that prized Leninist vanguardism, reliance on mass involvement and cultural transformation. The Chinese nation-state under Guomindang rule experienced a conservative revolution and partook in a global fascist current that swept across Asia, Europe and Latin America during the second quarter of the twentieth century. The distinctiveness of China’s conservative revolution is demonstrated in this dissertation through a multilayered study of its ideological formulations, mass mobilization programs, and ability to garner support from outside the Guomindang domestically and abroad. -
The Political Trajectories of Chen Duxiu and Qu Qiubai, Two Founding Leaders of the Chinese Communist Party: to Communism and Back Again
THE POLITICAL TRAJECTORIES OF CHEN DUXIU AND QU QIUBAI, TWO FOUNDING LEADERS OF THE CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY: TO COMMUNISM AND BACK AGAIN A THESIS Presented to The Faculty of the Department of History Colorado College In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Bachelor of Arts By Kelly Cheung December/2012 Cheung 2 Table of Contents Preface and Introduction 4 List of Abbreviations 9 Names 9 Brief Historiography 10 Biographic Similarities 16 Early Family Life 16 Education and Pre-Marxist Revolutionary Activities 22 Professional Posts 24 The Western-Informed Development of Marxism in Chen Duxiu and Qu Qiubai 27 Introduction 27 Historiography 28 Historical Context – Previous Attempts at Reform in China 30 “What is Marxism?” as Interpreted by Lenin and Stalin 32 Chen and the Deweyan Individual 39 Chen’s Shift From Anti-Traditionalism 42 The West as Interpreted through Dewey and Lenin 44 Dewey’s Lessons on Cultural, Political and Economic Arrangements 48 The Impact of Deweyan Thought on Qu 59 Chen’s Conversion to Marxism and the Role of the Comintern 60 Comintern’s Role in the Rise of the CCP 61 The Peak of Chen’s Marxism 66 Qu Qiubai’s Critical Role in the Chinese Understanding of Marxism 71 Conclusion 75 Shaping the Chinese Literary Revival 77 Introduction 77 Problems of Using Literature as Propaganda 80 The Use and Debate over Western European and Russian Influences 83 Personal Writing Styles 86 The Rise of Anti-Confucianism In The Post-WWI Era 90 The Literary Revolution’s Audience and Enlightened Leader 95 Qu’s Critical Development