Pictorial Narratives in Faliscan Red Figure Vase Painting

BABESCH 94 (2019), 87-96. doi: 10.2143/BAB.94.0.3286780

Pictorial narratives in Faliscan red figure vase painting

L. Bouke van der Meer

Abstract

This article deals with images on Faliscan red figure vases (ca. 390/380-300 BC). It aims to define the Athenian influences and Faliscan characteristics, and explain two enigmatic images by paying attention to visual narratives: extraction, omission, paradigmata and syntagmata. By excerpting Attic figurative scenes local vase painters cre- ated symbolic combinations of different mythological scenes.

After the end of the Peloponnesian War (404 BC), painters made relief-lines, after that date very rare- or after 394 BC, when Rome had defeated the ly. 8 Around 350 BC Beazley’s Fluid Style, charac- Faliscans, some Athenian vase painters emigrated terized by a diluted glaze, was born, the produc- to Falerii Veteres, henceforth Falerii, today Civita tion of large vases gradually came to a halt, and Castellana. Much earlier, from 565-560 BC onwards, the so-called standardization, though with much Athenian black and red figure vases had arrived variation in Dionysiac scenes, started. Kylikes were at Falerii, with red figure even continuing as late now produced in larger numbers, and exported as 400 and 350 BC.1 The oldest Faliscan red figure outside the Ager Faliscus.9 Some vase painters vases, made in Falerii, look very much like con- moved to Caere, today Cerveteri, where they temporary Athenian ones. There are differences, founded a Falisco-Caeretan workshop,10 probably however. Recent X-ray (ED-XRF) analyses of because Rome, after a war of seven years, made an three Athenian and two Faliscan vases seem to armistice of forty years with Falerii in 351 BC, and show that there are smaller concentrations of this eased the mobility of craftsmen and artifacts. nickel and chromium in the clay of Faliscan vases. Contacts became more frequent between the Then, too, unglazed surface of Faliscan vases var- workshops in Falerii and those in Orvieto and ies from orange-yellow to yellow, less red than Chiusi.11 From then on Etruscan subject-matter the Athenian ones.2 was used by Faliscan vase painters.12 Adembri’s chronology is a relative one, depend- Chronology ing on comparisons with shape, style, ornaments, composition and subject matter of 4th century BC According to Benedetta Adembri the Del Chiaro Athenian vases.13 She shows that the floral orna- Painter (380-370 BC) was either the first local art- ments tend to become more complex through ist who was influenced by the Athenian Jena time.14 As we don’t know how long vase painters Painter, or someone from his circle.3 His local fol- were active, it is difficult to date vases more pre- lowers were the Malibu Painter and the Nepi cisely between 380 and 350/340 BC. Jiři Frel even Group consisting of the New York GR 999, Deia- suggests that the Del Chiaro Painter spanned neira and Nepi Painters. Around 360 BC the Naz- thirty years, from 380 to 350 BC.15 The earliest zano Painter, one of the most original painters,4 stylistic influences of Apulian, Paestan and Cam- the Herakles Group, the Painter of Würzburg panian red figure vases appeared after ca 370 818, and the Diespater Painter started their pro- BC,16 but the impact was indirect since these pots duction.5 The Aurora Painter began his career in have not been found in the Ager Faliscus.17 What the Diespater Group. Around 350 BC the Civita further hampers a more precise chronology is the Castellana 1611, the Kylikes6 and the Villa Giulia fact that the Faliscan chamber tombs with loculi (henceforth VG) 8238 Painters started their pro- for inhumation were used over a very long period duction.7 Adembri attributes all these groups and of time, probably by the same elite families, from painters to workshop A. The Vienna ANSA- the sixth towards the beginning of the 3rd century, IV-4008 Painter of workshop B and the VG 8361 sometimes with an interruption in the fifth cen- and Florence 3975 Painters of workshop C had tury BC.18 Imported and local vases were found contacts with workshop A. Before 340/330 BC the together in the chamber part of the tomb, rarely

87 Fig. 1. Faliscan calyx-krater Museo Nazionale Fig. 2. Athenian calyx-krater Museo Nazionale Etrusco di Villa Giulia 906 Etrusco di Villa Giulia Villa Giulia 1514 (from JdI 71, 1956, 76). (from JdI 71, 1956, 67). in loculi, which makes dating difficult.19 Often 3. Eros or a satyr playing with a bird, often a duck,22 tomb goods were robbed. Further, there are 4. a more or less symmetric rendering of onlook- hardly any historical events that enable us to ers above the vase handles, define a terminus post quem. The appearance of 5. attributes of gods or heroes, tainiai (sashes), Gauls in Central Italy after ca 390 BC only gives a rosettes, and birds in the picture-space, terminus a quo for Celtic war scenes on vases. The 6. meetings between satyrs and maenads, an latter, however, were made forty years later.20 athlete and a woman (in one instance Nikè), or a A stamnos from Sovana, now in Berlin, show- youth or a woman between dressed figures on ing Achilles slaughtering a Trojan captive, dated the reverses of krateres and stamnoi, and on the around 340 BC (fig. 6), may refer to the slaughter of exterior sides of kylikes. In the latter case both Roman captives at Tarquinia, which was supported sides may be identical. by Falerii, in 358 BC. As is well known, a similar scene in the François Tomb at Vulci (340-310 BC) Faliscan features has an anti-Roman meaning.21 In the following I will analyze which are typically Athenian and Most scholars define Faliscan red figure vases as which local elements in Faliscan red figure vase Etruscan. There are, however, no Etruscan artistic painting. influences before ca 350 BC, as Deppert has pointed out.23 As far as I know, no Etruscan red figure vases Athenian influences with mythological scenes from Vulci, Orvieto, Chiusi and Perugia have been found in the Ager After the publication of Beazley’s Etruscan Vase Faliscus prior to ca 350 BC. This may be explained Painting (1947) little attention was paid to the icon- by the fact that around 20 of the approximately ographic aspects of Faliscan vases. The question 400 known Faliscan pots were exported outside arises whether the Faliscan vase painters contin- the Ager Faliscus.24 Consequently, there was little ued to work in the tradition of their Athenian mas- interaction between workshops in Falerii and ters, or whether and when they transformed Greek those of Etruscan red figure vases between ca 400 mythological scenes. Apart from some mytho- and 350 BC. logical themes, frequent features illustrating a Was there an interpretatio falisca of Greek scenes? recurrent use of Athenian models, mostly in This is likely. Three vases bear inscriptions in Falis- krater scenes. These are: can, a dialect of Latin.25 Although no vase carries a 1. a row of gods and heroes in the upper register, Greek or Etruscan inscription, evidently, artists 2. a god or hero placing his or her foot on a rock and customers understood Greek myths. One of or another object, usually in conversation scenes, the first authors who identified a local flavour in

88 mythological scenes was Hellmut Sichtermann.26 feature.32 A further local phenomenon is extraction Dealing with scenes showing Zeus and Ganymede of scenes from larger Athenian compositions, as on Athenian and Faliscan vases, he concludes that shown by a comparison of Bellerophon’s fight the latter show Dionysiac and erotic elements (Eros with the Chimaera and the Amazons on side A of or Erotes), a wedding preparation, and animals, the Faliscan calyx-krater VG 906 (360 BC, fig. 1) features that are absent on the Athenian ones. from tomb 24 (LXXXI) in the necropolis of Celle As for the modus operandi of the painters, it should at Falerii with that on side A of the Athenian calyx- be observed that they often made one or more iden- krater VG 1514, dated to ca 400 BC, from a necro- tical versions of a vase. Already in the seventh cen- polis of the Ager Faliscus (fig. 2).33 The presence of tury BC locally produced twins of impasto have Dionysiac elements in a main scene is also a fre- been found in graves.27 In several tombs two iden- quent phenomenon.34 Also found in tomb 24 was tical Faliscan red figure vases were deposited like a Faliscan kylix, VG 918, showing Bellerophon’s some Attic black and red figure twins in Faliscan fight with the Chimaera.35 Perhaps the owner tombs.28 It is, however, unknown whether funer- wished to identify himself with the Greek hero. ary rituals needed two (almost) identical vases.29 Some vases representing women extinguishing Before the middle of the 4th century BC Faliscan the funeral pyre of Herakles, without showing vases were not used as ash urns. Due to Etruscan his apotheosis also testify to extraction and omis- influence, their imagery refers to the after-life only sion,36 a phenomenon that helps to explain the after ca. 350 BC, be it very rarely.30 Maybe most following two enigmatic obverse images. early vases were directly destined for deposition in tombs.31 The main vase shapes were krateres, Enigmatic images stamnoi, oinochoai (shape VII), and kylikes. Typically Faliscan are the sometimes exuberant vegetal It is difficult to explain the imagery of side A of the ornaments under and next to the handles of kra- calyx-krater Louvre CA 7426 (formerly Zürich, teres, stamnoi, skyphoi, oinochoai and on the exterior Hirschmann collection) attributed to the Nazzano sides of kylikes. Occasionally, the space behind Painter (fig. 3).37 On the ground level, from left to calyx crater handles is undecorated. right, we see a naked youth with a hair ribbon Recently, Angela Pola, has shown that the re- seated on his mantle and white dotted chain runs functionalization of Attic schemes by substitution across his chest; he faces Eros, who stands on a of one or more figures or elements is another local pillar base, leaning with his left hand on the pillar and holding up an alabastron in his extended right hand. Athena places her left foot on a pillar with base just behind a column (see below), a snake is curling upward behind her and an owl flies in front of her; in the center, covering both registers, the frontally rendered, multi-mammary Sphinx is seated on a high Ionic column, which covers part of the upper zone; a sea-horse is swimming next to Poseidon, who is walking to right but turning his head back; a frontal, standing satyr holds up a kithara in a challenging way. In the upper zone, from left to right, we see a creeping satyr pointing with his left index finger to right, and Perseus holding up the head of Medusa. A seated Dionysos turns to the left but looks back to Hera. She is seated with a bird scep- ter, turns to the left but looks back to Herakles, seated to the right but looking to the left. Further a tainia and a ball or rosette are visible. A small column indicates the end of the upper frieze. Side B shows a satyr facing to right, a fallen basket, a maenad with bowl, a pillar on a base and a satyr Fig. 3. Faliscan calyx-krater Louvre CA 7426 (from with tympanon, turned to the left but looking back, Martelli 1987, 196, no. 145a; courtesy Louvre, and, finally, a tree. Why are different characters on © RMN-Grand Palais (Musée du Louvre).

89 Oidipous who caused her death by solving the riddle. The tragic blind hero was worshipped as heros in Athens: his invisible tomb in the sanctuary of Poseidon at Kolonos44 would protect the city as long as nobody visited it.45 Interestingly, the Spinx as apotropaic monster too, crowned the helmet of Phidias’ Athena Parthenos. The absence of the olive tree which Athena, according to myth, plants on the Acropolis, probably due to extraction, is striking, for it is present on earlier Athenian red figure vases. As for the snake, an Attic relief hydria from Kertch (350 BC) depicts it curling around the olive tree, threatening Poseidon who is pointing his trident down- ward;46 on top of the tree Nikè is looking in Athe- na’s direction. Dionysos with thyrsos and panther is assisting Athena. Perseus on the calyx-krater Fig. 4 Apulian krater Naples H 3254 (courtesy may refer to Myron’s statue showing him behead- Museo Archeologico Nazionale - MiBACT). ing Medusa, also on the Acropolis.47 In addition, Perseus and Herakles may be present because the obverse combined? Is this because they are Athena was their protective deity. Maybe Herakles they related? is seated next to Hera since she had adopted him The core scene is the contest between Athena as son. As on other Faliscan vases, Dionysos and a and Poseidon vying for the patronage of Athens satyr have been added to complete the picture. and Attica. According to the myth, Poseidon cre- Cristofani does not deal with the process of ated a well of salt-water by driving his trident extraction but presumes that the contest of Athena into the rock of the Acropolis of Athens, after and Poseidon was enriched with different signifi- which Athena planted an olive-tree. The Olym- cant cores.48 But who is the seated youth without pian gods, having heard king Kekrops, declare clear attributes facing Eros with alabastron? Ala- Athena to be the winner. Here Poseidon is the bastra are only found in female graves and in rep- loser, since he is moving away. But in this picture resentations of the mundus muliebris.49 On three he is not about to thrust his trident, as on some Faliscan stamnoi Eros applies perfume with a spat- Athenian vases.38 The satyr may be Marsyas, ula from an alabastron on the hair of Ariadne who whose presence alludes to his future defeat in his sits next to her lover Dionysos.50 In view of the musical contest with Apollo. Though not men- latter erotic context the youth on our vase may be tioned in literary sources, this act may hint at his Ganymede or Adonis. Adonis is a good candidate second attempt to challenge Apollo, this time try- since an Apulian red figure lekythos (365-350 BC) ing to play the kithara.39 The contest between shows Eros pouring perfume from an alabastron Apollo and Marsyas took place in Phrygia. It is, on to the hair of Adonis, who holds with Aphro- however, not impossible that the painter was dite seated on his lap.51 influenced by Myron’s bronze statue group of The link of the group with Eros and the youth Athena throwing away the auloi and Marsyas with the rest of the program may refer to the fact accepting these on the Acropolis.40 that Adonis was first and foremost worshipped Cristofani suggests that the Sphinx represents a in Athens. Both the Sphinx and Adonis may refer statue on a column,41 in spite of the fact that exam- to this city. This analysis makes clear that the ples of archaic sphinxes on a votive column from painter was borrowing elements from various the Athenian Acropolis, Aigina, Delphi, Delos and Athenian compositions, leaving out Zeus, Apollo, Paros, and on Athenian grave stelai do not have Aphrodite, Nikè, the olive tree, and Oidipous. pronounced breasts. The artist may refer to the Not the statue column but the goddess is the cen- votive monument on the Acropolis as suggested tral figure of the composition,52 and the image by J.-P. Moret42 transforming it, however, into an has a coherent symbolic character, illustrating the apotropaic, highly fertile female monster, maybe victory of Athena and her heroes, and the defeat under influence of frontal sphinxes with pro- of her opponents. nounced breasts depicted on Apulian red figure Extractions of scenes are also visible on the two- vases (fig. 4).43 The Sphinx may hint at the story of level image on the obverse of calyx-krater VG

90 1197, also known as the Ilioupersis krater, attributed to the Nazzano Painter (fig. 5).53 From left to right above, over the handle, Hebe or, (according to Beazley) Nikè offers a tainia and oinochoe to Zeus who is seated. Next to him a Trojan archer kneels on a ground-line, Neoptolemos holds up Astyanax about to smash him, and over the other handle sits a male with lagobolon (Paris?) towards whom (on the reverse) flies Eros with a lidded box. On ground level we see Menelaos who, op- posed by Aphrodite, drops his sword, impressed by Helen who opens her mantle to show him her naked beauty. To the right, king Priam lies terri- fied on his back, threatened by an Oriental looking, bearded warrior with sword and shield. On the reverse Apollo with a laurel branch and a maenad with a thyrsos and a box with two small vases on it are striding to right. On the left a satyr and the Eros mentioned are both moving left, in the direction of side A. Above an owl, a sash and rosette fill the image. Beazley calls side A ‘if not crazy, somewhat con- fused.’ In fact some interesting phenomena are visible, a Trojan archer without opponent, and a Tro- Fig. 5 Faliscan calyx-krater Villa Giulia 1197 (from jan instead of a Greek warrior threatening Priam. Martelli 1987, 198, no. 146). These details may be explained by the process of extraction of scenes from larger Athenian compo- sos riding a panther and attacking a falling bearded sitions. According to myth, Priam was attacked by man (a satyr?) who probably defends himself with Neoptolemos. As the latter is already present in an amphora (fig. 7).57 the upper register, the artist did not want to show Love scenes are associated on one or two sides of him twice. The image is syntagmatic (see below) the following vases: since it combines four scenes from the Destruction - Stamnos Genève HR 180, also known as stam- of Troy. The deeper meaning of the image is shown nos Nordmann, attributed by Manuela Wull- by the tainia, the sign of victory, that is offered to schleger to the Nepi Painter (380-360 BC). Side A: Zeus, and by Aphrodite and Eros who may sym- the Judgement of Paris. Side B: nude and dressed bolize the victory of love and beauty. This kind of women standing around a laver (louterion). In both paradigmatic associations are also visible on the scenes Eros is present. As Wullschleger suggests, obverse and reverse of other Faliscan vases. Eros walking on the wash basin may hint at a pre- nuptial bath,58 since Paris’ Judgement precedes his Paradigmatic relationships54 marriage with Helen. The non-married goddesses (Athena, Artemis) on the left and the married god- The following vases show victory as the leading desses (Aphrodite and Hera) on the right of side motif on sides A and B simultaneously: A also suggest a paradigmatic approach.59 - Calyx-krater VG 906 in the Villa Giulia, Rome - Calyx-krater in a private collection at Pavia (ca. 360 BC), mentioned above. Side A: Bellero- (Nazzano Painter, 360 BC). Side A: Ganymede phon fighting the Chimaera (fig. 1). Side B: Apo- facing Zeus in the presence of Erotes. Side B: theosis of Herakles. The painter probably wished Hebe holding an oinochoe and a box with a cock to compare two formidable heroes.55 on it, Dionysos seated facing Ariadne, nude and - Calyx-krater VG 6360, now in Civita Castel- standing, in the presence of Erotes, a maenad and lana (350 BC). Side A: the death of Aktaion with a heron.60 on-looking gods among whom Artemis. Side B: - Volute-krater VG 2491 by the Aurora Painter the Apotheosis of Herakles.56 (360-340 BC). Side A: nimbus-headed Eos, abduct- - Stamnos Berlin V.I. 5825 (from Sovana; 350-340 ing Kephalos or Tithonos in a four-horse chariot, BC), mentioned above. Side A: Achilles’ slaughter Eros flying in front of them. Side B: Peleus strug- of a Trojan captive (fig. 6). Side B: a satyr with thyr- gling with Thetis.61

91 Fig. 6 Faliscan stamnos Berlin V.I. 5825, side A Fig. 7 Faliscan stamnos Berlin V.I. 5825, side B (© photo Johannes Laurentius;, Staatliche Museen zu (© photo Johannes Laurentius; Staatliche Museen zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbezitz, Antikensamnlung). Berlin Preussischer Kulturbezitz, Antikensamnlung).

- Calyx-krater VG 42898 attributed to the Dies- and a raven (hinting at his affair with Koronis?) pater Group (380-360 BC). Side A: two love scenes. and opposite him the head of a satyr, an altar with Zeus, in the guise of a swan, approaches Leda and a bunch of grapes, and a dog.66 Aphrodite tries to embrace a man, probably - Calyx-krater Berlin F 2950 attributed to the Adonis. Eros flies above them. In both cases a Diespater Group (380-360 BC). Side A: Zeus deity approaches a mortal. Side B: a satyr, a mae- between Apollo and Marsyas playing the kithara.67 nad, Nikè, and a seated male.62 Side B: Zeus seated between maenad and satyr.68 - Stamnos VG 3593 (360 BC). Side A: two love - Column-krater Berlin F 30042 (350 BC). Side A scenes: at left a satyr and a seated woman (Ari- (fig. 8): Telephos threatening the infant Orestes on adne?) in the presence of Dionysos, and at right a an altar (cf. Euripides’ lost tragedy Telephos). Side seated woman (Ariadne again?) crowned by a fly- B (fig. 9): probably Orestes meeting Elektra who ing Eros. Side B: a naked youth and a winged is carrying a water vase on her head (Euripides’ woman.63 Electra 107-111). The vase may show indirect - Skyphos Göttingen J. 54 (350 BC). Side A: a influences of theatrical performances.69 naked woman seated on the lap of a youth. Side - Stamnos Heidelberg University H II 130. Side B: a satyr pursuing a woman.64 A: Perseus; side B: Medusa.70

Syntagmatic relationships Conclusion

A syntagmatic relation means that both sides of a Faliscan red figure vase painting was heavily vase depict a unified narrative, in other words influenced by the Athenian tradition. Few local successive deeds of a protagonist, or episodes of elements, apart from Faliscan inscriptions, intru- a story divided over one or both sides.65 sion of Dionysiac and erotic elements, exuberant - Stamnos Santa Barbara Museum of Art V.9 (370 vegetal ornaments, and extraction and omission, BC). Side A: Zeus on a four-in-horse chariot and can be defined. Etruscan influence is not visible Eros flying above it. Side B: the destination of before ca 350 BC. As the calyx-krater in the Louvre Zeus: Semele seated on an altar, between two (fig. 3) shows, changes are wrought by the Faliscan satyrs. Under the handles are the head of Apollo artists: enigmatic images can be explained by the

92 Fig. 8 Faliscan column-krater Berlin F 30042, side A Fig. 9 Faliscan column-krater Berlin F 30042, side B (© photo Isolde Luckert; Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (© photo Isolde Luckert; Staatliche Museen zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbezitz, Antikensamnlung). Preussischer Kulturbezitz, Antikensamnlung). mechanism of excerpting from Athenian compo- 5 Cristofani (1987, 316 no. 145) and Harari (2010, 90) date sitions. The images lose their narrative character, the Nazzano Painter between 380 and 360, Scarrone thus becoming symbolic. The presence of para- (2015, 274) between 390 and 380, and Pola (2017) digmatic and syntagmatic scenes on the obverse between 370/365 and 350 BC. 6 Adembri 1991. and the reverse sides of other vases shows that 7 Pola (2017) derives the Painter Berkeley Genucilia and the painters, and probably their customers, had a the Caeretan Painter of Villa Giulia from the Painter of profound understanding of Greek myths. And Civita Castellana 8238 (above called Villa Giulia Painter finally, the interest in victory scenes played an 8238). important role in the choice of themes and scenes. 8 EVP 103. Del Chiaro 1974a, 49-50. 9 The total number of Faliscan vases from ca 380-350/340 BC is ca 400, which is very low, when, for example, com- pared to the ca 8000 Paestan red figure vases. Based on Notes statistics Falerii Veteres was the production centre of Faliscan red figure vases. Before ca 350 BC some were My thanks are due to Geralda Jurriaans-Helle, Angela Pola, exported to Corchiano, Vignanello, Narce, Nazzano, Larissa Bonfante, Jean MacIntosh Turfa, the Editorial Com- Nepi, Monte Cerreto and Sant’Oreste, all within the mittee of BABESCH and two anonymous peer reviewers. Ager Faliscus. Kylix Berlin F 2947 (ca 375 BC) was As for calyx-crater VG 42898, see now A. Pola, The Adonis found in Chiusi. Gilotta (1987, 53) tentatively calls it painter. A Faliscan red-figure painter and his group, ArchCl Faliscan. For the export of a Faliscan painted terracotta 69, 2018, 635-655. helmet to Caere, see Ambrosini 2006 and De Lucia 1 Adembri 1990, 237 n. 14; Ambrosini 2005; 2009; De Brolli/Michetti 2017, 45, fig. 2; pl. III.2, IV.1. Lucia Brolli/Michetti 2017, 45, fig. 3. 10 Del Chiaro 1974b, 106-111; Pola 2017, 201. 2 Ambrosini 2009, 24-25; Ambrosini et al. 2009. 11 Harari 1980, 125-127 (on Chiusine-Faliscan relations); 3 Adembri 1988, 7-8;1990, 235-237; Frel 1985, 157-158; Gilotta 2010, 182-183 (who, following Cristofani, pre- Ambrosini 2005, 317; 2009, 97; Scarrone (2015, 273) sug- sumes a crisis around 350 BC; the truce of 351 BC, how- gests that the Del Chiaro Painter came from Athens. ever, makes this unlikely); Adembri 1991. See further Kathariou 2016. Angela Pola (personal com- 12 Stamnos Vienna ANSA-IV-3960, from Caere (Deppert 1955, munication) dates the Del Chiaro Painter to 390, the pl. 65c), and oinochoe VG 2351 (Adembri 1991, fig. 3) both Diespater Painter and his circle shortly after 380, and show Charun, the Etruscan deity of death. Stamnos VG the Herakles Painter to 370 BC. 1660 shows Hermes defending a woman against a 4 See Safran 2000. female underworld-deity (EVP 152, pl. 35, 6).

93 13 Adembri 1988; 1990. Adembri’s datings are often about not only found in tombs but also in settlements, sanc- twenty to ten years lower than those suggested by John tuaries and sacred places. See Ambrosini 2005, 323. D. Beazley and Kurt Deppert, see EVP 70; Deppert 32 Pola 2017, 201-203. 1955. Mauro Cristofani’s chronology is broader than 33 For VG 906 see Schauenburg 1956, 76, fig. 17; Deppert Adembri’s. He dates, for example, the Nazzano Painter 1955, 48, pl. 79; EVP 72, n. 1 and others incorrectly con- between 370 and 350 whilst Adembri places him sider the vase as an Athenian import. For VG 1514, see between 360 and 350 BC (Cristofani 1987, 316, no. 145). Schauenburg, ibidem 67, fig. 10; Ambrosini 2009, 23-24, 14 Adembri 1990, 238, 242-243. fig. 9; Ambrosini et al. 2009, 97 fig. 1. 15 Frel 1985; according to Adembri (1990, 236-237) the 34 Camporeale (2015, 273) presumes that ‘the popularity painter’s career lasted from 380 to 370 BC. of Dionysiac themes and aspects was due to the inter- 16 Adembri 1988, 10-12; 1990, 239-241. 17 est in orgiastic scenes, the cult of Dionysos and related The way of transmission (by textiles, cartoons, artes symposia.’ minores, or itinerant artists?) is unknown. 35 18 De Lucia Brolli/Michetti 2005, 386, fig. 28. Cristofani 1987, 316. Adembri 1988, 8. 36 VG 1607: Deppert 1955, 62, nos. 1-2, pl. 54c-d; VG 1609: 19 Ambrosini 2005, 323. 20 Deppert 1955, pl. 55a-c; VG 42898: Martelli 1987, 194, Adam/Jolivet 1986. no. 143.3 (ill.). For the more detailed Athenian scenes, 21 Andreae et al. 2004, 208 Kat. II/45 (C. Weber-Leh- see Metzger 1951, pl. 22, 1 and 28, 1; Boardman 1989, mann); Maggiani 1985, 208-212 n. 6 (find spot: Sovana, fig. 311 (Kadmos Painter). not Savona); EVP 88-92, pl. 20, 2; Deppert 1955, 60, no. 37 1, pl. 54a-b. Cristofani 1987, 316 no. 145. Safran 2000, 64-67; Bloesch 22 For an Athenian parallel, see Metzger 1951, pl. 17 1982, 86-87. 38 Marx 2011, pl. 5,1; 6, 1. (krater Pourtalès). 39 23 Deppert 1955. For Marsyas holding a kithara on late fifth-century BC 24 For a list, see Pola 2017, 196-197 n. 2. Two stamnoi (Firenze Athenian vases, see EVP 73-75; Metzger 1951, 161-162, 61974-61975, now in Orvieto; Feruglio 1982, 88-90) and a nos. 1517; 165-166; Boardman 1989, fig. 310 (Kadmos skyphos (Berkeley, University of California, Lowie Museum Painter). For Apollo and Marsyas on a Faliscan kylix, of Anthropology 8.998) are from Orvieto, one from see Deppert 1955, 84, no. 5, pl. 25, 1-3. 40 Sovana (mentioned before), and one from Genoa (Dep- Pausanias 1.24.1 (cf. also 1.24.3). pert 1955, 40, pl. 40a-b; EVP 70). Calyx-krater Berlin 2950 41 Cristofani 1987, 317 no. 145. Marion Meyer suggests is from Cerveteri (EVP 73-75; Deppert 1955, 6, pl. 2; AZ (by email de dato 20.12.2017) that the column with 1884, pls. 5-6). Sphinx may be a substitution for the olive tree, thus 25 Martelli 1987, no. 143.1 (ill.), no. 143.2, no. 148 (ill.); evoking Athena’s sanctuary. Bakkum 2009; Rigobianco 2015. 42 Moret 1984, 101. 26 H. Sichtermann, Ganymedes/Catmite, LIMC IV, 1, 43 See Moret 1984, pl. 67, 1-2 (Naples H 3254; Genève HR 1988, 169-170 (nos. 2-5 are Faliscan vases). 4); Trendall 1989, fig. 137 (oinochoe by the Felton Painter, 27 Biella 2012, 42 n. 29; 2014, 243 n. 656; 269 n. 849. ca 370 BC); LIMC, Oidipous no. 67 (ill.). 28 Deppert 1955, passim. Stamnoi Florence 61974 and 44 Soph., Oed. Col. 54-55. 61975; a stemless bowl in Leipzig and Oxford 570; stam- 45 Soph., Oed. Col. 455-459, 1520-1524, 1760-1764. noi VG 1198 and 1199; VG 1599 (with a Faliscan inscrip- 46 St. Petersburg, The State Hermitage Museum P 1872.130. tion) and 1600 (without inscription) (from the same Meyer 2017, 124, fig. 8.5. tomb); stamnoi VG 1604 and 1608 (same tomb); stamnoi 47 Pausanias 1.23.7. VG 1607 and 1609 (same tomb); kylikes VG 1664 and 48 Cristofani 1987, 316. 44502; kylikes VG 1674 and 1675 (same tomb); VG 1755 49 Badinou (2003, 130-131) holds that alabastra were des- and 1756; kylikes VG 3594 and 3595; stamnoi VG 6153 and tined for women only. She does not mention Eros with 6154; stamnoi VG 6365 and 6366; stamnoi VG 8238 and alabastron on Faliscan red figure vases. 8249; stamnoi VG 43794 and 43795 (same tomb); oinochoai 50 For Eros holding an alabastron anointing with a spatula VG 50604 and 50608; kylikes Vienna University 497 and the hair of Ariadne who is seated on Dionysos’ lap on 498. For couples of Attic vases in Etruscan tombs, see two Faliscan stamnoi from Orvieto (Firenze 61974- Ambrosini 2005, 318, 323, and for one in the Etruscan 61975, now in Orvieto), see Feruglio 1982, 88-90 (400- Funnel Group, see Del Chiaro 1974a, 37-38, pls. 36-40. 350 BC); Cristofani 1987, 316, no. 144 (380-360 BC). For For tomb contexts, see Cozza/Pasqui 1981. a satyr with alabastron, see kylix Vienna ANSA-IV-2155 29 Boardman (1989, 239, figs. 24 and 177) suggests that stamnoi may have had a Dionysiac ritual function. (Deppert 1955, 89, no. 15, pl. 98b). For Nikè with ala- 30 Stamnos Vienna ANSA-IV-3960, from Caere (Deppert bastron and spatula, see stamnos of the Fluid Group (ca 1955, pl. 65c) shows a seated naked male playing the 350 BC), New York, Fordham Museum inv. 4.016 (online). kithara between a female demon with snakes and Cha- 51 run with snake and hammer; oinochoe VG 2351 (Adem- London BM 1867.0508.1192 (Suckling Painter). For a col- bri 1991, figs. 3-4) a deceased man attacked by griffins our photo, see: http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/ and Charun with his hammer. Only at the end of the collection-online, s.v. Adonis. Eros, alabastron. For 4th and beginning of the 3rd century BC stamnoi were another example of Apulian influence, see Van der Meer also used as ossuaries. 1995, 124-126. 31 As suggested by Angela Pola (personal communica- 52 See the Athenian bell-krater by the Oinomaos Painter tion). The inscriptions on two kylikes of the Foied from S. Agata dei Goti (380 BC) for an almost central Group, VG 1674 and 1675, ca 350 BC (foied . vino . pafo frontal statue on a column occupying two levels, in the . cra . carefo (‘Today I will drink wine, tomorrow I will upper zone flanked by Poseidon and Athena. Board- miss it’) may refer to funerary symposia. See Cristofani man 1989, fig. 351; Metzger 1951, 321-323, pl. 39, 4. 1987, 317 no. 148. Attic vases in the Ager Faliscus were 53 Stenico 1958, pl. 101-102. Safran 2000, 63-67.

94 54 For Greek paradigmatic relationships (based on similar- vase of uncertain attribution from Falerii Veteres, in Ves- ity in theme or composition), see Stansbury-O’Donnell sels: inside and outside (Proceedings of the Conference 1999, 118-119; 136-137, and passim; Miścicki 2015. EMAC ’07. 9th European Meeting on Ancient Ceram- 55 Scenes of Bellerophon’s fall on his flight to the Olym- ics. 24-27 October 2007, Hungarian National Museum, pus are absent in Faliscan and Apulian red figure vase Budapest), Budapest, 97-101. paintings. Andreae, B./A. Hoffmann/C. Weber-Lehmann 2004, Die 56 Helbig IV, 19724, 458, no. 1807e. Etrusker. Luxus und das Jenseits. Bilder vom Diesseits – 57 EVP 88,1, pl. 20, 2; Deppert 1955, 60, no. 1, pl. 54a-b; Bilder vom Tod, Munich. Andreae et al. 2004, 208. The reverse may have been Badinou, P. 2003, La laine et le parfum. Épinetra et alabastres. intended as a humoristic counterpart. Forme, iconographie et function, Louvain/Dudley, MA. 58 For a rare representation of Eros on a laver on an Athe- Bakkum, G.C.L.M. 2009, The Latin Dialect of the Ager Falis- nian pelike, see Metzger 1951, 362, pl. 43, 2. cus. 150 Years of Scholarship, Amsterdam. 59 Wullschleger 2000, 33, figs. 1-2; Stähli 2013. Baucchens-Thüriedl, C. 1971, Der Mythos von Telephos in 60 Stenico 1958, pl. 97-98 der antiken Bildkunst,Würzburg. 61 Martelli 1987, 199, no. 147; EVP 80, 1, pl. 20,1; Deppert Biella, M.C. 2012, Oggetti iscritti e tradizioni artigianali di 1955, 10, no. 1, pl. 3. età orientalizzante in Agro Faliso, Aristonothos 4, 37-57. 62 EVP 85; Deppert 1955, 75, no. 1, pl. 80; Adembri 1990, Biella, M.C. 2014, Impasti orientalizzanti con decorazioni pl. Va. incise in Agro Falisco, Trento. 63 EVP 77, no. 3; Deppert 1955, pl. 4b-d. Bloesch, H. (ed.) 1982, Griechische Vasen der Sammlung 64 EVP 106. Hirschmann, Zürich. 65 For Greek syntagmatic relationships, see Stans- Boardman, J. 1989, Athenian Red Figure Vases. The Classical bury-O’Donnell 1999, 118-119; 136-137, and passim; Period: A Handbook, London. Miścicki 2015. Scenes of Dionysos on side A and Dio- Camporeale, G. 1991, L’ethnos dei Falisci secondo gli scrit- nysiac scenes on side B are not mentioned here since tori antichi, ArchCl 43, 209-221. the latter are very frequent on reverses. Camporeale G. 2015, Gli Etruschi, storia e civiltà, Novara. 66 Del Chiaro 1964, AJA 68, pl. 36, 19. Cozza, A./A. Pasqui 1981, Carta Archeologica d’Italia. 1881- 67 According to Massa Pairault (2008) the scene hints at 1897. Materiali per l’agro Falisco. Forma Italiae. Serie II.2, the birth of Dionysos. Florence. 68 Deppert 1955, pl. 2. Cristofani, M. 1987, La ceramografia a figure rosse, in 69 Baucchens-Thuriedl 1971, 16, pl. 4, 1-2. 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