Mao Zedong's “Anarcho-Marxist” Vision Revisited*
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Lenin and the Russian Civil War
Lenin and the Russian Civil War In the months and years after the fall of Tsar Nicholas II’s government, Russia went through incredible, often violent changes. The society was transformed from a peasant society run by an absolute monarchy into a worker’s state run by an all- powerful group that came to be known as the Communist Party. A key to this transformation is Vladimir Lenin. Who Was Lenin? • Born into a wealthy middle-class family background. • Witnessed (when he was 17) the hanging of his brother Aleksandr for revolutionary activity. • Kicked out his university for participating in anti- Tsarist protests. • Took and passed his law exams and served in various law firms in St. Petersburg and elsewhere. • Arrested and sent to Siberia for 3 years for transporting and distributing revolutionary literature. • When WWI started, argued that it should become a revolution of the workers throughout Europe. • Released and lived mostly in exile (Switzerland) until 1917. • Adopted the name “Lenin” (he was born Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov) in exile to hide his activities from the Tsar’s secret police. Lenin and the French Revolution Lenin admired the revolutionaries in France 100 years before his time, though he believed they didn’t go far enough – too much wealth was left in middle class hands. His Bolsheviks used the chaotic and incomplete nature of the French Revolution as a guide - they believed that in order for a communist revolution to succeed, it would need firm leadership from a small group of party leaders – a very different vision from Karl Marx. So, in some ways, Lenin was like Robin Hood – taking from the rich and giving to the poor. -
The Significance and Shortcomings of Karl Marx
Class, Race and Corporate Power Volume 6 Issue 2 Article 3 2018 The Significance and Shortcomings of Karl Marx Chris Wright Hunter College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Wright, Chris (2018) "The Significance and Shortcomings of Karl Marx," Class, Race and Corporate Power: Vol. 6 : Iss. 2 , Article 3. DOI: 10.25148/CRCP.6.2.008310 Available at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower/vol6/iss2/3 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts, Sciences & Education at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Class, Race and Corporate Power by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Significance and Shortcomings of Karl Marx Abstract In this essay I explain both why Karl Marx remains an important thinker and why he is in some respects inadequate. I focus on the central issue of 'materialism vs. idealism,' and briefly explore ways in which contemporary intellectuals still haven't assimilated the insights of historical materialism. In the last section of the paper I examine the greatest weakness of Marxism, its theory of proletarian revolution, and propose an alternative conceptualization that both updates the theory for the twenty-first century and is more faithful to historical materialism than Marx's own conception was. Keywords Karl Marx, Marxism, socialism Creative Commons License This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License. This article is available in Class, Race and Corporate Power: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/ classracecorporatepower/vol6/iss2/3 I often have occasion to think that, as an “intellectual,” I’m very lucky to be alive at this time in history, at the end of the long evolution from Herodotus and the pre-Socratic philosophers to Chomsky and modern science. -
The Chinese Civil War (1927–37 and 1946–49)
13 CIVIL WAR CASE STUDY 2: THE CHINESE CIVIL WAR (1927–37 AND 1946–49) As you read this chapter you need to focus on the following essay questions: • Analyze the causes of the Chinese Civil War. • To what extent was the communist victory in China due to the use of guerrilla warfare? • In what ways was the Chinese Civil War a revolutionary war? For the first half of the 20th century, China faced political chaos. Following a revolution in 1911, which overthrew the Manchu dynasty, the new Republic failed to take hold and China continued to be exploited by foreign powers, lacking any strong central government. The Chinese Civil War was an attempt by two ideologically opposed forces – the nationalists and the communists – to see who would ultimately be able to restore order and regain central control over China. The struggle between these two forces, which officially started in 1927, was interrupted by the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war in 1937, but started again in 1946 once the war with Japan was over. The results of this war were to have a major effect not just on China itself, but also on the international stage. Mao Zedong, the communist Timeline of events – 1911–27 victor of the Chinese Civil War. 1911 Double Tenth Revolution and establishment of the Chinese Republic 1912 Dr Sun Yixian becomes Provisional President of the Republic. Guomindang (GMD) formed and wins majority in parliament. Sun resigns and Yuan Shikai declared provisional president 1915 Japan’s Twenty-One Demands. Yuan attempts to become Emperor 1916 Yuan dies/warlord era begins 1917 Sun attempts to set up republic in Guangzhou. -
China's Youth in Transition
Teaching About Asia Through Youth Culture CONFUCIAN AND COOL China’s Youth in Transition By Robert Moore and James Rizor Kicking Bird could be considered Qingdao University’s first hippie, at least if one were to judge him by his appearance. He had shoulder-length hair and made a point of pub- licly protesting the university’s rules on grooming.1 That was 1994, and even though young Chinese who looked like Kicking Bird could be found in Beijing and Shanghai at that time, they were all but non-existent in provincial cities like Qingdao. In fact, given the conservative grooming of most young Chinese at the time, Kicking Bird’s appearance was striking to say the least. His inspiration came from Hollywood. He had seen the Kevin Costner film Dances with Wolves and, hav- ing been mightily impressed with a Sioux Indian character in that film, had dropped his Chinese name in favor of the character’s and let his hair grow to shoulder length. The university officials were aghast at his be- havior and told him that until he conformed to a more conservative appearance, he wouldn’t be allowed back on campus. Kicking Bird was saved by what might be called the parent-child bond of an enduring Con- fucian mindset—his parents stood up for him and forced the university to back down. We can regard young Kicking Bird as emblematic of the inroads that American popular culture began to make in China once the barriers to outside influences were brought down by the post-Mao reforms initiated in 1978. -
Friedrich Engels in the Age of Digital Capitalism. Introduction
tripleC 19 (1): 1-14, 2021 http://www.triple-c.at Engels@200: Friedrich Engels in the Age of Digital Capitalism. Introduction. Christian Fuchs University of Westminster, [email protected], http://fuchs.uti.at, @fuchschristian Abstract: This piece is the introduction to the special issue “Engels@200: Friedrich Engels in the Age of Digital Capitalism” that the journal tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique published on the occasion of Friedrich Engels’s 200th birthday on 28 November 2020. The introduction introduces Engels’s life and works and gives an overview of the special issue’s contributions. Keywords: Friedrich Engels, 200th birthday, anniversary, digital capitalism, Karl Marx Date of Publication: 28 November 2020 CC-BY-NC-ND: Creative Commons License, 2021. 2 Christian Fuchs 1. Friedrich Engels’s Life Friedrich Engels was born on 28 November 1820 in Barmen, a city in North Rhine- Westphalia, Germany, that has since 1929 formed a district of the city Wuppertal. In the early 19th century, Barmen was one of the most important manufacturing centres in the German-speaking world. He was the child of Elisabeth Franziska Mauritia Engels (1797-1873) and Friedrich Engels senior (1796-1860). The Engels family was part of the capitalist class and operated a business in the cotton manufacturing industry, which was one of the most important industries. In 1837, Engels senior created a business partnership with Peter Ermen called Ermen & Engels. The company operated cotton mills in Manchester (Great Britain) and Engelskirchen (Germany). Other than Marx, Engels did not attend university because his father wanted him to join the family business so that Engels junior already at the age of 16 started an ap- prenticeship in commerce. -
Re-Evaluating the Communist Guomindang Split of 1927
University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School March 2019 Nationalism and the Communists: Re-Evaluating the Communist Guomindang Split of 1927 Ryan C. Ferro University of South Florida, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the History Commons Scholar Commons Citation Ferro, Ryan C., "Nationalism and the Communists: Re-Evaluating the Communist Guomindang Split of 1927" (2019). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7785 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Nationalism and the Communists: Re-Evaluating the Communist-Guomindang Split of 1927 by Ryan C. Ferro A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Co-MaJor Professor: Golfo Alexopoulos, Ph.D. Co-MaJor Professor: Kees Boterbloem, Ph.D. Iwa Nawrocki, Ph.D. Date of Approval: March 8, 2019 Keywords: United Front, Modern China, Revolution, Mao, Jiang Copyright © 2019, Ryan C. Ferro i Table of Contents Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………….…...ii Chapter One: Introduction…..…………...………………………………………………...……...1 1920s China-Historiographical Overview………………………………………...………5 China’s Long -
April 28, 1969 Mao Zedong's Speech At
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified April 28, 1969 Mao Zedong’s Speech at the First Plenary Session of the CCP’s Ninth Central Committee Citation: “Mao Zedong’s Speech at the First Plenary Session of the CCP’s Ninth Central Committee,” April 28, 1969, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Jianguo yilai Mao Zedong wengao, vol. 13, pp. 35-41. Translated for CWIHP by Chen Jian. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/117145 Summary: Mao speaks about the importance of a united socialist China, remaining strong amongst international powers. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Chinese Contents: English Translation What I am going to say is what I have said before, which you all know, and I am not going to say anything new. Simply I am going to talk about unity. The purpose of unity is to pursue even greater victory. Now the Soviet revisionists attack us. Some broadcast reports by Tass, the materials prepared by Wang Ming,[i] and the lengthy essay in Kommunist all attack us, claiming that our Party is no longer one of the proletariat and calling it a “petit-bourgeois party.” They claim that what we are doing is the imposition of a monolithic order and that we have returned to the old years of the base areas. What they mean is that we have retrogressed. What is a monolithic order? According to them, it is a military-bureaucratic system. Using a Japanese term, this is a “system.” In the words used by the Soviets, this is called “military-bureaucratic dictatorship.” They look at our list of names, and find many military men, and they call it “military.”[ii] As for “bureaucratic,” probably they mean a batch of “bureaucrats,” including myself, [Zhou] Enlai, Kang Sheng, and Chen Boda.[iii] All in all, those of you who do not belong to the military belong to this “bureaucratic” system. -
Marxist Leninist Position on Death Penalty
Marxist Leninist Position On Death Penalty Tyson is braced and letting prudishly as deplorable Kelwin orchestrates boundlessly and pargeted unceremoniously. Alarmist Edwin installs paniculately. Plectognathous Weber skewers some wases and unwind his crystalloid so insubstantially! This view not been first attacked by Plekhanov in the 10s. This document is written read the Communist Party of India Maoist and is. Lenin's Legacy The Statesman. The conclusion I undertake is reluctant on the Marxist-Leninist view equality of incomes is. Save Kulbhushan Jadhav Communist Party of India Marxist. Socialism in of its forms Marxism-Leninism in the Soviet Union Maoism. Opposition to the government is prohibited which it why Hitler killed socialists and communist prior to becoming fuhrer and placed others in. Explicit condemnation of Marxism-Leninism and its emphatic denunciation of unrestrained. Marx's Concept of Socialism Oxford Handbooks. Death penalties 2066637 sentences for 01 year 4362973 for 25 years 1611293 for 610 years and 26795 for sure than 10 years. Social Justice Critical Race Theory Marxism and Biblical. Get access to defeat mass of death penalty on the death penalty only thing. Lenin in context by L Proyect Columbia University. Same position partially as a result of making their death penalty discretionary. At our both the atoms that formed the body like those that formed the soul. The Role of Prisons in a Socialist Future. Introduced the death penalty be the khishchenie plundering or embezzlement. But turnover is stretch only if educated liberal opinion simply this not revolve about tyranny. Trotsky held steady this tree until Adolf Hitler became general of. -
J.S. Mill and Marx on Freedom and Alternative Structures of Political Economy: a Reconstructive, Critical and Comparative Inquiry [ 第一日目 ] 第二会場 Armando C
J.S. Mill and Marx on Freedom and Alternative Structures of Political Economy: A Reconstructive, Critical and Comparative Inquiry [ 第一日目 ] 第二会場 Armando C. Ochangco, Ph.D. Associate Professor University of the Philippines Abstract: The proposed paper is intended to provide critical and comparative perspectives on the ideas of freedom to be found in the works of John Stuart Mill and Karl Marx, and how these normative conceptions relate to their visions of alternative economic, social and political systems. Drawing ideas and perspectives from their classic texts (by Mill, such as those from: On Liberty, Principles of Political Economy, On the Subjection of Women, Utilitarianism; and by Marx, such as those from: The Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844, Critique of the Gotha Program, German Ideology, Capital, among others), I shall provide interpretive and reconstructive accounts of the conceptions of freedom which may be implicit or explicit in their written works, and how they relate to their alternative conceptions of the political economy—the latter understood as alternative configurations of socio-economic and political structures. With these possible interpretations and reconstructions, I shall proceed to argue that these, in certain ways, different but related conceptions of freedom, based on ideas which may be implicit or explicit in their works, are crucial to understanding their normative conceptions of political economy. Moreover, I shall suggest that their views on freedom go deeper and more systematic than what tends -
Literacy Practices, Situated Learning and Youth in Nepal's Maoist
104 EBHR-42 Learning in a Guerrilla Community of Practice: Literacy practices, situated learning and youth in Nepal’s Maoist movement (1996-2006) Ina Zharkevich The arts of war are better than no arts at all. (Richards 1998: 24) Young people and conflict, unemployed youth, risk and resiliencehave emerged as key research themes over the past decade or so. The so-called ‘youth bulge theories’ have contributedconsiderably to research on youth and the policy agendas that prioritise the study of youth. It is postulated that the vast numbers of young people in developing countries do not have opportunities for employment and are therefore at risk ofbecoming trouble-makers(see the critique in Boyden 2006). The situation in South Asia might be considered a good example. According tothe World Bank Survey, South Asia has the highest proportion of unemployed and inactive youth in the world (The Economist, 2013).1So, what do young unemployed and inactive people do? Since the category of ‘unemployed youth’ includes people of different class, caste and educa- tional backgrounds, at the risk of oversimplifying the picture,one could argue that some have joined leftist guerrilla movements, while others, especially in India, have filled the rank and file of the Hindu right – either the groups of RSS volunteers (Froerer 2006) or the paramilitaries, such as Salwa Judum (Miklian 2009), who are fighting the Indian Maoists. Both in Nepal and in India, others are in limbo after receiving their degrees, waiting for the prospect of salaried employment whilst largely relying on the political patronage they gained through their membership of the youth wings of various political parties (Jeffrey 2010), which is a common occurrence on university campuses in both India and Nepal (Snellinger 2007). -
Anarchism in the Chinese Revolution Was Also a Radical Educational Institution Modeled After Socialist 1991 36 for This Information, See Ibid., 58
only by rephrasing earlier problems in a new discourse that is unmistakably modern in its premises and sensibilities; even where the answers are old, the questions that produced them have been phrased in the problematic of a new historical situation. The problem was especially acute for the first generation of intellec- Anarchism in the Chinese tuals to become conscious of this new historical situation, who, Revolution as products of a received ethos, had to remake themselves in the very process of reconstituting the problematic of Chinese thought. Anarchism, as we shall see, was a product of this situation. The answers it offered to this new problematic were not just social Arif Dirlik and political but sought to confront in novel ways its demands in their existential totality. At the same time, especially in the case of the first generation of anarchists, these answers were couched in a moral language that rephrased received ethical concepts in a new discourse of modernity. Although this new intellectual problematique is not to be reduced to the problem of national consciousness, that problem was important in its formulation, in two ways. First, essential to the new problematic is the question of China’s place in the world and its relationship to the past, which found expression most concretely in problems created by the new national consciousness. Second, national consciousness raised questions about social relationships, ultimately at the level of the relationship between the individual and society, which were to provide the framework for, and in some ways also contained, the redefinition of even existential questions. -
The Case of Albania During the Enver Hoxha Era
Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe Volume 40 Issue 6 Article 8 8-2020 State-Sponsored Atheism: The Case of Albania during the Enver Hoxha Era İbrahim Karataş Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree Part of the Eastern European Studies Commons, Policy History, Theory, and Methods Commons, Religion Commons, and the Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies Commons Recommended Citation Karataş, İbrahim (2020) "State-Sponsored Atheism: The Case of Albania during the Enver Hoxha Era," Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe: Vol. 40 : Iss. 6 , Article 8. Available at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree/vol40/iss6/8 This Peer-Reviewed Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ George Fox University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ George Fox University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STATE-SPONSORED ATHEISM: THE CASE OF ALBANIA DURING THE ENVER HOXHA ERA By İbrahim Karataş İbrahim Karataş graduated from the Department of International Relations at the Middle East Technical University in Ankara in 2001. He took his master’s degree from the Istanbul Sababattin Zaim University in the Political Science and International Relations Department in 2017. He subsequently finished his Ph.D. program from the same department and the same university in 2020. Karataş also worked in an aviation company before switching to academia. He is also a professional journalist in Turkey. His areas of study are the Middle East, security, and migration. ORCID: 0000-0002-2125-1840.