2013 FC 1283 Ottawa, Ontario, December 23, 2013 PRESENT
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2008 Hate Crime Survey
2008 Hate Crime Survey About Human Rights First HRF’s Fighting Discrimination Program Human Rights First believes that building respect for human The Fighting Discrimination Program has been working since rights and the rule of law will help ensure the dignity to which 2002 to reverse the rising tide of antisemitic, racist, anti- every individual is entitled and will stem tyranny, extremism, Muslim, anti-immigrant, and homophobic violence and other intolerance, and violence. bias crime in Europe, the Russian Federation, and North America. We report on the reality of violence driven by Human Rights First protects people at risk: refugees who flee discrimination, and work to strengthen the response of persecution, victims of crimes against humanity or other mass governments to combat this violence. We advance concrete, human rights violations, victims of discrimination, those whose practical recommendations to improve hate crimes legislation rights are eroded in the name of national security, and human and its implementation, monitoring and public reporting, the rights advocates who are targeted for defending the rights of training of police and prosecutors, the work of official anti- others. These groups are often the first victims of societal discrimination bodies, and the capacity of civil society instability and breakdown; their treatment is a harbinger of organizations and international institutions to combat violent wider-scale repression. Human Rights First works to prevent hate crimes. For more information on the program, visit violations against these groups and to seek justice and www.humanrightsfirst.org/discrimination or email accountability for violations against them. [email protected]. Human Rights First is practical and effective. -
We Have Names, We Have a Homeland the National Campaign to Retrieve War Victims and Unravel the Fate of Those Missing
We have Names, We have a Homeland The National Campaign to Retrieve War Victims and Unravel the Fate of Those Missing Jerusalem Legal Aid and The National Campaign to Retrieve War Victims Human Rights Center and Unravel the Fate of Those Missing We have Names, We have a Homeland Second edition Editorial Team: Salem Khilleh – National Campaign to Retrieve War Victims and Unravel the Fate of Those Missing, General Coordinator Issam Aruri – Jerusalem Legal Aid and Human Rights Center, Director Ikhlas Quran – Ju’beh, JLAC Husssein Abu Arra, JLAC Fatima AbdulKarim, JLAC Attorney Haitham Al-Khatib, JLAC Stories by: Samih Mohsin Faleh Atawneh Mulki Suleiman Issam Aruri Khaled Batrawi Ghassan AbdelHamid Ghazi Bani Odeh Momen Adel Awadallah Laila AlModallal Issa Qaraqe’ Tayseer Mheisen Mohannad AbdelHamid Tahseen Elayan Khaled Sabarneh Translation Editing and Proofreading Carol Mukarker Issam Aruri, Samih Mohsin and Salem Khilleh (Arabic) Fatima AbdulKarim, Mai Farsakh, Nadia Warrayat and Elizabeth Utting (English) Cover Photo Book Photos Fadi Arouri Fatima AbdulKarim, Hussain Abu Arra, Atef Safadi and Fadi Arouri Special thanks to Volunteers Suhair Shaarawi Samira Jabaly Reema Taweel Jihan Mansour Texts signed with their own writer’s names do not necessarily reflect the view of Jerusalem Legal Aid and Human Rights Center 2 For further information, contact: The National Campaign to Retrieve War Victims and Unravel the Fate of Those Missing Jerusalem Legal Aid and Human Rights Center Ramallah, AlMasayef Kamal Nasser str., Millennium building 6th floor P.O Box: 1560 Ramallah T: +97022987981 F: +97022987982 Email: [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] 3 Dedication- First edition When one’s hopes are bitter-sweet… During the composition of this book, Mohamed Issa Ishqukani (Abu Issa) the father of the late ‘Amer Ishqukani (who was killed on may 25, 2002 and whose body remains were detained in Israeli Custody) passed away on October 28 of 2009. -
BACKBENCHERS So in Election Here’S to You, Mr
Twitter matters American political satirist Stephen Colbert, host of his and even more SPEAKER smash show The Colbert Report, BACKBENCHERS so in Election Here’s to you, Mr. Milliken. poked fun at Canadian House Speaker Peter politics last week. p. 2 Former NDP MP Wendy Lill Campaign 2011. p. 2 Milliken left the House of is the writer behind CBC Commons with a little Radio’s Backbenchers. more dignity. p. 8 COLBERT Heard on the Hill p. 2 TWITTER TWENTY-SECOND YEAR, NO. 1082 CANADA’S POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT NEWSWEEKLY MONDAY, APRIL 4, 2011 $4.00 Tories running ELECTION CAMPAIGN 2011 Lobbyists ‘pissed’ leaner war room, Prime Minister Stephen Harper on the hustings they can’t work on focused on election campaign, winning majority This campaign’s say it’s against their This election campaign’s war room Charter rights has 75 to 90 staffers, with the vast majority handling logistics of about one man Lobbying Commissioner Karen the Prime Minister’s tour. Shepherd tells lobbyists that working on a political By KRISTEN SHANE and how he’s run campaign advances private The Conservatives are running interests of public office holder. a leaner war room and a national campaign made up mostly of cam- the government By BEA VONGDOUANGCHANH paign veterans, some in new roles, whose goal is to persuade Canadi- Lobbyists are “frustrated” they ans to re-elect a “solid, stable Con- can’t work on the federal elec- servative government” to continue It’s a Harperendum, a tion campaign but vow to speak Canada’s economic recovery or risk out against a regulation that they a coalition government headed by national verdict on this think could be an unconstitutional Liberal Leader Michael Ignatieff. -
Canada and the Middle East Today: Electoral Politics and Foreign Policy
CANADA AND THE MIDDLE EAST TODAY: ELECTORAL POLITICS AND FOREIGN POLICY Donald Barry Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper came to power in 2006 with little experience in foreign affairs but with a well developed plan to transform his minority Conservative administration into a majority government replacing the Liberals as Canada’s “natural governing party.”1 Because his party’s core of Anglo-Protestant supporters was not large enough to achieve this goal, Harper appealed to non- traditional Conservatives, including Jews, on the basis of shared social values. His efforts were matched by those of Jewish leaders and the government of Israel to win the backing of the government and its followers in the face of declining domestic support for Israel and the rise of militant Islamic fundamentalism. These factors accelerated a change in Canada’s Middle East policy that began under Prime Minister Paul Martin, from a carefully balanced stance to one that overwhelm- ingly favors Israel. Harper’s “pro-Israel politics,” Michelle Collins observes, has “won the respect—and support—of a large segment of Canada’s organized Jewish community.”2 However, it has isolated Canada from significant shifts in Middle East diplomacy and marginalized its ability to play a constructive role in the region. Harper and the Jewish Vote When he became leader of the Canadian Alliance party, which merged with the Progressive Conservatives to form the Conservative Party of Canada in 2004, Tom Flanagan says that Harper realized “The traditional Conservative base of Anglophone Protestants [was] too narrow to win modern Canadian elections.”3 In a speech to the conservative organization Civitas, in 2003, Harper argued that the only way to achieve power was to focus not on the tired wish list of economic conservatives or “neo-cons,” as they’d become known, but on what he called “theo-cons”—those social conservatives who care passionately about hot-button issues that turn on family, crime, and defense. -
BANC Issue35 1..104
First Session Première session de la Forty-first Parliament, 2011-12-13 quarante et unième législature, 2011-2012-2013 Proceedings of the Standing Délibérations du Comité Senate Committee on sénatorial permanent des Banking, Trade and Banques et Commerce du commerce Chair: Président : The Honourable IRVING GERSTEIN L'honorable IRVING GERSTEIN Wednesday, May 29, 2013 Le mercredi 29 mai 2013 Thursday, May 30, 2013 Le jeudi 30 mai 2013 Issue No. 35 Fascicule no 35 Third and fourth meetings on: Troisième et quatrième réunions concernant : Bill C-377, An Act to amend Le projet de loi C-377, Loi modifiant la the Income Tax Act Loi de l'impôt sur le revenu (requirements for labour organizations) (exigences applicables aux organisations ouvrières) WITNESSES: TÉMOINS : (See back cover) (Voir à l'endos) 50179-50186 STANDING SENATE COMMITTEE ON COMITÉ SÉNATORIAL PERMANENT DES BANKING, TRADE AND COMMERCE BANQUES ET DU COMMERCE The Honourable Irving Gerstein, Chair Président : L'honorable Irving Gerstein The Honourable Céline Hervieux-Payette, P.C., Deputy Chair Vice-présidente : L'honorable Céline Hervieux-Payette, C.P. and et The Honourable Senators: Les honorables sénateurs : Black Maltais Black Maltais Campbell Massicotte Campbell Massicotte * Cowan Moore * Cowan Moore (or Tardif) Oliver (ou Tardif) Oliver Greene Ringuette Greene Ringuette * LeBreton, P.C. Segal * LeBreton, C.P. Segal (or Carignan) Tkachuk (ou Carignan) Tkachuk * Ex officio members * Membres d'office (Quorum 4) (Quorum 4) Changes in membership of the committee: Modifications de la composition du comité : Pursuant to rule 12-5, membership of the committee was Conformément à l'article 12-5 du Règlement, la liste des membres amended as follows: du comité est modifiée, ainsi qu'il suit : The Honourable Senator Segal replaced the Honourable Senator L'honorable sénateur Segal a remplacé l'honorable sénatrice Nancy Ruth (May 30, 2013). -
Pink Crude Tar Sands Supporters Criticized for Using Gay Rights to Mask Environmental Disaster
Pink Crude: Tar sands supporters criticized for using gay rights to mask... http://www.dominionpaper.ca/articles/4205 ISSUE: 79 SECTION: Canadian News GEOGRAPHY: Canada TOPICS: ethical oil , pink-washing , tar sands OCTOBER 21, 2011 Pink Crude Tar sands supporters criticized for using gay rights to mask environmental disaster by JESSE GRASS The Dominion - http://www.dominionpaper.ca MONTREAL—As the negative environmental and health impacts of the Alberta tar sands grow, defenders of the huge oil extraction project continue to try to green-wash the endeavour by leaning on arguments that make it appear more environmentally friendly than it truly is. Recently, industry backers have added "pink-washing"—brandishing queer rights to promote Alberta's oil as an ethical choice. This past September, former Conservative government aide Alykhan Velshi launched a media blitz to build on right-wing pundit Ezra Levant's push to re-brand the tar sands as “Ethical Oil.” The centrepiece of Velshi's campaign is a series of seven ads, presenting two images each: on the left, a frightening scene from PHOTO: KERRI FLANNIGAN a state in which conflict oil is produced; on the right, a polished image of a happy white DEL.ICIO SHARE Canadian worker or pristine landscape. "While working in Afghanistan I have “[Canadians] have a choice to rarely seen any reports in the mainstream make: Ethical Oil from press that truly reflect the situation here. Canada...and other liberal For journalists keen on spreading the truth, democracies, or Conflict Oil from newspapers like the Dominion are politically oppressive...regimes,” essential. They give us hope." --Chris Sands, explains Velshi in a blog entry on freelance journalist living in Afghanistan The Huffington Post. -
Report on Public Forum
Anti-Terrorism and the Security Agenda: Impacts on Rights, Freedoms and Democracy Report and Recommendations for Policy Direction of a Public Forum organized by the International Civil Liberties Monitoring Group Ottawa, February 17, 2004 TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .......................................................................................................2 ABOUT THE ICLMG .............................................................................................................2 BACKGROUND .....................................................................................................................3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .....................................................................................................4 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR POLICY DIRECTION ..........................................................14 PROCEEDINGS......................................................................................................................16 CONCLUDING REMARKS...................................................................................................84 ANNEXES...............................................................................................................................87 ANNEXE I: Membership of the ICLMG ANNEXE II: Program of the Public Forum ANNEXE III: List of Participants/Panelists Anti-Terrorism and the Security Agenda: Impacts on Rights Freedoms and Democracy 2 __________________________________________________________________________________ ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Forum session reporting -
SFU Thesis Template Files
The Right to Authentic Political Communication by Ann Elizabeth Rees M.A., Simon Fraser University, 2005 B.A., Simon Fraser University, 1980 Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the School of Communication Faculty of Arts and Social Science Ann Elizabeth Rees 2016 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Spring 2016 Approval Name: Ann Elizabeth Rees Degree: Doctor of Philosophy Title: The Right to Authentic Political Communication Examining Committee: Chair: Katherine Reilly, Assistant Professor Peter Anderson Senior Supervisor Associate Professor Catherine Murray Supervisor Professor Alison Beale Supervisor Professor Andrew Heard Internal Examiner Associate Professor Political Science Department Paul Thomas External Examiner Professor Emeritus Department of Political Studies University of Manitoba Date Defended/Approved: January 22, 2016 ii Abstract Increasingly, governments communicate strategically with the public for political advantage, seeking as Christopher Hood describes it to “avoid blame” and “claim credit” for the actions and decisions of governance. In particular, Strategic Political Communication (SPC) is becoming the dominant form of political communication between Canada’s executive branch of government and the public, both during elections and as part of a “permanent campaign” to gain and maintain public support as means to political power. This dissertation argues that SPC techniques interfere with the public’s ability to know how they are governed, and therefore undermines the central right of citizens in a democracy to legitimate elected representation by scrutinizing government and holding it to account. Realization of that right depends on an authentic political communication process that provides citizens with an understanding of government. By seeking to hide or downplay blameworthy actions, SPC undermines the legitimation role public discourse plays in a democracy. -
Address to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’S Session
OSCE Conference on Combating Discrimination and Promoting Mutual Respect and Understanding - PC.NGO/27/07 Follow-up to the Cordoba Conference on Anti-Semitism and Other Forms of Intolerance 14 June 2007 Romania, Bucharest, 7 - 8 June 2007 Plenary Session 2 ENGLISH only Address to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s Session on Islamophobia Mohamed Boudjenane Executive Director Canadian Arab Federation Dear Mr. Chairman, I am sorry to be the last one to speak in this session tonight, but I will try to be quick. I am now wearing my hat as the representative of the Canadian Arab Federation (CAF), and also the board member of the Steering Committee of the National Anti-racism Coalition of Canada. I have to say that I am very shocked after hearing the minister speak earlier today, that he completely ignored the challenges faced by the Arab and the Muslim community in Canada. This is more shocking coming from a government who just recently had to apologize on behalf of the Canadian population to Maher Arar and his family, for the ordeal they were put through. The government recognizes the Canadian Security Agency’s responsibility in sending Maher Arar for one year to Syria, where he was imprisoned and tortured. This is again surprising from the government who just launched another public inquiry in the cases of three other Arab Muslim men who went through the same injustices as Maher Arar. Arabs and Muslims are currently one of the most targeted groups by Racism, Intolerance, and Islamophobia. A recent pool conducted by a major media outlet revealed that Arabs are the most hated ethnic group in Canada. -
The Case Against National Security Courts
WLR45-3_VLADECK_EIC_FINAL_SAC_3_20_09 3/31/2009 5:14:21 PM THE CASE AGAINST NATIONAL SECURITY COURTS STEPHEN I. VLADECK∗ I. INTRODUCTION Calls for a special judicial forum to resolve questions arising out of the detention and incapacitation of suspected terrorists are nothing new. Even before the attacks of September 11, 2001, suggestions within the United States that certain terrorism-related legal questions should be resolved before hybrid tribunals operating under different rules had received a fair amount of attention. Thus, in 1996, for example, Congress created the specialized Alien Terrorist Removal Court (ATRC) to process—behind closed doors—the deportation of non-citizens suspected of involvement in international terrorism.1 Indeed, the Supreme Court itself had hinted that the relevant constitutional considerations might vary where terrorism was concerned. In its last decision before September 11, the Court held that the potentially indefinite detention of a non-citizen pending deportation violated the Due Process Clause, but was equally clear that its decision did not “consider terrorism or other special circumstances where special arguments might be made for forms of preventive detention and for heightened deference to the judgments of 2 the political branches with respect to matters of national security.” * Associate Professor, American University Washington College of Law. This paper was prepared for (and presented at) the Willamette University College of Law’s 125th Anniversary Symposium on “Presidential Power in the 21st Century,” for my participation in which I owe thanks to Norman Williams. Thanks also to Sara Cassidey, Lee Ann Donaldson, Dorothy Ryan, and the staff of the Willamette Law Review for their editorial guidance and their patience, and to Maureen Roach for invaluable research assistance. -
The Utility of Predicting Dangerousness in the War on Terror
LAWSON EIC4 MACRO - TO PO(DO NOT DELETE) 5/21/2012 8:56 PM THE UTILITY OF PREDICTING DANGEROUSNESS IN THE WAR ON TERROR CATHERINE R. L. LAWSON* INTRODUCTION In the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 attacks, questions surrounding the use of power in many contexts confronted the United States in the new context of a War on Terror. These fresh inquiries centered primarily on the definitions and distinctions between “war” and armed conflict, the treatment of prisoners captured in the course of hostilities abroad, and the murky outer limits of executive authority in this new historical context. Nowhere did these pressing questions emerge more explicitly than in the cases brought by detainees held in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. The line of habeas corpus cases emerging from Guantanamo has trended towards a gradual expansion of the habeas doctrine, a doctrine still not fully developed in its application to non-state actors suspected or convicted of terrorism. From Rasul to Boumediene, the Supreme Court has progressively clarified that the writ of habeas does indeed apply to certain foreign individuals in some international contexts.1 However, as the preceding qualifying language suggests, the way in which the writ manifests on behalf of those individuals remains a murkier question. Since Boumediene, the United States Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit has been the principal court to address this question, as the circuit charged with maintaining jurisdiction over the Guantanamo habeas appeals. In its attempts to formulate an appropriate habeas process that both respects the government’s interests in both security and secrecy while also * Duke University School of Law, J.D. -
CAF, Jason Kenney, and Principles of Government Funding
Factsheet: CAF, Jason Kenney, and principles of government funding Factsheet Series No. 55, Created: March, 2009, Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East What is the Canadian Arab Federation and what does it stand for? The Canadian Arab Federation (CAF) is composed of over 40 member organizations and strives to raise awareness of issues impacting the Canadian Arab community. Its activities and projects include integration programs and language programs for new immigrants (of all origins), publications and education, public awareness, media relations and non-partisan government relations. CAF focuses on issues of interest to Canadian Arabs, both domestically and internationally. The CAF website states that the federation’s core values are: 1. The protection of civil liberties and the equality of human rights; 2. Combating racism and hate in all of its forms; 3. Working with all politicians and all levels of government on issues of importance to Canadian Arabs to promote community empowerment through civic participation; 4. Assuring the accurate representation of Arabs in the media, and in all areas of civil society; 5. A strong, vibrant multicultural Canada. CAF has long been critical of Canada’s support of Israel despite Israel’s longstanding record of human and humanitarian rights violations. CAF’s President, Khaled Mouammar, has referred to the state of Israel as the “Israeli Apartheid Regime,” and CAF has repeatedly supported boycott and divestment campaigns directed 1 2 at Israel. CAF receives $447,000 in funding from the government to run settlement programs in Toronto for new immigrants. None of this money funds any of CAF’s political activities.