United States and Canadian Islamophobia Expressed Through Public Policy

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

United States and Canadian Islamophobia Expressed Through Public Policy University of Alberta No. No. Shari'a: United States and Canadian Islamophobia Expressed through Public Policy by Katherine Dyson A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Political Science ©Katherine Dyson Spring 2012 Edmonton, Alberta Permission is hereby granted to the University of Alberta Libraries to reproduce single copies of this thesis and to lend or sell such copies for private, scholarly or scientific research purposes only. Where the thesis is converted to, or otherwise made available in digital form, the University of Alberta will advise potential users of the thesis of these terms. The author reserves all other publication and other rights in association with the copyright in the thesis and, except as herein before provided, neither the thesis nor any substantial portion thereof may be printed or otherwise reproduced in any material form whatsoever without the author's prior written permission. Library and Archives Bibliothèque et Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de l'édition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre référence ISBN: 978-0-494-90162-5 Our file Notre référence ISBN: 978-0-494-90162-5 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library and permettant à la Bibliothèque et Archives Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par télécommunication ou par l'Internet, prêter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des thèses partout dans le loan, distrbute and sell theses monde, à des fins commerciales ou autres, sur worldwide, for commercial or non- support microforme, papier, électronique et/ou commercial purposes, in microform, autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriété du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in this et des droits moraux qui protege cette thèse. Ni thesis. Neither the thesis nor la thèse ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci substantial extracts from it may be ne doivent être imprimés ou autrement printed or otherwise reproduced reproduits sans son autorisation. without the author's permission. In compliance with the Canadian Conformément à la loi canadienne sur la Privacy Act some supporting forms protection de la vie privée, quelques may have been removed from this formulaires secondaires ont été enlevés de thesis. cette thèse. While these forms may be included Bien que ces formulaires aient inclus dans in the document page count, their la pagination, il n'y aura aucun contenu removal does not represent any loss manquant. of content from the thesis. Abstract: Islamophobic rhetoric used by popular media: such as television, newspapers and blogs, has heightened the fear of Islam to levels that have contributed to the US and Canada beginning to institute anti-Shari’a legislation. The financial backers of this rhetoric realise that fear has a strong impact over a malleable population and actively sponsor it in order to maintain the status quo where they retain political, economic, and social power. Since 9/11, polls show us that fear rhetoric contributes to sustained, consistent, and relatively high levels of worry about Islamic terrorist attacks. These same polls also provide demographic information indicating who is more susceptible to this fear rhetoric. While rhetoric is often vitriolic, it is nevertheless successful in promoting anti-Shari’a policy. This interesting phenomenon exists in cases across both Canada and the US. The historical context most closely resembling current Islamophobia begins in 1945 when the threat of communism and the consequences of possible nuclear war raised fear levels in the US and Canada. The highly successful use of film and then the innovation of television gave fear rhetoric unprecedented access to the public. The current use of Internet for blogs as well as value-added traditional mass media “on line” has not only amplified the dissemination of Islamophobic fear rhetoric to an exponential level; it also allows the public to respond instantly. Policy changes in Canada since 2005 are an indication of the early success of this strategy and the plethora of public policy changes in the US in the last year or so is a strong indicator of its recent and future success, manifested in legislative changes banning Shari’a. i Table of Contents List of Tables List of Figures Chapter 1: Introduction....................………………………..….......................…...1 Chapter 2: The Socialist hordes and Armageddon …….......................…….........14 Chapter 3: Islam: creating the new scapegoat…………........................................21 Chapter 4: Disseminating Islamophobia……………….................………...……30 Chapter 5: What the polls tell us about fear...…………………....................……61 Chapter 6: Creating Anti-Muslim public policy in the US………........................95 Chapter 7: Creating Anti-Muslim public policy in Canada…….................……113 Chapter 8: Conclusions………………………....................…................……....128 Bibliography.........................................................................................................142 Appendices: 1. Anti-Shari’a Draft Act……………………..........…................…….157 2. American Laws for American Courts (ALAC)………..........……...159 3. Oklahoma Constitutional Amendment……………..................…....162 4. The ads involved in the New York Transit Authority legal battle.....163 i. List of Tables Table 1) Status of anti-Shari’a legislation in the US as of 8 December 2011....................................................................................................106 ii List of Figures Figure 1) US: Worried about another terrorist attack 1995 – 2011.................63 Figure 2) US: Likelihood of terrorist attack 2001 – 2011...............................70 Figure 3) Threat perceptions in Canada...........................................................75 Figure 4) Islamic religion and violence: American perceptions......................82 Figure 5) Canada and US: Opinion of Muslims-June 2008.............................90 Figure 6) Canada and US: Muslims share our values-September 2010...........91 Figure 7) Map of twenty-seven states that have sponsored anti-Shari’a legislation.............................................................................................96 Figure 8) Political distribution in states with implemented or proposed anti- Shari’a Policy.......................................................................................97 iii Fear is the cheapest room in the house. I would like to see you living in better conditions. Khwāja Shamsu d-Dīn Muhammad Hāfez -e Shīrāzī ~ “Hāfez”c 1321-1389. Chapter 1: Introduction: Islamophobic rhetoric used by popular media: such as television, newspapers and blogs, has heightened the fear of Islam to levels that have contributed to the US and Canada beginning to institute anti-Shari’a legislation. The attacks of 11 September 2001 provided the impetus to focus fear rhetoric on followers of Islam. The financial backers of fear rhetoric realise that it has a strong impact over a malleable population and actively sponsor it in order to maintain the status quo where they retain political, economic, and social power. An analysis of polling data tends to show a sustained, consistent, and relatively high level of fear of Islamic terror attacks since then. The data also give insight into which groups within the population are most susceptible to fear rhetoric. In the last decade of the twentieth century, following the fall of the Soviet bloc, the purveyors of fear could not find a replacement scapegoat that appealed broadly. The attacks changed all that; suddenly there was an identifiable target that had the power to unify and influence large swaths of the population on a deeply emotional level. This latest iteration of fear-mongering is sponsored by a few moneyed foundations that post 9/11 began to ramp up funding to anti-Islamic think-tanks, experts, television personalities, web sites, and blogs to produce, publicise, and propagate an extremely successful assault 1 on Muslims. 1 The motivation for perpetuating fear in large percentages of the population is to maintain the status quo of political, social, and economic power. They know that a fearful population is a malleable population. This elite group shares many traits though not universally or uniformly: not all are fundamentalist evangelical Christians, Christian Zionists, libertarians, social or fiscal conservatives, or any of the other adjectives that one may use to describe them. It is reasonable to say, however, that there are two motivations to keep the population fearful. Firstly, their own fear of a change in the social order drives them to join forces to maintain the status quo. The second common factor is universal support for Israel and Israeli military dominance in the Middle East to control the region and its valuable resources. There is great concern that the Islamic “‘countries of resentment’” control the vast majority of the world’s fossil fuels.2 They are convinced that at some point in the future access to this resource could be cut off so Israeli military dominance is critical
Recommended publications
  • BACKBENCHERS So in Election Here’S to You, Mr
    Twitter matters American political satirist Stephen Colbert, host of his and even more SPEAKER smash show The Colbert Report, BACKBENCHERS so in Election Here’s to you, Mr. Milliken. poked fun at Canadian House Speaker Peter politics last week. p. 2 Former NDP MP Wendy Lill Campaign 2011. p. 2 Milliken left the House of is the writer behind CBC Commons with a little Radio’s Backbenchers. more dignity. p. 8 COLBERT Heard on the Hill p. 2 TWITTER TWENTY-SECOND YEAR, NO. 1082 CANADA’S POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT NEWSWEEKLY MONDAY, APRIL 4, 2011 $4.00 Tories running ELECTION CAMPAIGN 2011 Lobbyists ‘pissed’ leaner war room, Prime Minister Stephen Harper on the hustings they can’t work on focused on election campaign, winning majority This campaign’s say it’s against their This election campaign’s war room Charter rights has 75 to 90 staffers, with the vast majority handling logistics of about one man Lobbying Commissioner Karen the Prime Minister’s tour. Shepherd tells lobbyists that working on a political By KRISTEN SHANE and how he’s run campaign advances private The Conservatives are running interests of public office holder. a leaner war room and a national campaign made up mostly of cam- the government By BEA VONGDOUANGCHANH paign veterans, some in new roles, whose goal is to persuade Canadi- Lobbyists are “frustrated” they ans to re-elect a “solid, stable Con- can’t work on the federal elec- servative government” to continue It’s a Harperendum, a tion campaign but vow to speak Canada’s economic recovery or risk out against a regulation that they a coalition government headed by national verdict on this think could be an unconstitutional Liberal Leader Michael Ignatieff.
    [Show full text]
  • BANC Issue35 1..104
    First Session Première session de la Forty-first Parliament, 2011-12-13 quarante et unième législature, 2011-2012-2013 Proceedings of the Standing Délibérations du Comité Senate Committee on sénatorial permanent des Banking, Trade and Banques et Commerce du commerce Chair: Président : The Honourable IRVING GERSTEIN L'honorable IRVING GERSTEIN Wednesday, May 29, 2013 Le mercredi 29 mai 2013 Thursday, May 30, 2013 Le jeudi 30 mai 2013 Issue No. 35 Fascicule no 35 Third and fourth meetings on: Troisième et quatrième réunions concernant : Bill C-377, An Act to amend Le projet de loi C-377, Loi modifiant la the Income Tax Act Loi de l'impôt sur le revenu (requirements for labour organizations) (exigences applicables aux organisations ouvrières) WITNESSES: TÉMOINS : (See back cover) (Voir à l'endos) 50179-50186 STANDING SENATE COMMITTEE ON COMITÉ SÉNATORIAL PERMANENT DES BANKING, TRADE AND COMMERCE BANQUES ET DU COMMERCE The Honourable Irving Gerstein, Chair Président : L'honorable Irving Gerstein The Honourable Céline Hervieux-Payette, P.C., Deputy Chair Vice-présidente : L'honorable Céline Hervieux-Payette, C.P. and et The Honourable Senators: Les honorables sénateurs : Black Maltais Black Maltais Campbell Massicotte Campbell Massicotte * Cowan Moore * Cowan Moore (or Tardif) Oliver (ou Tardif) Oliver Greene Ringuette Greene Ringuette * LeBreton, P.C. Segal * LeBreton, C.P. Segal (or Carignan) Tkachuk (ou Carignan) Tkachuk * Ex officio members * Membres d'office (Quorum 4) (Quorum 4) Changes in membership of the committee: Modifications de la composition du comité : Pursuant to rule 12-5, membership of the committee was Conformément à l'article 12-5 du Règlement, la liste des membres amended as follows: du comité est modifiée, ainsi qu'il suit : The Honourable Senator Segal replaced the Honourable Senator L'honorable sénateur Segal a remplacé l'honorable sénatrice Nancy Ruth (May 30, 2013).
    [Show full text]
  • Pink Crude Tar Sands Supporters Criticized for Using Gay Rights to Mask Environmental Disaster
    Pink Crude: Tar sands supporters criticized for using gay rights to mask... http://www.dominionpaper.ca/articles/4205 ISSUE: 79 SECTION: Canadian News GEOGRAPHY: Canada TOPICS: ethical oil , pink-washing , tar sands OCTOBER 21, 2011 Pink Crude Tar sands supporters criticized for using gay rights to mask environmental disaster by JESSE GRASS The Dominion - http://www.dominionpaper.ca MONTREAL—As the negative environmental and health impacts of the Alberta tar sands grow, defenders of the huge oil extraction project continue to try to green-wash the endeavour by leaning on arguments that make it appear more environmentally friendly than it truly is. Recently, industry backers have added "pink-washing"—brandishing queer rights to promote Alberta's oil as an ethical choice. This past September, former Conservative government aide Alykhan Velshi launched a media blitz to build on right-wing pundit Ezra Levant's push to re-brand the tar sands as “Ethical Oil.” The centrepiece of Velshi's campaign is a series of seven ads, presenting two images each: on the left, a frightening scene from PHOTO: KERRI FLANNIGAN a state in which conflict oil is produced; on the right, a polished image of a happy white DEL.ICIO SHARE Canadian worker or pristine landscape. "While working in Afghanistan I have “[Canadians] have a choice to rarely seen any reports in the mainstream make: Ethical Oil from press that truly reflect the situation here. Canada...and other liberal For journalists keen on spreading the truth, democracies, or Conflict Oil from newspapers like the Dominion are politically oppressive...regimes,” essential. They give us hope." --Chris Sands, explains Velshi in a blog entry on freelance journalist living in Afghanistan The Huffington Post.
    [Show full text]
  • 2013 FC 1283 Ottawa, Ontario, December 23, 2013 PRESENT
    Date: 20131223 Docket: T-447-09 Citation: 2013 FC 1283 Ottawa, Ontario, December 23, 2013 PRESENT: The Honourable Mr. Justice Zinn BETWEEN: 2013 FC 1283 (CanLII) CANADIAN ARAB FEDERATION (CAF) Applicant and THE MINISTER OF CITIZENSHIP AND IMMIGRATION Respondent REASONS FOR JUDGMENT AND JUDGMENT [1] This is an application for judicial review by the Canadian Arab Federation [CAF] of a decision by The Minister of Citizenship and Immigration, then Jason Kenney [the Minister], not to enter into a funding agreement under the Language Instruction for Newcomers to Canada [LINC] program for the year 2009-2010. This decision was made by the Minister despite the fact that Citizenship and Immigration Canada [CIC] had previously entered into similar funding arrangements with CAF for many years; the most recent of which expired March 30, 2009, just days after the decision under review was made. Page: 2 [2] The reasons for the Minister’s decision are set out in a letter to CAF dated March 18, 2009, from the Associate Assistant Deputy Minister of CIC to Khaled Mouammar, President of CAF at that time: As you are also aware, serious concerns have arisen with respect to certain public statements that have been made by yourself or other officials of the CAF. These statements have included the promotion of hatred, anti-semitism [sic] and support for the banned terrorist organizations Hamas and Hezbollah. 2013 FC 1283 (CanLII) The objectionable nature of these public statements – in that they appear to reflect the CAF’s evident support for terrorist organizations and positions on its part which are arguably anti-Semitic – raises serious questions about the integrity of your organization and has undermined the Government’s confidence in the CAF as an appropriate partner for the delivery of settlement services to newcomers.
    [Show full text]
  • Human Rights and Creed Research and Consultation Report
    Human Rights and Creed Research and consultation report ISBN: 978-1-4606-3360-1 (Print) 978-1-4606-3361-8 (HTML) 978-1-4606-3362-5 (PDF) © 2013 Queen’s Printer for Ontario Available in various formats Also available online: www.ohrc.on.ca Disponible en français Human rights and creed research and consultation report Contents I. Introduction ................................................................................................................ 1 1. Setting the context................................................................................................... 1 2. The purpose of this report........................................................................................ 2 3. Criteria for assessing and developing human rights policy ...................................... 2 II. Executive summary................................................................................................... 3 III. Background and context ......................................................................................... 7 Key questions .............................................................................................................. 7 1. Current social and demographic trends ................................................................... 7 1.1 Diversity of creed beliefs and practices.............................................................. 7 1.2 Individual belief and practice............................................................................ 10 1.3 Policy and program trends ..............................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • SFU Thesis Template Files
    The Right to Authentic Political Communication by Ann Elizabeth Rees M.A., Simon Fraser University, 2005 B.A., Simon Fraser University, 1980 Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the School of Communication Faculty of Arts and Social Science Ann Elizabeth Rees 2016 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Spring 2016 Approval Name: Ann Elizabeth Rees Degree: Doctor of Philosophy Title: The Right to Authentic Political Communication Examining Committee: Chair: Katherine Reilly, Assistant Professor Peter Anderson Senior Supervisor Associate Professor Catherine Murray Supervisor Professor Alison Beale Supervisor Professor Andrew Heard Internal Examiner Associate Professor Political Science Department Paul Thomas External Examiner Professor Emeritus Department of Political Studies University of Manitoba Date Defended/Approved: January 22, 2016 ii Abstract Increasingly, governments communicate strategically with the public for political advantage, seeking as Christopher Hood describes it to “avoid blame” and “claim credit” for the actions and decisions of governance. In particular, Strategic Political Communication (SPC) is becoming the dominant form of political communication between Canada’s executive branch of government and the public, both during elections and as part of a “permanent campaign” to gain and maintain public support as means to political power. This dissertation argues that SPC techniques interfere with the public’s ability to know how they are governed, and therefore undermines the central right of citizens in a democracy to legitimate elected representation by scrutinizing government and holding it to account. Realization of that right depends on an authentic political communication process that provides citizens with an understanding of government. By seeking to hide or downplay blameworthy actions, SPC undermines the legitimation role public discourse plays in a democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Are You “Active”? - Voices of Young Muslim Women Post-9/11
    WHY ARE YOU “ACTIVE”? - VOICES OF YOUNG MUSLIM WOMEN POST-9/11 by Jabeen Aslam A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts Graduate Department of Sociology and Equity Studies in Education Ontario Institute for Studies in Education University of Toronto © Copyright by Jabeen Aslam (2011) WHY ARE YOU “ACTIVE”? - VOICES OF YOUNG MUSLIM WOMEN POST-9/11 Master of Arts 2011 Jabeen Aslam Department of Sociology and Equity Studies in Education University of Toronto Abstract Contributing to the literature on the Muslim experience post-9/11, the purpose of this study was to engage with a group that is often talked about, but not with: Muslim youth. Using an integrative anti-racist and anti-colonial approach with an emphasis on a spiritual way of knowing, this study gives voice to young Muslim activists in Toronto who have made the choice to “do something”. The study aims to understand what motivates these young activists, particularly in the context of post-9/11 Islamophobia, with the goal being to challenge stereotypical perceptions of Muslims, while contributing to the body of knowledge that aims to disrupt dominant notions of what “Canadian” identity is. The following analysis helps answer this question, which includes the role of spirituality, the attachment to Canadian identity and the desire to educate. Key challenges and what these youth prescribe for Canada’s future are also discussed. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank the numerous individuals who have been instrumental in completing this project. First, to the seven young women interviewed in this paper – for your willingness to participate I am forever grateful.
    [Show full text]
  • Canadian Muslim Voting Guide: Federal Election 2019
    Wilfrid Laurier University Scholars Commons @ Laurier Sociology Faculty Publications Sociology Fall 2019 Canadian Muslim Voting Guide: Federal Election 2019 Jasmin Zine Wilfrid Laurier University, [email protected] Fatima Chakroun Wilfrid Laurier University Shifa Abbas Wilfrid Laurier University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.wlu.ca/soci_faculty Part of the Islamic Studies Commons, and the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Zine, Jasmin; Chakroun, Fatima; and Abbas, Shifa, "Canadian Muslim Voting Guide: Federal Election 2019" (2019). Sociology Faculty Publications. 12. https://scholars.wlu.ca/soci_faculty/12 This Report is brought to you for free and open access by the Sociology at Scholars Commons @ Laurier. It has been accepted for inclusion in Sociology Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholars Commons @ Laurier. For more information, please contact [email protected]. PREPARED BY CANADIAN ISLAMOPHOBIA INDUSTRY RESEARCH PROJECT TABLE OF C ONTENTS Summary of Federal Party Grades 1 How to Use this Guide 1 Introduction 2 Muslim Canadian Voters 2 Key Issues 2 Key Issues 1 Alt-Right Groups & Islamophobia 1 Motion 103 4 Religious Freedom and Dress in Quebec (BILL 21 & BILL 62) 3 Immigration/Refugees 4 Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) Movement 5 Foreign Policy 4 Conclusion 4 References by Section 5 The Canadian Muslim Voting Guide is led by Dr. Jasmin Zine, Professor, Wilfrid Laurier University. This guide was made possible with support from Hassina Alizai, Ryan Anningson, Sahver Kuzucuoglu, Doaa Shalabi, Ryan Hopkins and Phillip Oddi. The guide was designed by Fatima Chakroun and Shifa Abba. PAGE 01 S UMMARY OF FEDERAL PARTY GRADES Grades: P – Pass; N - Needs Improvement; F – Fail.
    [Show full text]
  • The Case Against National Security Courts
    WLR45-3_VLADECK_EIC_FINAL_SAC_3_20_09 3/31/2009 5:14:21 PM THE CASE AGAINST NATIONAL SECURITY COURTS STEPHEN I. VLADECK∗ I. INTRODUCTION Calls for a special judicial forum to resolve questions arising out of the detention and incapacitation of suspected terrorists are nothing new. Even before the attacks of September 11, 2001, suggestions within the United States that certain terrorism-related legal questions should be resolved before hybrid tribunals operating under different rules had received a fair amount of attention. Thus, in 1996, for example, Congress created the specialized Alien Terrorist Removal Court (ATRC) to process—behind closed doors—the deportation of non-citizens suspected of involvement in international terrorism.1 Indeed, the Supreme Court itself had hinted that the relevant constitutional considerations might vary where terrorism was concerned. In its last decision before September 11, the Court held that the potentially indefinite detention of a non-citizen pending deportation violated the Due Process Clause, but was equally clear that its decision did not “consider terrorism or other special circumstances where special arguments might be made for forms of preventive detention and for heightened deference to the judgments of 2 the political branches with respect to matters of national security.” * Associate Professor, American University Washington College of Law. This paper was prepared for (and presented at) the Willamette University College of Law’s 125th Anniversary Symposium on “Presidential Power in the 21st Century,” for my participation in which I owe thanks to Norman Williams. Thanks also to Sara Cassidey, Lee Ann Donaldson, Dorothy Ryan, and the staff of the Willamette Law Review for their editorial guidance and their patience, and to Maureen Roach for invaluable research assistance.
    [Show full text]
  • The Utility of Predicting Dangerousness in the War on Terror
    LAWSON EIC4 MACRO - TO PO(DO NOT DELETE) 5/21/2012 8:56 PM THE UTILITY OF PREDICTING DANGEROUSNESS IN THE WAR ON TERROR CATHERINE R. L. LAWSON* INTRODUCTION In the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 attacks, questions surrounding the use of power in many contexts confronted the United States in the new context of a War on Terror. These fresh inquiries centered primarily on the definitions and distinctions between “war” and armed conflict, the treatment of prisoners captured in the course of hostilities abroad, and the murky outer limits of executive authority in this new historical context. Nowhere did these pressing questions emerge more explicitly than in the cases brought by detainees held in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. The line of habeas corpus cases emerging from Guantanamo has trended towards a gradual expansion of the habeas doctrine, a doctrine still not fully developed in its application to non-state actors suspected or convicted of terrorism. From Rasul to Boumediene, the Supreme Court has progressively clarified that the writ of habeas does indeed apply to certain foreign individuals in some international contexts.1 However, as the preceding qualifying language suggests, the way in which the writ manifests on behalf of those individuals remains a murkier question. Since Boumediene, the United States Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit has been the principal court to address this question, as the circuit charged with maintaining jurisdiction over the Guantanamo habeas appeals. In its attempts to formulate an appropriate habeas process that both respects the government’s interests in both security and secrecy while also * Duke University School of Law, J.D.
    [Show full text]
  • La Série Télévisée Little Mosque on the Prairie De Zarqa Nawaz Et Le Discours De L’Authenticité Musulmane Franz Volker Greifenhagen
    Document generated on 09/27/2021 7:49 a.m. Théologiques La série télévisée Little Mosque on the Prairie de Zarqa Nawaz et le discours de l’authenticité musulmane Franz Volker Greifenhagen Le dialogue islamo-chrétien Article abstract Volume 19, Number 2, 2011 Muslims, challenged to construct a viable religious identity in a North American context where they are not only a minority, and often members of URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1024732ar immigrant communities, but also suffer from prevalent negative stereotypes in DOI: https://doi.org/10.7202/1024732ar dominant political and media portrayals, often make use of discourses of Muslim authenticity. These discourses frequently invoke a distinction between See table of contents cultural traditions, interpreted as contextual and limited, and “true Islam”, seen as universal and everlasting. Against the backdrop of these discourses, this article analyzes the television comedy series, Little Mosque on the Prairie, created by Zarqa Nawaz. Rather than rejecting cultural expressions of Islam, Publisher(s) Nawaz’s work suggests that an authentic Muslim identity at home in North Faculté de théologie et de sciences des religions, Université de Montréal America is itself a cultural construct, this despite both Muslim and non-Muslim counter-discourses that portray Muslim identity as incommensurate with western cultural contexts. ISSN 1188-7109 (print) 1492-1413 (digital) Explore this journal Cite this article Greifenhagen, F. V. (2011). La série télévisée Little Mosque on the Prairie de Zarqa Nawaz et le discours de l’authenticité musulmane. Théologiques, 19(2), 151–172. https://doi.org/10.7202/1024732ar Tous droits réservés © Théologiques, 2014 This document is protected by copyright law.
    [Show full text]
  • Solidarity and the Silencing of Palestinian Narratives I I
    1'"' Outside the Mi.ilticultural: Solidarity and the Silencing of Palestinian Narratives I I RAFEEF ZIADAH ·I A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO : THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL°FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN POLITICAL SCIENCE YORK UNIVERSITY TORONTO, ONTARIO October, 2013 © Rafeef Ziadah, 2013 Abstract This dissertation examines a series of efforts by the Canadian state to silence and censor the Palestine Solidarity Movement (PSM), particularly activism engaged in the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions campaign, in the years following the second Palestinian uprising (Intifada) of 2000. Following a delineation of the broad contours of Canada's official multicultural policy, the dissertation seeks to interrogate multicultural policy's inability to·accommodate Palestinian narratives relating to the struggle for Palestinian self-det~rmination. The analysis explores the central contradiction between the multicultural st*e's self-construction as accommodating and even celebrating cultural difference, and Canada's adoption and deployment of the discourse of clash of civilizations and the War on Terror. Rooted in a critique of liberal theories of the state and an understanding of Canada as a racial state embedded in neoliberal global hierarchies as a second tier imperialist state, this study reveals the ways in which notions of "tolerance" may be used to establish boundaries and markers of belonging. Moments of erasure and silencing are analyzed as racializing moments, whereby the state reveals its class and racial character in both domestic and international spheres. Specifically, the manifestations of anti-Arab, anti­ Muslim racism in Canada are interrogated. The silencing campaign against the Palestine Solidarity Movement demonstrates the role official multicultural policy has played in obfuscating this racism.
    [Show full text]